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Mrs. Raymond Daniell

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Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2011 with funding from

University of Toronto

http://www.archive.org/details/defenceofrussiacOOsinc

NOTE ON THE PANSLAVISTS OF RUSSIA.

In my chapter on " The Reconstruction of the Greek Empire," I have very
strongly expre-sed my opposition to Panslavism, an 1 ha^e given the reasons on
which it is grounded ; but, on the other hand, I think it is only right that I
should record the very great esteem and regard which I entertain for the
President of the Panslavist Committee (M. Aksakoff), Dr. Pontsykovitch.
and others who belong to it ; and I firmly believe that the Russian Panslavists,
as" a body, ate infinitely superior, both in intelligence, patriotism, energy,
influence, and character, to the great bulk of their countrymen who hold opposite
opinions or none at all.

It is generally believed that the just and necessary war in which Russia is
now engaged in order to free the Christians of Turkey from the into'erablc
yoke of the Sultan might never have been waged but for the impulse which was
given to the national spirit by the patriotic ardour of the Panslavists ; but now
that Russia is engaged in this great struggle, the whole nation feels as one man
on the subject, from the Emperor to the humblest peasant, and they are
unanimously determined to complete the heroic task which they have under-
taken, and which has already involved sacrifices of life and treasure which no
possible gains in territory or otherwise can ever repay.

As far as I can judge, one Panslavist is at least equal to ten average
Russians, e-pecially the somniferous Rip Van Winkle Conservative party, who
are opposed to all free development of Russian institutions. When Mr.
Gladstone's powerful pamphlet appeared last year, the ruling party in Russia
had not the intelligence to see that the publication of that work in the Russian
and other European languages would afford more powerful support to the cause
of the Christians in Turkey and their Russian liberators than a whole army
of soldiers, as opinion, not material force only, rules the world ; and it
was reserved, as I am informed, for an English speculator from London to bring
out the work in Russian, which was financially and politically a great success.
In the case of the present work, a Panslavist Russian editor volunteered to
translate it ; and whilst from 250 to 1,000 copies is the average number of an
edition, he is to print no less than 7,400 in his first issue, which is both an
extraordinary and unlooked-for practical compliment, which I appreciate more
than any verbal and often insincere praise.

In this great cause of the Christians of Turkey I shall work preferentially
with the Panslavist party, as their volunteers are worth any number of pressed
men. Panslavism cannot, by any possibility, become a practical question for
many years; and if, when this Eastern Question is settled, it should become a
burning question during my life, and I should feel compelled to oppose it, it
would be with infinite reluctance that I should find myself ranged against such
brave, energetic, able, and worthy opponents, and I should be dispo-ed to
exclaim with the French at Fontenoy, "Gentlemen of the Panslavist party,
fire first ! "

i ururvi^rt KJiCKEATIONS ;

Being their idea of - Integrity? and " Independence ;» or ' Liberty '
jEqualitv ! ! and Fraternity ! ! ! "

•* 1 he LTns

Iiatak.

A Blind H
-Penisiitza
■Nestor :1

-ruJ"?ZJOJHE™T ,CART°ON-

B-~ Iransfi ' and Burnt.

F- Two Priests Huns in (.'hams and
G. A Priest ai Philipopolis
H.- Kaika.
1 \. Batafc

ather and Daughter Shot Through
Church.

Crucified.

rViesi .,. Ratal,

AUDI ALTERAM PARTEM.— STRIKE, BUT HEAR.

A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA

AND THE

CHRISTIANS OF TURKEY;

INCLUDING A SKETCH OF THE EASTERN QUESTION, FROM

1686 TO SEPTEMBER, 1877, WITH ITS BEST SOLUTION,

"THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE GREEK EMPIRE,"

AND STRICTURES ON THEIR OPPONENTS ;

WITH AN ORIGINAL CARTOON OF THE TURKISH ATROCITIES,
A MAP OF TURKEY, AND SEVERAL CARICATURES.

Sir Collnnacijc Sinclair, Bart, JE.$.

" What luill this babbler say ? "

" It would be absurd to think of bolstering up the Turkish power in Europe. It
is gone, in fact, We must reconstruct the Greek Empire. There is no doubt it would
have been better for the world if the Treaty of Adrianople had not been signed, if the
Russians had entered ©onstautinople, ai.d if the Turkish Empire had been dissolved."—
The Duke of Wellington, in 1829.

"The Russians actually occupied Constantinople in 1833 as allies of the Turks."—
Alison's History of Europe.

" The protection of the Christians of Turkey by Russia was, no doubt, prescribed
by duty, and sanctioned by treaty."— Lord John Russell's Dispatch to Sir Hamilton
Seymour, 1853.

" The newspaper outcry against Russia is no more respectable to me than the howl-
ings of Bedlam, proceeding as it does from the deepest ignorance, egoism, and paltry
national jealousy." — Carlyle.

" No grass grows where the hoof of a Sultan's horse has trod." — Turkish Proverb.

" I am altogether a Russ." — Lord Chatham, 1773.

"The ' Pall Mall Gazette ' seems to bs written by maniacs for fools." — Forsyth.

" Shall we ally ourselves with Sodom ? "— Freeman.

I shall be sorry to lose a man of his {Sir Tollemache Sinclair's) courage,
assiduity, and talent.'" — Gladstone.

LONDON :
CHAPMAN & HALL, PICCADILLY.

An edition in the Russian language of 7,400 copies will be published at
St. Petersburg immediately. This work may be reprinted gratuitously in any
language but English and Russian.

LONDON:
P1UNTED BY W. H. AND L. COLLINGKIDGE, C;lT PRESS,
128 AND 129, ALDEHSOATE BTKEKT, T.C.

CONTENTS.

J'AGE

The Truth about Russia 1

The Will of Peter the -Great Proved to be a

Forgery

Sketch of Past Phases of the Eastern Question
History of the Present Phase of the Eastern

Question

A Forecast of the Probable Results of the Present

Russo-Turkish War

Mahometanism Unmasked

The Sultan Not the Head of the Mahometan

Religion ........

"The Unspeakable Turk" ....

Poland from a Common Sense Point of View

Ireland the English Poland

A Benevolent Despotism Better than Oppressive

Parliamentary Government
Refutation of Colonel Mansfield

The Indian Nightmare

" We must Reconstruct the Greek Empire "
Concluding Chapter

33

3G

58

95

102

107
113
154
162

171
180
189
197
230

EEEATA.

PAGE. LINE.

ix 6 For " refused me" reai " refused to insert."

ix 30 {note) For " ' Nihil quod teteget,' not 'viviat it ' " read '• Nihil quod"

tetigit non vitiavit."
9 33 For "In my letters to the Scotsman " read "In my chapter on the

present phase of the Eastern Question."
17 18 Omit repetition " "When will this insolent assumption cease ? "

22 24 For " odius " read " odious."

23 5 Omit "task."

28 31 Omit "German."
153 7 For " We might " read " He might."
215 4 Omit "And I have had a dotted line traced thereon, in accordance.

with M. Bianconi's views."
243 21 For " Cabinet. The " read " Cabinet, the."
243 28 For " But oh, defend," read " Spare, oh spare."

ERRATA.

In Note on Panslavists (at back of cartoon, line 5), for " Pontsykovitch," read
"Poutsykovitch."

PAGE. LINK.

x 18 For " subsequently a Defence of," read " The truth about."

23 16 For "Latakia" read "perfumed."

48 33 After " consequence of" insert " the jealousy of."

51 16 After "Lord Grey " insert " in 1877."

61 19 For "Les Responsibilitis " read " Les Responsabilites. "

79 24 For " Proctocol " read " Declaration."
Ill 1 Omit "(Shiites)."

114 5 After "Turks" insert apostrophes, to indicate close of quotation.

126 12 For "he " read " Lord Derby."

145 17 For " the Turk " read " a Turk."

146 22 For "Lavelayo" read " Layelaye."
153 7 For "We" read "I."

162 2 Before " The exclusion " read " O'Neill Daunt says."
165 7 Omit from "and must" to end of sentence .
177 3 For " one " read " dog."

„ 14 After "laws" insert "phraseology."

„ 29 For "and" read "for."

184 36 The foot-note should read thus: "Qui cum Jesu itis non itis cum

Jesuitis."

185 20 After "an" insert "English."
192 36 After " deprived" insert " of it."
209 5 For " most " read " almoat."

233 11 After "Attoraey- General" insert " who was once a candidate for the
Reform Club."

243 12 The parenthesis should be placed after "1,200,000," instead of after
" Britons."
„ 21 The clause beginning "the same" and ending at "event" {line 23)
should be in parentheses.

247 15 (second column) For " Tanoredi " read " Tancred."

249 49 (arst column) For "De Tocqueville on their jealousy of the Slavo-
nians " read De Tocqueville on jealousy."

251 23 (second columa) For "Safket" read " Safvet."

Ii Opinions on Publications, 3rd page, line 32, for " Koluische" read " Kol-
nische"; 5th page, line 14, omit "On Work on Franco-German War" ;
5th page, line 46, for " successful " read " unsuccessful."

PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND.

A WORD TO MY CRITICS.

Having received a large number of criticisms from various
London, provincial, and continental newspapers, both on my
" Defence of Russia," and on my speeches in Caithness, I
avail myself of an unexpected delay which has occurred in the
publication of the complete bound and illustrated edition of my
work to make a few remarks in reply.

Being, like Paul Jones, " grateful for praise, spontaneous and
unbought," I cordially thank some of those who have done me the
honour of noticing my book, for the kindly, genial, and sometimes
only too nattering way in which they have criticised it ; whilst
adverse critics have sometimes shown a disposition to give me fair
play ; and even those who are most hostile, by the prominence they
have given to my publication in their columns and their unspar-
ing antagonism, may perhaps do my work more good in the eyes
of an impartial public than a portion of those who are friendly to
my production, but some of these wiseacres persist in calling my
work of upwards of 500 pages a pamphlet, because, like all French
works, the cheap edition is issued in paper covers.

I have been immensely diverted by some of these adverse criti-
cisms; and, though I prefer seeing others satirized, and am some-
what given to irony myself, I enjoy it, even at my own expense,
when cleverly done with, as it were, a sharp razor, and not a
blunt and rusty knife. It is certainly a little singular that some
of those who consider my book and my speeches utterly worthless
and unreadable, should, nevertheless, have devoted leading articles
and columns of type to the endeavour to demolish me ; and I
have especially to notice the Standard, which used to be known as
Mrs. Gamp, and which has honoured me with a column of censure
in large type, for which I am infinitely obliged, whilst I sholud

b

11 PEEFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND.

have been quite inconsolable if it had praised me. In the exami-
nations at the primary schools, scholars are classified according to
standards, and I should imagine that the lowest possible standard
must be the Standard newspaper, at any rate it is at the tail of
the daily Press, and even Conservatives rarely read it, though, in
compassion, and to help the party, they may reluctantly take it in.

The Standard says : " A man so innocent of a joke was, perhaps,
never produced north of the boundary Hue between England and
Scotland." Now, I think few books on political subjects contain
so many good stories and jokes, some of which have always en-
joyed a great reputation, whilst others have been handed down to
me by my father, who was one of the wittiest men I ever knew.
It so happens that I am known among my friends as one who is
especially fond of jokes, and I am willing to wager ten to one
that I will beat the Editor of the Standard and all his staff in
telling stories in English and French, and in various dialects,
giving him the benefit of a Conservative and Turcophile jury
to decide who is the winner. By the way, perhaps, the Standard
will take the opportunity of showing the point of the joke which
it placards all over London, namely, that it is the largest news-
paper in the world, whilst the Times is evidently not only as
superior in quality and influence " as a silk purse to a sow's ear,"
but much more considerable in size. But I suppose this is a
pious fraud to bolster up the waning fortunes of Mrs. Gamp.

The Standard says my book contains " sportive essays of his
own, of which it is only fair to say that they are entertaining
beyond any idea of amusement which could be conceived by their
author himself." As authors generally are sufficiently partial to
their own works, this sentence is praise of the highest order.
He adds that " Here may be found lh<: cream of all that the
pamphleteers and the writers on the Eastern Question have been
saying on the Eastern Question," and these words alone show the
utility of my work, and acquit me of the fatal error of quoting any
of the ttk of the Standard.

As an illustration of the proverb that " none are so blind as those
who won't see," I may mention that one of my critics, with a letter
before him from the Liberal Committee of Caithness, unanimously

PKEFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND. Ill

expressing their satisfaction that I had agreed to remain till the
Dissolution, says that " his constituents are heartily sick of him."

Some newspapers say that the work is " unreadable " — " a
crude heap of irrelevant and undigested material ; " others that
" it gives the right information at the right moment," that " some
chapters are especially valuable and highly instructive," that " the
public could not do better than make a careful perusal of the
work," that " everybody wall find in it something suitable to his
literary palate," that " it is a very well written work from a facile
pen," that " there is much lively writing in it," that "the author
is a solemn and conceited bore " (Glasgoio Herald), that " the
felling of trees would be a bight task compared with the perusal
of Sir T. Sinclair's rejected letters " (Pall Mall Gazette), and of
another work of mine, " it was a capital lecture, full of cleverness
and of bold yet kindly truth-telling " (Scotsman), whilst the
Saturday RevUer, after stating that Scotch Liberals "must often
despise the elected" M.P.'s, adds, that only eight of us have ever
been heard of out of Scotland, in the face of the fact that some
of my writings on the Eastern Question have been reproduced in
the Russian, French, German, and Greek languages.

Some Turcophile newspapers complain of the large number of
quotations which I have given from eminent statesmen and writers
in favour of Russia and against Turkey, and no doubt some
chapters — and especially the first — are overloaded with facts
statistics, and quotations, but all of these have been selected and
carefully pruned down to the narrowest compass ; and I would con-
sider it dishonest to plagiarize, unacknowledged, the ideas and
words of other authors, as was proved against D'Israeli ; whilst
the same journalspraise Baron do "Worms' book on the Turkish side,
though more than half of his book consists of entire Blue Books,
unabridged and undigested; but according to the proverb, " One
man may steal a horse, the other must not look over the fence."

One critic, in spite of the proverb that you should not look a
gift horse in the mouth, takes me to task for " worrying news-
paper editors " by sending them my book ; adding " that it is
almost an insult to expect an editor — much more to ask it — to
wade through such a confused, unconnected, and disorganised

&2

IV PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND.

mass of mutter." The "writer of this sentence should have remem-
bered that people in glass houses should not throw stones, for his
criticism is much more heterogeneous than my book, his
grammar leaves much to be desired ; and I did not ask him
to criticise my book, but to send me any criticism if he chose to
review it. I was not aware that an editor was of the neuter
gender till this one informed me so, and if he is neuter he certainly
is not neutral. More than one of these " men in the brazt n mask "
hit at me belovv' the belt, but their adroitness and courage is not
equal to their malignity.

Another editor complains of me for inflicting so intolerable a
"work on the patience of the reading public, but I have yet to
learn that there is any Act of Parliament by which even a single
individual can be compelled to buy it ; and though some chapters
may be overloaded with quotations, and inartistically composed,
there are others in each volume open to no such objection, and
these alone are well Avorth the single shilling which is the price
of each volume, and a great deal cheaper than his stupid journal
at one penny.

Nothing is more common than for an author to publish a
volume of essays on any subject or variety of subjects, and maga-
zines and reviews contain the most heterogeneous topics. Why.
then, should I be condemned for taking up the Eastern Question
in all its ramifications? And if I have, according to another
editor, produced a " hodge-podge," I can only say there is no
dish more palatable.

There is hardly a sentence in my book which is not directly or
indirectly connected with the Eastern Question, only some re-
viewers are so dense, so prejudiced, or so careless that they cannot
see what is obvious to any impartial and acute reader.

Whatever faults there may be in the style and arrangement of
my work, it is a curious fact that though I urged my Russian
translator to prune its excrescences, transpose any passages that
were wrongly placed, vary any synonyms, omit those facts
which were not likely to interest foreigners, and even whole
chapters if he thought proper, without my being in the least
offended or dissatisfied, he has translated and printed my work

PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND. V

verbatim, excepting that he has omitted the chapter on the recon-
struction of the Greek Empire, which is contrary to the ideas of
the Slav Committee, of which he is a member. If my work is so
utterly devoid of merit, as some critics pretend, it is not likely
that the Russians would be such idiots as to print a first edition
of 7,400 copies, an honour which they did not even confer on Mr.
Gladstone, whose pamphlet was translated into Russian, and
published by an English speculator. Many pamphlets have been
published by the Eastern Association, and by individuals in
favour of Russia and the Christians, but not one has been trans-
lated into Russian, nor have the Turks thought it worth while to
translate and publish either Baron de Worms' book or any of
the other Turcomaniac works which Turcophile critics so greatly
prefer to mine.

To collect all the books, pamphlets, newspapers, reviews, &c,
from which I have quoted would cost an enormous sum, and those
who find fault with my cpiotations do so because their views are so
thoroughly confuted by my authorities that they have not a leg
to stand upon. They surely cannot pretend that they have
previously read all, or even a large proportion, of the cpiotations I
have made, and that they retain vividly in their memories any
considerable proportion of those with which they were antecedently
accmainted.

Because this is the first book I ever published in the English
language, my previous book on the Franco-German War having
been published in German, and that I am unknown as an author,
some of these unjust and unscrupulous critics think they can safely
run down my work ; but, if I obtain a clear stage and no favour, I am
ready to meet (and refute) any number of them, and the more the
merrier. If the name of any well-known author had been on my title-
page, they would have praised the book; and, if my name had been
on one of Mr. Gladstone's Avorks, they would have condemned it; just
as the critics of a former generation were taken in by Ireland's
forgeries on Shakespeare, and lauded them as immortal works, but,
when it was discovered that they were Ireland's own composition,
they said that they were the greatest rubbish that anyone had
ever written.

Tl TREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND.

Some of my critics fall foul of me for some grammatical and
other errors which are the fault of the printer, and which I have
corrected in the Errata ; and this is, I suppose, their notion of
fair play.

The Nord Deutsche AUgemeine Zeitung says of one of my
chapters : " Sir T. Sinclair has a claim to the consideration of
the Germans, who remember with pleasure their debt of gratitude
to him. So far no one could treat the subject with more warmth
and eloquence."

The Nord says of another portion of my work that it made a
great sensation in Russia, and the Russian translator of my book
is publishing a first edition of 7,400 copies, the usual number
being from 250 to 500, whilst the whole trade of London only
subscribed for three copies !

Mr. Holyoake said of another publication of mine : — " There is
an air of clever and amusing candour about it, there is a calcu-
lating recklessness in the style, which is quite refreshing. The
speaker appears to dash off his ideas, but, when the phrases have
entertained the reader, there is found to be good sound sense in
them."

The World says : — "Sir Tollemache Sinclair is the clever and
eccentric son of a moi'e clever and eccentric father. He has much
curious knowledge of out-of-the-way subjects, which has perhaps
not received due recognition. He has an awkward way of o
sionally bringing to light inconvenient passages in the lives of
eminent individuals, and recently, as we noticed at the time in these
columns, reminded the world of Mr. D'Israeli's overtures twenty
years ago to Count Seebach — an allegation which may be regarded
as historically established, and which was not in the remotest
degree disposed of by the Prime Minister's jaunty letter to Sir S.
Northcote. . . Valuable as is the service he might perform for
the Liberal party, he remains a political hommt into

I have also received autograph letters of thanks from Prince
Bismarck and Count Moltke for my writings in favour of Germany,
and portions of this work have been reprinted in Greek and other
Langu

I further subjoin an able letter which I have received from M.

PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND. Vll

Aksakoff, President of the Slav Committee of Moscow, which shows
his opinion of my work even in its incomplete state, and which
also shows that the general supposition in "Western Europe that the
design of the Slav party in Russia is to annex all the Slavonic race
to the Russian Empire, is entirely unfounded, and I may here
further add a fact which appears in the Turcophile Globe of
November 1, and which is most creditable to the Russians : —
" During the last ten years the formation of scholarships in pre-
ference to the erection of monuments, has been carried on with
so much vigour, that during that period the number of purses
established may be reckoned by thousands. . . Sometimes as
many as a hundred have been authorised in one morning."

The Daily Review of Edinburgh, the organ of the Free Church,
in a notice of my book, speaks of my " combined folly and
vulgarity. That it should be possible for such a speaker and
writer as the Member for Caithness to find a seat, though it has
long been hereditary in his family, is a reflection alike on the House
of Commons and the people of Caithness." This thick-skulled and
venomous critic shows his ignorance by stating that the seat has
been hereditary in my family, as Mr. Traill held it for nearly thirty
years between my father and myself, and my great-grandfather
never was in Parliament. The Daily Review, in a leading article,
abused me for saying that the leaders of the Liberal party were
supercilious and snubbed their followers, and defied me to give
further and more satisfactory proofs ; but it is a fact that Mr. Smith,
the Conservative First Lord of the Admiralty, was blackballed as a
candidate for the Reform Club, because, forsooth, he was a trades-
man, and that Sir John Holker, now Attorney-General, was also ex-
cludedfrom the Reform, besides Sir H. Peek and many others, whose
adherence materially strengthens the Conservative and weakens
the Liberal party. I complained of being snubbed by Lord Hart-
ington, not because I had not received more than my fair share
of hospitality from him, as I drew a soup ticket for dinner at
Devonshire House in the usual lottery last season, and, though
these entertainments are usually intolerably dull, and I sat be-
tween an Obstructive and a Destructive, with a Constructive on
the opposite side, still the dinner was excellent ; but the Hartington

Vlll PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND.

sauce is, to me, most unpalatable, though other M.P.'s may not
object to it, or even enjoy it. My critic does not explain how it can
be a reflection on the House of Commons that I have been able not
" to find a seat," as he says, but that I was willing to accept a
seat, which was conferred on me unsolicited by the people of
Caithness.

The Birmingham Advertiser politely speaks of my essays as
" sodden, unenlivened by a spark of wit or humour. It is merely
coarse and disjointed irony, and if it were not the workmanship
of Sir Tollemache Sinclair, we should say it was that of an idiot."
On the other hand, the Wycombe Telegraph says, "We refer careful
readers to this work with the greatest pleasure ; it is almost a
complete Eucyclopcedia on this subject. There can be no question
of this, that Sir T. Sinclair writes well, and that very little of
the book is taken up with redundant expressions or tautology;"
and the Salford Weekly Chronicle, though hostile, adds, " Why
cannot Sir Tollemache devote his rare and undoubted abilities to
the promotion of some work by which he would leave as lasting a
name, and as wholesome an influence as those who have gone
before him?"

I come now to the Athenceum, which treats me to a couple of
pages of adverse but dull criticism, which would be dear at a
farthing a line. It begins by calling me an elderly Highland
gentleman, but I want many years of being elderly, and my
residence is beyond the Highlands. He is again mistaken in
saying that I stated I did not get a hearing in the House of
Commons, for I spoke without any interruption to a supercilious
House for an hour on the Eastern Question. My critic must haw
been at a great loss for points of attack as he has selected so trifling
a subject as my observations on the diner a la Russe, but the
real fact is, that these unknown, anonymous, and insignificant
penny-a-liners usually, instead of reading the book they pretend
to criticise, merely cast their eye over the index, or table of
contents, and select any topic which they think will suit them ;
and they remind me of an amusing satire on one of their fraternity,
who is represented as saying, "I have now given the public all
that it is necessary for them to know, and more than they can

PEEFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND. IX

appreciate of my decisions on the literature of the week. The
above works are all that I have had leisure to look at ; still, the
mere fact of my not having seen them would not prevent me from
criticising all the rest if it was expedient or necessary. On the
whole, I consider the works of this week decidedly in advance of
those of the last, as that was of its predecessor, which I attribute
to my weekly critiques; and I doubt not that after diligent study
of this week's critiques considerable progress will be manifested
in future."

The AtkmoBum then states, " Toleration, except to dissenters, says
Sir Tollemache, is a tradition of Russian policy (p. 10); but it was
Mr. Wallace, as I state, that said this, and I understand him to
mean that whilst the Russians are tolerant to Roman Catholics,
United Greeks, Jews, Mussulmans, &c, who are born in these
faiths, they are, like the Mussulmans, not tolerant to those
who abjure the orthodox religion, when they are born members
of that creed.

My critic says that "whole congregations and villages are
commanded by the head of the Church to abjure the rites they
have been brought up to reverence," but I have proved the con-
trary in my chapter refuting Colonel Mansfield.

My reviewer, too, while attacking the Czars for not giving a
constitution to Russia, conveniently ignores the fact to which I had
given prominence, that Finland has always had a most liberal con-
stitution, and that Russia respected the Polish constitution till their
unwise and unjustifiable rebellion, which rebellion was the main
cause which prevented the Emperor from fulfilling his intention
of giving a constitution to the whole empire. Even one of Mr.
Freeman's lectures is pronounced by this superior being, whose
name is probably as obscure as that of Mr. Freeman's is eminent,
to be crude, whilst his own dicta are crude without the " c."

With reference to my attack on oppressive parliaments, this
new Longinus says: "It does so happen that all those cases
occurred before the Parliaments of the three kingdoms was in-
corporated into one," from which it follows that, in the opinion
of this critic, the greater respect for law and love of justice which
characterised the hundred and odd Irish Members who joined the

X PREFACE TO SIXTH TnOUSAXD.

British Parliament, put an end to the lawlessness and oppression
of the large majority of English and Scotch members ! He also
says " that the atrocities committed in Ireland by the English
took place when there was neither national representation there,
nor imperial representation here ;" but if the British Parliament
took advantage of the absence of Irish representatives before the
Union to oppress the Irish nation, and did not venture to do so
afterwards, when the Union took place and they had to face the
representatives of Ireland, their conduct was cowardly and wicked
in the extreme.

The reviewer, who, probably, himself often means the contrary
of what he says, and sometimes does not appear to know his
own meaning or his own mind, pretends, in the face of the quota-
tion which I have given from the Duke of Wellington's des-
patches, namely, "we must reconstruct the Greek Empire," that
he had no such wish, and I never said he wished " to set up an
Hellenic puppet;" in fact, on two successive occasions, the Greeks
have chosen foreigners, and not Greeks, as kings. Besides, so far
from the Greeks being puppets of the Russians, their views are
irreconcileably opposed, for the Greeks justly consider they have
a right to the whole of Turkey as far as the. Balkans, and the
Russians consider that the greater part of this territory belongs
to the Slavonian race. My critic accuses me of taking " copious
draughts of Punch" ; but about four pages out of upwards of five
hundred cannot fairly be termed a " copious draught ; " and the
conclusion is irresistible, from this and other exaggerations, that
my critic was under the influence of copious draughts of another
kind of punch, which is usually made from rum, though his
attempts to be rum, are complete failures. Again, Lord Robert
Montagu's thick octavo volume is not a pamphlet, as my critic
says ; but space would fail me to expose his numerous errors and
the vindictive animus which he shows against me.

If my book reaches a second edition I will unearth and name
some of these critical foxes, and drag these (Grub Street)
owls into an uncongenial daylight, instead of the misty twilight
in which they like to hide themselves and spue their venom over
their opponents. Why do they not, like the manly and able

PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND. XI

writers in the Contemporary and Fortnightly Reviews, in the Nine-
teenth Century, the North American Renew, the Revue des Dew:
Mondes, and the whole of the French newspapers, attach their
names to their articles, instead of stabbing their victims in the
dark with their vile and poisoned arrows 1 With some of them
I have the misfortune to be personally acquainted, and one of
them told me that he was obliged to cut up and abuse my
book, though he thought it extremely clever, amusing, and
instructive. The Pall Mall Gazette, with an utter and un-English
regard for fair play, abused my article on the " Indian Night-
mare " in a leader filling the whole front page of the paper, and
part of the next, disengenuously concealing my name, which I had
published, and said that I was " arrogant, foolish, ignorant," &c;
but when I wrote a very short note, justifying myself, and pointing
out a signal and ridiculous statistical mistake they had made, they
refused to insert it, their principle being la mod sans phrase ; and
I ask the public to say whether this is not most dishonest con-
duct on the part of Mr. Greenwood, the editor of the Pall Mall.

One of the most brilliant and successful writers on the Eastern
Question, whose works have passed through many editions wrote
to me as follows : — " As you know, I am diametrically opposed to
your opinions upon the Eastern War Question, but my partizan-
ship does not prevent me from admiring the fiery Scot's combative
spirit, the undaunted courage, and the almost romantic forgetful-
ness of self and self interest with which you tear into the fight."

In the meantime, hostile critics, au revoir, and may you soon
have another Byron to demolish you in a new " English Bards
and Scotch Reviewers."

LETTER FROM M. AKSAKOFF, PRESIDENT OF THE
SLAV COMMITTEE OF MOSCOW, TO SIR TOLLE-
MACHE SINCLAIR.

Sir, — If I have not written to you sooner it is not that I have
delayed voluntarily to reply to you, but because, after having
received the letter with which you have honoured me, I awaited
the arrival of the proof-sheets of your book which is now in the
press. I possess them now, and I hasten to thank you warmly

XU PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND.

for the agreeable hours of moral satisfaction that you have caused
me to experience. Without speaking of the thrilling interest
which the numerous quotations on the Eastern Question collected
in your book present, one feels oneself edified by that spirit of
justice, by that laborious love of truth, by that courage of one's
own opinion, by that noble and frank indignation against iniquity
which your work displays, and which serve powerfully to reconcile
we Russians with the English nation.

It is notorious, sir, that at this moment Russian society is
more than outraged by the political conduct of your Government,
by its proceedings towards us, and by all the atrocious calumnies
with which the greater part of the English newspapers — organs
of the Beaconsfield Ministry — inundate us. It is, therefore, a
service rendered not only to the cause of the Eastern Christians,
but to your own country, to show to the world in general, and to
Russia in particular, that the existing Cabinet cannot be con-
sidered as the true representative of the mind, of the thought, and
of the sentiments of the English people. In protesting loudly, as
you do, sir, in the name of the English nation, against the policy
pursued by your Government, you save the honour and the repu-
tation of your country, and you give us a pledge of peace and of
possible reconciliation in the future. Sir, the East of Europe
belongs to the Oriental Europeans ; the Slav countries belong to
the Slavs. Russia, the only Slav country which has succeeded in
creating a free power independent, and not destitute of strength,
is bound by all its national aspirations and historical traditions to
free its oppressed brethren of the same race, who are misunder-
stood and despised by Western Europe, and given over to all the
ignominy, all the atrocity, of the Turkish domination. It is not
a question of territorial conquests for Russia ; it is a question of
calling to an independent existence (political and social) all these
different Slav groups which people the Balkan peninsula. There
is no idea of annexation, but certainly it is not antagonists which
we seek to create ; and all these Slav peoples should be, ami will
be, attached to Russia by the moral ties of religious, national, and
physiological unity. Neither Western Europe in general, nor
England in particular, have anything to do with this ; there is not

PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND. X11I

an iota of British interest which is hazarded. The East has its
reason and its right to exist ; let it manage itself in its interior
relations as it thinks proper.

If the West is not of this opinion, it is because apparently it is
not the question of the right or the security of the English domi-
nation in India which engross its attention, but even the existence
of Russia and of the Slav world, of which for its part it would
not like to see looming in the horizon a future of prosperity and
power. But I think that Europe would do better to reconcile
itself to this fact, and not to complicate the situation by fomenting
in the Slav race, which is quite placable, sentiments of hatred and
vengeance.

Whatever circumstances exist, let us be on the side of justice
and truth. This is the only way to arrive at a solution of all the
questions here below, and to conquer the falsehood raised up by
modern civilisation into a real power of the first order, decorated
by the title of Public Opinion ! The Grand Chancellor of this
new Majesty, the High Priest of this new idol, is, without doubt,
Beaconsfield.

It is to be hoped, sir, that the united efforts of courageous men
like yourself, Messrs. Freeman, Gladstone, Forster, and others,
will succeed at last to cause the moral yoke to fall which weighs
on so many minds and on the consciences of a great part of your
countrymen.

Be so good as to accept the expression of my gratitude and of
my most sincere respect.

Moscow. T. Aksakoff.

One of the criticisms on my book which has diverted me the
most, is that which has appeared in the Jewish World.

The reviewer opens his attack upon me with the well-known
quotation from Job, "0 that mine enemy would write a book!" but
as I, in the preface to my work, had made use of the same weapon
against my opponents, he was by custom precluded from having
recourse to it. My speeches and book have, according to this
judicious and impartial critic, " excited by turns in the world at
large contempt, pity, disgust, and ridicule." I have even, he says,

XIV PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND.

been guilty of the heinous and unparalleled offeuce of having
" had the audacity to forward manuscripts to Mr. Gladstone ! "
and, as I freely acknowledge that I did send some MSS. to him,
I suppose I must expect a species of moral crucifixion at the hands
of the Editor of the Jeiiish World, as it is no longer in the
power of the Jews to inflict that punishment corporeally, or
to make girdles of the entrails of their victims, as I have related
from Gibbon's celebrated work. He, however, is mistaken in
saying that the Liberal leaders whom I have attacked " simply
requite his egotistic impertinence with scornful silence," for
Mr. Gladstone, in receiving a copy of my speech, wrote a letter
by return of post to the Editor of the Northern Ensign, in
which he says respecting me, " I shall be sorry to lose a man
of his courage, assiduity, and talent;" and, if this is Mr.
Gladstone's way of showing his scorn, I wonder how he expresses
his appreciation 1 This Shimei of the press then says, " But for
the fact that the production is a unique psychological curiosity,
and will afford amusement to many, we should regard it as a
melancholy exhibition of indiscretion, to be passed over with
contempt," but an author whose work is a unique curiosity, which
will afford amusement to many, may justly be proud of his success;
and, as the reviewer cannot explain why it is so unique a curiosity,
nor what sources of amusement from his point of view the book
contains, which alone would justify him logically, according to his
own thoery, in treating the work otherwise than with silent con-
tempt, what excuse can he give his readers for cruelly inflicting on
them about 230 lines of criticism on a production so utterly
undeserving of notice 1

In the very next sentence, however, the reviewer most incon-
sistently says : " The most notable part of this unparalleled work
is a chapter which Jews cannot fail to enjoy with intense aridity ; "
but, if my chapter on the Jews is the most notable, it grammati-
cally follows that other chapters are either notable or more notable.
Again, in these days when everyone complains of uniformity and
tameness, it is no small compliment to be told that one has pro-
duced an " unparalleled work ;"and. if "Jews cannot fail to enjoy
with intense avidity " the chapter which I have written respecting

PREFACE TO SIXTII THOUSAND. XV

them, my book ought to have a very large circulation from Jewish
purchasers alone, and if they have any gratitude they should
send me a testimonial for writing something which they " enjoy
with intense, avidity.''

Further on, my Jewish critic says " that in the uncontrollable
bitterness he manifests against the founders of the Jewish race,
and the heroes of subsequent Old Testament times, he is shaking
to their foundations the very pillars which sustain Christianity in
common with Judaism," and " shattering the fundamental sup-
ports of Christianity ; " but, if I am such a moral Samson,
and if my book is so powerful and dangerous, surely it
Avould have been better to open fire against me by reversing
Job's exclamation, and saying, "0 that mine enemy had not
written this book ! "

We are then told, "The Jews . . are now transfixed by the
poisoned arrows of his insensate anger ; " but, if this is so, my skill
as an archer must be considerably greater than my reviewer pre-
tends in the first part of his remarks.

Whilst the rest of the human race, and especially the Ameri-
cans, have the most supreme contempt for the Jews, as I
have shown in my book, the Editor of the Jewish JVorld has
the modesty to say that the Creator " fashioned us [the Jews]
in a mould superior to that in which 'the rest of mankind
was cast." As regards external appearance and manner, the
Jews are the most unprepossessing race that ever existed ; and
as regards distinction in literature, science, philosophy, art, &c,
they occupy a very humble place.

There are about six millions of Jews in the world, and there
are about thirty-six millions of Frenchmen ; and, if my reviewer's
statement of the superiority of the Jewish race to any other was
correct, in biographical dictionaries there should be considerably
more than a sixth of the number of Jewish names as there are of
French names (deducting French Jews from the other French
names, and adding them to the rest of the Jewish race) ; but I
cpiestion whether the ratio of French, English, or German names
in any biographical dictionary would not be at least sixty times
as numerous, or ten times as great in proportion to numbers, as

XVI PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND.

those of Jews ; whilst as to great geniuses, where is the Jewish
Shakespeare, Milton, Newton, Homer, Socrates, Plato, Voltaire,
Eacine, Moliere, Goethe, Raffaelle, Rubens, Beethoven, or Canova ?
Echo answers, "Where 1

I am subsequently called " this matchless traducer of our
people," and again I have to thank my critic for the honour he
confers on me in stating that I am " matchless," even although
this matchlessness is, in his view, of a Satanic cast. I am also,
he says, " the prince of political buffoon <" and I am actuated by
'•'fiendish hate;" but it appears that I am "insane," and "a
ranting fanatic," from what is stated a little later ; and if I can
Avrite a book shaking to their foundations the very " pillars which
sustain Christianity " when supposed to be in a state of mental
aberration, Avhat could I not do if, through the " condign punish-
ment " which I have received from the Jewish World, I should
recover my reason? " Se chiusi m'occidete aperte che farete "
as Metastasio says.

I must, however, observe that my reviewer has not disproved
even one of the numerous accusations I have brought against the
Jewish race, and for which I have cited the highest authorities,
and especially Gibbon's charge that they massacred 4G0.OD0 of the
inhabitants of Cyrene and Cyprus, with whom they dwelt in
treacherous friendship, and made girdles of the entrails of their
victims ; nor has he justified his co-religionists from my charge of
totally disregarding their own laws ; in short, his reply is in
accordance with the well-known instructions of a sharp Jewish
attorney to a hamster who had to defend a rascally client, " No
case ; abuse the plaintiff's attorney."

The Editor of the Jewish Chronicle writes, in reply to a
correspondent, as follows respecting my book : — " Can our
correspondent not see that the very virulence of the attack
and the vileness of the language save us the trouble of an
answer ? A writer like this scribbling Baronet has unmistakably
'rabies' reflected in his savage look. If you are not willing
to knock down a mad dog, you simply go out of his way.
Nobody mistakes the brute. Why, therefore, should we lose
our time with commenting upon a book which simply excites

PltEFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND. XVU

loathing, and to which no rational being will give the slightest
heed? — Ed. J. C." As the Editor of the Jewish Chronicle says
" no rational being will give the slightest heed " to my book, it
logically follows that in his opinion the Editor of the Jewish
World, who has given the greatest " heed " to my work, is not a
rational being.

In answer to a second attack on me, I wrote as follows, as fast
as my pen would dash over my paper : —

To the Editor of the "Jewish World."
Sir, — I received last night a copy of the Jewish World of the
26th inst., containing upwards of two columns and a half of a
second editorial attack on my " Defence of Russia," to which I
have to reply with much greater brevity as follows : —

In the first place, I protest against your stating that I admitted
that the generations of Jews who immediately succeeded those
who crucified Jesus, were less unjust and inhuman. I merely
said " it may be alleged " that this was the case, but I immediately
proceed to prove it was not the case, and that they became in-
finitely worse.

You charge me with quoting " garbled extracts from Gibbon."
Why not prove this,'if you can, by giving the entire passages and
showing that my quotations did not fairly represent the opinions
of the author ; and you give no evidence whatever of your reckless
assertion that those allegations are " gross exaggerations." You
pretend that whatever atrocities the Jews may have committed
were done in self-defence ; but Gibbon distinctly states that the
" horrid cruelties of the Jews in the cities of Egypt, of Cyprus,
and of Cyrene, where they dwelt in treacherous friendship with the
unsuspecting natives," " shocked humanity," and even in any case
in which they were first attacked, none but Jewish fiends would
" make girdles of the entrails of their victims," or " saw them
asunder," as Gibbon states. There is not a scintilla of evidence
that the Jews who dragged the body of the Patriarch of Constanti-
nople through the streets in 1821 and threw it into the sea, or
the 600 Jews who beat out the brains of the wounded Greeks after
the battle of Navacta, were, as you in the most brazen manner

c

Xviii PREFACE TO 8IXTH THOFSAND.

assert, " unvoluntary agents in the melancholy scene," but, if so,
they should have preferred death to committing murder ; and on
the contrary, one of them boasted that he had despatched 68
victims. You then quote my reproach that the Jews do not
perform the various ceremonies of the Mosaic Law, but you do
not even attempt to deny the fact or to give reasons why they
continuously disobey in almost every particular the law by which
they profess to be bound ; but as the Israelites universally neg-
lected to perform even the rite of circumcision during the forty
years in the wilderness, this disregard of their own law is
characteristic and hereditary.

You afterwards take me to task for my attack on Baron Henry
de Worms. Xow, I find on inquiry that his family obtained, in
August, 1874, permission from the Queen to call themselves
barons ; but I maintain that Englishmen usually do not use
foreign titles, even when they have inherited them through a
long line of ancestors, like Mr. De Lisle, of Garendon, Marquis of
Chateaunay, in France; the Duke of Hamilton. Duke of
Ghatelherault, in France, and others, or when foreign titles have
been conferred on their families for distinguished services, as in
the case of the Duke of "Wellington, Duke of Cuidad Rodrigo,
Charlotte Mary Lady Bridport, Duchess of Bronte &c. : still
less when these foreign titles have been bought for money, or
obtained by rigging the market and financing foreign loans ;
and neither Mrs. Jodrell, who is Countess of Cape St. Vincent,
Mr. De La Poer, who is a Roman baron, Sir Horace St. Paul who
is Count St. Paul, Mrs. Stapleton Bretherton, who is a marchesa,
Mr. Walrond, who is a marquis and a grandee of the first class
in Spain, nor even Sir Francis Goldsmid, ever use their foreign
titles; ami perhaps their reason is because they consider exotic
titles degraded by being bought by Hebrew financiers. In tact,
many Englishmen, such as Mr. Mackenzie, who i- a Spanish
Count and a Portuguese Marquis, do not even take the trouble
of gutting their names inserted at the end of the ] You

subsequently say that I " endeavour to tear into shreds the sta-
tistics quoted by him" (Baron de Worms\ but you do not even
try to show that the Baron's ludicrously erroneous statistics arc-

PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND. XIX

right. You " challenge me to adduce a single instance in which
we (the Jews) have taken the initiative in any conflict with
Christians " ; but I have quoted several, and especially the unpro-
voked cruelties which they committed in the cities of Egypt,
Cyprus, and Cyrene, and the dastardly and fiendish wickedness
of their conduct to the Greek wounded after the battle of Navacta.

You not only deny that Jesus Christ was crucified at all, but
you add that " We believe the story of the life and death of Jesus
to be for the most part mythical." The whole civilised world,
however (except Jews), Christian and infidel, firmly believe that
Christ was crucified by the Jews, and independently of Christian
evidence, there is abundance of pagan and hostile evidence to prove
the fact. Neither Julian the Apostate, Gibbon, Voltaire, Hume,
or any other freethinker ever attempted to deny the fact of the
crucifixion, and even Mahomet believed that Christ was a prophet,
and he would not therefore have put him to death as the Jews did.

It would be much easier to prove that black is white, or that two
and two make five (to anyone but a Jew) than to disprove the
fact of the crucifixion, and all I need add on this point is to apply
to you what Byron said of Bishop Berkeley:

" When Bishop Berkeley said there was no matter,
It was no matter what he said."

You say you are a nation, but no statement could be more
absurd. Nationality cannot exist without the colloquial use of
the same language by all the individuals of the nation, whilst the
majority of Jews know no more of Hebrew than the majority of
Soman Catholics know of Latin; one proof of which is that all your
newspapers are in European languages and none in Hebrew, and the
mere identity of religion does not make the Sussian, Turkish,
French, English, German, Italian, and other Jews a nation any
more than the gipsies of the world or the Quakers form a nation,
jii fact, even when the language, race, and religion are identical,
and the people reside side by side, as in the case of Belgium and
France, they do not always form one nation, and nothing would
induce a Belgian to adopt French nationality. Surely you would
hardly venture to assert that the six millions of Jews through-
out the world really in their hearts desire to return to Judea, for

XX PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND.

it must be observed that the Jews are only a portion of the
Israelites, just as the people of London and Middlesex are only a
portion of the English people, and yet you talk as if all Palestine
rightfully belonged to you. Your race might easily buy up
Judea, but if you went there you would not understand each
other's language, it would be impossible for six millions to live
there, and you would infallibly starve, unless, indeed, you were
miraculously fed by manna and quails from heaven.

You accuse me of " shaking the pillars of Christianity to their
foundation," because, for instance, I express the horror which I
feel at the conduct of the Israelites to the tribe of Benjamin, of
whom they exterminated all the men, women, and children, except
600 men, and at the massacre of 42,000 flying Ephraimites by the
G-ileadites, merely because the Ephraimites said, " Ye Gileadites
aie fugitives of Ephraim among the Ephraimites, and among the
Manassites," but I defy you to quote any text from the Old Tes-
tament which justifies either of these more than Turkish atroci-
ties. As the Old Testament tells us that the Lord said, " I have
left me seven thousand in Israel, ALL the knees which have not
bowed unto Baal, and every mouth which has not kissed him,"
there is abundant proof that at that time at least only an infini-
tesimal minority of all the Israelites believed in the national
religion, and the overwhelming majority were not only disbelievers
in the Mosaic dispensation, but believers in the hostile creed of
Baal. Taking an average of the twelve tribes, the 7,000 in ques-
tion would only give a dividend of less than GOO Jews who were
faithful to the Mosaic law, but, strangely enough, Jehu is repre-
sented as having gathered all the followers of Baal, without one
single exception, into the house of Baal, where he treacherously
massacred them; and to hold the whole of the Israelites, except
7,000, the house of Baal must have been infinitely larger than
St. Peter s at Kome, or the Crystal Palace, whilst it seems strange
that not one of the whole of the people of Israel was intelligent
enough not to suspect Jehu's stratagem, and that there was no
sick, infirm, or dying man or pregnant woman in all Israel, who
was not able and willing to go up to the house of Baal, and this
murder of say a million of his countrymen is the more abominable

PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND. XXI

since Jehu lived and died an idolater, and " took no heed to walk
in the law of the Lord God of Israel."

Even Jews, as will appear from the following extracts from a
letter in the Jewish World, signed " Barnard D. Isaacs," speak of
" the delusions, the shams, which rob Judaism of its better part,
and make it appear a snare and an imposture ; the watchmen of
Judaism hide themselves, being afraid to view the inroad of in-
fidelity, to mark the progress of humbug." The obscene passages
in the Jewish ritual must be expunged. Such crimes as suggested
by the confessional of Kippur must be removed from a book
lisping the Eternal's praise, for it debases the pure and vitiates the
innocent — in a word, it makes the mind the residence of low-
thoughtedness, and the heart the domicile of depravity."

It thus clearly appears that I, whom you term " the matchless
traducer " of your race, cannot 'say anything more severe of you
than the thoughtful, intelligent, and honest among you say of
yourselves, and that, in spite of your Selicoth, Hapthorah, Sedrahs,
Hosanna Rabbahs, and other long prayers, you are but whited
sepulchres, as Christ said of you. You scrupulously purchase
Talysim and Sepher Torahs, you eat your Challoth, and you
slaughter your animals in a manner which is a species of vivisec-
tion ; but this is a mere whitening of the outside of the cup and the
platter, and avails you nothing against the progress of infidelity
and schism in your own fold. It is notorious that marriages are
now taking place, contrary to your law and customs, between
Jews and Christians, and in many other respects your co-religion-
ists are rapidly forsaking their faith. To risk a Jeu de mots ; It
is, however, hardly a flattering coincidence, that in the case of
these Jen d'amour marriages, the Jewish bride, who, of course, is
married frorri disinterested affection, has always a large fortune, and
it can hardly be said of the husband, que son bonheur est en Jew.

You yourself, in a leading article, use the following just but
severe language : —

" It is an unfortunate fact that not only are our English co-
religionists wofully deficient in general theological knowledge, but
their acquaintance with Jewish literature is of the most infinitesi-
mal character. This ignorance is owing, to a considerable extent,

XX11 PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND.

to a want of enthusiasm, and even common interest, in our ancient
literatrue. Yet it is due also in no small degree to a lack of com-
petent teachers to expound it."

I have further to observe, that though the Jews (who for centuries
disbelieved in a future world) pretend that theirs is the only true
faith, they churlishly, selfishly, and ungenerously refuse to make
any efforts, or to spend any of that gold which, like Aaron's calf,
is their idol, to convert the Christian or even the heathen Gen-
tiles, and even discourage conversions, which is an ungrateful
return for the enormous sums the Christians have lavished in the
hopeless task of converting them. Every Hebrew convert to
Christianity must cost at least a thousand pounds, and in this and in
other cases it seems to me clear that LeJeu ne vautpas la chandelle.

As to the false accusations brought against the Eoumanians and
Servians for their conduct to the Jews, I now append from the
columns of your own paper nearly the whole of an article which
you have copied from the Jewish Messenger, which proves that
your race is infinitely worse treated in Morocco than even according
to your own untrue statements in Russia and in the Principalities
and Servia, yet you enthusiastically support these cruel, oppressive,
and contemptuous Mussulmans, who hate and despise you, as appears
by the following cpiotation from your paper from Adrianople : —

" A striking feature of the Turkish war is the alacrity with
which the Jewish population of Turkey respond to the calls made
upon them. In some of the larger towns the Rabbis go from
house to house to collect subscriptions for the wounded, and the
utmost enthusiasm prevails."

A correspondent of the Jewish Messenger furnishes that paper
with an interesting article on the position of the Moorish Jews,
from which we extract the most important features.

"As to the language of the country, there are not more than two
or three in every town who are able to read and write it ; the
Mohammedans consider it sacrilege for their writing to be defiled
by a Jew's hand, or tongue.

Most of the native Jews have such primitive ideas that they prefer
supporting clerical or religious instruction to the utter loss of the
secular. Many even refuse to allow their children to go to

PREFACE TO SIXTH THOUSAND. XXlli

schools, preferring to have them brought up as rabbis. At
Mogador in particular, the schools are badly attended and worse
conducted ; the leaders of the community take no interest in
furtherance of secular education, and many of them are quite
opposed to it. Thus the school in this town has not yet furnished
any qualified pupils since its establishment, although much has
been spent on it by the alliance and the Board of Deputies.

" The native Jews of Morocco have a great many disabilities
against them. They are only allowed to follow such trades as no
Mohammedans will do, and even their shops are only to be
allowed to be at places where they have little or no intercourse
with their Moorish neighbours. They are not allowed to reside
outside the Ghetto, and, where such does not exist, their quarters
are generally separated from the rest of the inhabitants. A Jew
must not wear shoes in any part of the town except the Mullah or
Ghetto, nor ride about the town. No Jew is allowed to ride a
horse, nor wear the same garb as the Mohammedans. They are
not allowed to go to public baths, nor visit such places of recrea-
tion as are frequented by Mohammedans. They are not deemed
fit witnesses to give evidence before a court of law, and, were a
case with a Mohammedan to be decided against a Jew, the latter
cannot murmur against the sentence. No Jew can hold a public
office under government (except that of Eabbi or Sheik), and even
rabbis' evidence, or deeds, are not considered legal if they are un-
favourable to a Mohammedan. If a Jew be imprisoned or bastina-
doed, he must pay the fees of the executioner ; pay for his
lodging in prison, and also the entrance as well as the outgoing
fees. In case of refusal, his clothes are taken from him and left
in the prison until he calls to redeem them. Jews must not sell
any article of provisions above the rate fixed for them by a govern-
ment official appointed for that purpose ; and, recently, a Jewish
butcher was subjected to the torture of three thousand lashes for
selling meat at a slight advance over a fixed price, which he did
in order to compensate for his loss in a beast which turned out
trefa, or unfit for food.

" All work for government, such as tailoring, shoemaking,
tinkering, scavenging, &c, must be done by Jews at a low rate

XXIV PREFACE TO SIXTH TIIOUSAND.

of pay; which, however, the workmen never get, especially in
Morocco city, where men and women of all trades are obliged to
work most of their time for the government, and have work
distributed at their homes, whether the women can do it or not.
Many poor young women are compelled to quit their homes and go
to work for a governor, or a sheriff, at his own house, and should
these take a fancy to the poor woman, she is compelled to change
her religion and remain with her seducer on the mere evidence of
his statement that she wished to embrace Mohammedanism ; the
protestations to the contrary are not believed.

" In cases of work, neither Sabbaths nor festivals are respected ;
the lash and prison being often employed to enforce obedience.

" In most towns, the Jewish burial-grounds are not allowed to be
walled in, and when a burial-ground is filled, they are not allowed
to buy another, but bury one body over the other. The cemetery
in Morocco city is either five or six deep already. Where Ghettos
exist, the cemetery is within its Avails, or close under them, in
order not to contaminate the Mohammedan passers by.

" At Morocco, where executions of criminals often take place, it
is the Jews' task to salt the head, or limbs, of the culprits, and
hang the same to the walls for public inspection, whence the name
of 'Mullah' (salt), given to the Ghettos in general."

It is clear that the Jewish race will for centuries submit to a
life of humiliation, which no other race in the world would endure
for a moment. The Menmonites emigrated from Eussia to
America only because they were dissatisfied at being drawn for
the conscription for the army, and even the Circassians and other
natives have emigrated for comparatively trifling reasons, and if
the Jews of Morocco had one spark of manliness they would
emigrate too.

Deal with my facts and arguments if you can ; but you are
welcome to abuse me, for I consider your praise as censure, and
your censure praise.

I now take leave of the Editor of the Jeicish World, with my
best compliments and thanks.

Yours obediently,

J. G. T. Sinclair.

PREFACE.

Having visited Turkey, Asia Minor, Greece, Syria, and Egypt ;
having studied the Eastern Question with special interest for many
years ; and having observed with astonishment and regret the pro-
found ignorance and utterly erroneous views which prevail in Eng-
land, even among our politicians and public writers, on this absor-
bing topic — a darkness which may be felt, like a November fog in
London — I have devoted the whole of my available leisure for the
last sis months to its further consideration, more especially in
connection with the eventful history of Turkey during the last two
years, and I now lay before the public the results of my investiga-
tions and reflections.

When it is considered that the Parliamentary Blue Books on the
Turkish and collateral questions embrace several thousand closely
printed folio pages ; that the debates in Parliament have occupied
a considerable number of days ; that pamphlets by the score have
had to be examined ; and that I have found it necessary to re-peruse
many historical works, as also the whole of the debates on the
Eastern and other relative questions for nearly a hundred years ; and
not only to peruse carefully the more influential organs of the daily
and weekly press of England, but frequently the journals of other
countries ; some idea may be formed by the reader of the arduous
nature of the task I have undertaken, which was far more laborious

VI PKEFACE.

than I bad anticipated ; and I own I am surprised to find that the
collection of the materials for this work and the time occupied in
writing it have occupied no less than six months, working some-
times six, eight, or even ten hours a day.

The deep interest I have always felt in the Eastern Question
originally arose from my visit to Turkey, and the painful impression
produced on my mind by the misery and oppression of the wretched
Christians there, which caused an American to observe that " hell
itself could not be conducted on such principles " as those which
actuated the Ottoman Government ; and this interest was deepened
and confirmed by the loss I sustained in the Crimea of my oldest
and dearest friend, in what I have always considered an unjust,
unnecessary, and aggressive war as regards Russia, arid a fearful
national crime as respects the Christians of Turkey, whom we
deprived of the efficient and constant protection of Russia wiibout
providing any adequate substitute, and left to the " tender mercies
of the wicked" '.Turk), which David tells us " are cruel."

I am well aware of the very homoeopathic influence which can
possibly be exercised by anything that I can write, with however
much earnestness and labour, and that even the best cause and the
strongest arguments and facts made use of by my unknown and
unskilful hands would be less attractive to the general public than
the worst cause and the most fallacious arguments brought forward
by a known and practised writer; still I cannot resist the impulse
which impels me to contribute my obscure mite to what in my soul
and conscience I believe to be a just and sacred cause, namely, that
of the Christians of Turkey and their disinterested and chivalrous
Russian liberators.

Let the reader, if he will, put aside and skip over as absolutely

PKEFACE. Vll

worthless every line that I myself have written ;* still he will find in
the numerous quotations which I have made from the works of the
ablest writers and statesmen during the last hundred years on the
Eastern and kindred questions, such a body of facts and arguments
on this subject as he could hardly obtain in any other single work,
and perhaps even those who are irreconcilably opposed to my views
may thank me for guiding them through the mazes of the labyrinth
which constitutes the Eastern Question. Few, probably, would have
the patience to explore ail the old and musty documents which I have
had to examine, and without the resources of the libraries of the
House of Commons and of the Travellers' Club, I should have been
unable to collect a large portion of my materials. The Times news-
paper of half a century ago, for instance, is out of print, and can
hardly be purchased for money, yet it is impossible to treat the
Eastern Question satisfactorily without turning from time to time
to this able and instructive journal.

This work has been composed amidst the countless distractions
of Parliamentary duties, private business, and social-pleasures ;
and, from ihe superabundance of materials which were continu-
ally accumulating, and which had to be interpolated, the unity
of the original design has been lost, and the style of the
work, I fear, hopelessly destroyed, as I have not had time to digest
properly the facts and arguments so as to fit them in always at the
places where they ought to be, to vary my synonyms, and to intro-
duce and dismiss them with a sufficient number of preliminary
observations, which, besides, would have required several volumes.

I felt alarmed at the idea that England might be involved in
another Crimean war, when I would have desired another Navarino ;

* However, as the Russian translator ia printing 7,400 ccpies at his own
risk, for the first edition, it is probably tolerably readable.

and I have, therefore, been anxious that my little work should
appear before any such decided success was obtained by the
Russians as would strengthen the Russophobists in urging the
nation into a war with Russia, our best and oldest ally, for supposed
British interests; and in this match against time I find myself
beaten, and obliged to publish my work in its crude, unfinished
state. It may, however, at least serve as a quarry where abler
writers and more influential politicians may find abundance of
material ready to their hands for defending tbe cause of the
oppressed Christians or an armoury wbere anti-Turkish weapons
may be found; and if it answers even these humble purposes I
shall be abundantly satisfied.

The characteristics of nearly all Parliamentary speeches and of
most writings are that they are stilted in style and marred by ex-
treme verbosity. One has to wait a considerable time to catch at
rare intervals a fact or an argument, like au oasis in tbe desert
of Sahara. On the other hand, my book falls into tbe opposite
error of being crowded, like a marriage cake, with toj many deli-
cacies, and a very little will soon cloy tbe literary palate; or it
is like Liebig's essence of meat, in which tbe nutriment of a whole
ox is condensed into a small jar, the result being that it is absolutely
uneatable unless diluted.

As I am an enthusiastic, heart-and-soul, and out-and-out sup-
porter of the cause of the Christians of Turkey, of their Russian
■deliverers, and of tbe Greek Empire, I may as well state tbat I am
perfectly disinterested on this burning question. I have never held
a single Turkish, Russian, or Greek bond, and I have no property,
friends, or relatives in any of the three countries. la spite of the
proverb, " You must not look a gift horse in the mouth," I have no
doubt that my elaborate work will be severely criticised, but I am

PREFACE. IX

not at all thin-skinned, and all I desire is, that my opponents will in
fairness come forward with their real name* and not attack me
anonymously, that I may have a clear stage and no favour, and
that they will not imitate the Pall Mall Gazette* which stigmatised
me in a leading article of more than a page as "foolish, ignorant,
pi'esumptuous, and arrogant," and then refused me a few much too
polite sentences to justify myself.

Job, the most patient man that ever lived, wished that his enemy
had written a book, and I hope the publication of this work will
afford the enemies of the Christian and Russian cause all the satis-
faction which the patriarch anticipated for himself under sueh cir-
cumstances.

I will now append a few words to this Preface to explain what
this book contains. In the first portion will be found an historical
retrospect of the Eastern Question for nearly two hundred years, the
substance of a speech of an hour's length which I delivered in the
debate on the Eastern Question, and an abridged and critical sketch
of the Crimean war. I offered the whole of the materials then in my
possession to Mr. Gladstone — of whom it may be said that " (political)
science is his forte and omniscience is his foible " — before the de-
bate, hoping that he "would make use of them with his usual skill,
and that I should thus be able to spare the House the fatigue
of listening to me, and myself the uncongenial task of speaking to
an unsympathetic and supercilious audience, who heard me as
if j they were asking each other, in the words of my motto, " What
will this babbler say?" — though I doubt if a single man in either
House of Parliament knew even the simple and recent fact that the
Russians occupied Constantinople in 1833 ; but his time was

* A heading for a slashing article in the Pall Mall Gazette against me would
be " Nihil quod teteant," not " viviat it."

X PREFACE.

so absorbed in the highly popular, interesting, and burning
questions of English pottery and the remains of Troy, to say
nothing of an infinite number of other topics of equally pressing
importance, that he not only would not accept the park of anti-
Turkish artillery which I had so laboriously collected, but never
read a single syllable of a couple of columns of printed matter,
which contained a condensation of the main facts and arguments
with almost telegraphic brevity. Then comes a complete exhaustive,
and, perhaps, exhausting oritical analysis of the whole of the exist-
ing phase of the Eastern Question, from January 1st, 1875. when the
rising in the Herzegovina began, till the present date, including full
extracts from the Andrassy Note, the Berlin Memorandum, the pro-
ceedings of the Conference, the Protocol of London, the Russian and
English declarations, and numerous other documents.

There is then a chapter called Mahometanism Unmasked, after-
wards another to prove that the Sultan is not the Head of the
Mahometan Religion; then a chapter on the Unspeakable Turk ;
subsequently a Defence of Russia, including a detailed proof that the
8npposedWill of Peter the Great was a forgery; a common- sense view
of the Polish Question; a chapter on Benevolent Despotism better
than Constitutionalism when tyrannical ; on " Ireland the English
Poland," showing that our conduct to that country has been worse
than an} thing which has been ever proved against Russia ; and other
chapters. Though I am most friendly to Russia, and to the Sla-
vonians generally, I am not a partisan of Pan-Slavism, and by sup-
porting the reconstruction of the Greek Empire, I unavoidably,
but unwillingly, give what I trust will only be an evanescent dis-
satisfaction to a section of the Slavonic race, and especially of the
Russian nationality.

I have added to my work a most important and interesting letter

PREFACE. XI

from Comte Seebacb, formerly Saxon Minister in Paris, to Lord
Beaconsfield, accusing him of now pursuing a policy on the Eastern
Question which is inconsistent with his former professions and con-
victions, and which is vacillating, weak, and insincere ; of having been
in communication with the enemy during the Crimean War on British
policy, and of having promised the Czar that if he became Minister,
as he then expected, he would reverse the policy which England was
then pursuing.

Those of my readers who wish to master the salient points of the
Eastern Question, without perusing too many dry details, will ob-
tain a good general notion of the matter by reading the chapter
headed, " Sketch of Past Phases of the Eastern Qustion," extending
from page 36 to 57 ; and any of them who may suffer from sleep-
lessness will find the longer chapter, headed, " History of the
Present Phase of the Eastern Question,*' an almost infallible
narcotic. Those who seek amusement will find some satire and fun
in the chapters in the Appendix on Baron Henry de "Worms' book,
on " The Jew the Eternal Foe of the Christian," and on the Debates
in the House of Commons on the Eastern Question; and, most of
all, in the capital sketch of Eastern Manners, from Thackeray ; the
interview between the Englishman and the Turkish Pasha, by
Kinglake, now out of print ; and the witty, sati rical verses on " The
Buckinghamshire Buffoon."

In concluding the Preface to this work de omnibus rebus et qui-
busdarii aliis, I would recommend my readers to remember Dean
Swift's tenth beatitude, " Blessed are they who expect nothing, for
they shall never be disappointed."

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Ethnological Map

One' Man may Steal a Horse . .

John Bull's Descent from the Sublime to the

Eidiculous ....
Turkish Eecreation
The Sublime or Eidiculous Porte
The Chivalrous Bashi-Bazouk .
Disturbed Dreamer
Brother Jonathan's Guess as to British Policy

PAGE

to race title.
1

17
113
128
152
189
240

APPENDIX :

Map oe Seat of War . .... to fac? title

The Turkish School of Manners and Customs . 36

Benjamin Bombastes .50

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A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

THE TRUTH ABOUT RUSSIA.

The Saturday Review admits that "the multitude is, for the
moment, on his (Mr. Gladstone's) side," that is to say, the hulk
of the people of England are opposed to the " unspeakable Turk,'1
and favourable to the heroic task now being performed by Russia,
namely, enfranchising the Christians of Turkey from the cruelty
and oppression of their Ottoman tyrants, whilst it is only the
" west-end " and a parliamentary majority, chiefly returned by the
influence of the licensed victuallers, who are in favour of Turkey,
and hostile to the Turkish Christians and their Russian liberators.
As the people as well as the government of Russia have been in-
sulted and maligned in the most discreditable manner by the
partisans of Turkey, I now come forward in their defence to show
that they have been our most constant and faithful allies, that
most of our greatest statesmen have, for generations, entertained
the highest esteem and regard for that great country, and that
Mr. Gladstone was justified in the recent debate in stating, " The
Emperor of Russia is a gentleman, and a great benefactor to his
people, and I believe the people of Russia to be capable of as
noble sentiments as any people in Europe."

Thackeray, in his inimitable " Book of Snobs," gives the follow-

B

A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

ing amusing satirical sketch of the idiotic lies which are invented
in the clubs and told and believed in society about Russia.
Captain Spitfire, R.N., who bad been refused a ship by the "Whigs,
says : — " ' "Why wasn't the Princess Scragamoffsky at Lady Pal-
merston's party, Minns 1 ' 'Because she can't show.' 'And why
can't she show V 'Shall I tell you, Minns, why she can't show ?
The Princess Scragamoffsky's back is flayed alive, Minns. I tell
you it's raw, sir. On Tuesday last, at 12 o'clock, three drummers
of the Preobajinski Regiment arrived at Ashburnham House, and
at half-past 12, in the yellow drawing-room at the Russian Em-
bassy, before the ambassadress and four ladies' maids, the Greek
Papa, and the Secretary of Embassy, Madame de Scragamoffsky
received thirteen dozen. She was knouted, sir — knouted in the
midst of England — in Berkeley Square, for having said that the
Grand Duchess Olga's hair was red. And now, sir, will you tell
me that Lord Palmerston ought to continue Minister ? ' . . .
Lord Palmerston's being sold to Russia, the exact number of
roubles paid, by what house in the city, is a favoui ite theme with
this kind of snob."

It will be remembered that the late Mr. Urquhart, formerly
M.P., and previously Secretary of Embassy at Constantinople,
maintained till his death that Lord Palmerston was bribed by
Russia, and made the Crimean War in her interest

A worse atrocity than the foregoing fictitious one occurred in
the time of James I. Floyd had spoken slightingly of the Elector
Palatine and his wife, and was, moreover, a Roman Catholic. It is
difficult to understand how either of these circumstances was con-
strued into a breach of privilege. The following was his sentence,
pronounced by the Lords at the instance of the Commons : " To
be degraded from his gentility, and held an infamous person ; to
stand twice in the pillory, to be branded in the forehead with
the letter K (knave), to be whipped at the cart's tail from the
Fleet to "Westminster Hall, to pay a fine of £5,000, and to be a
prisoner in Newgate during his life." Blount's sentence about the
same time was more moderate, imprisonment and hard labour for
life.

THE TKUTII ABOUT RUSSIA. 3

Voltaire was so friendly to the Russians that, after the fall of
Jassy, he wrote, " Te Catharinam laudamus te Dominam confitemur."

To show the feelings of respect and regard which formerly pre-
vailed in England towards Russia, I may well begin by quoting
the- fact that the great Lord Chatham once said, "I am altogether
a Buss."

Mr. Eitt in 1791 proposed an increase of the navy in conse-
quence of Eussia having taken Oczakow.

Mr. Fox opposed this, and said, " In the war between Eussia
and Turkey, Turkey has been the aggressor. / suspect that
British influence has been used to induce Turkey to attack Eussia.
I consider the terms proposed by the Empress Catherine
extremely moderate. We had assisted Eussia in 1771 in
entering the Mediterranean. How absurd to stop her now when
she was gathering the legitimate fruits of a policy we had sup-
ported. The advances of Eussia towards the South could never, he
thought, be injurious to our commerce."

Mr. Burke, supporting Mr. Fox, maintained that "the attempt to
bring the Turkish Empire into the European system was extremely
new, and contrary to all former systems of the balance of power."

Fitt carried his motion by 228 to 131, an enormous majority ;
yet the strength of the minority induced him to modify his
policy. He instructed Mr. YVhitworth not to deliver a menacing
note, and, in the course of the summer, a treaty between Eussia
and the Porte was concluded, by which the disputed fortress of
Oczakow was given up to Eussia; and, under similar circumstances,
the present Ministry should defer to the views of the minority,
especially as Mr. Cross, in his speech in the debate, estimated out-
numbers at only about 100, whilst we had a minority of 225, in-
cluding tellers, besides pairs, against a majority of 354, or about
twenty per cent, more in proportion, in a larger House, than the
minority obtained by Mr. Fox.

Lord North, afterwards Lord Guildford, who spoke in the
debate, was entirely opposed to a rupture with our ally Eussia
about Oczakow.

Mr. Fox in the debate said : " I cannot conceive any case in

b 2

4 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

which a great and wise nation having committed itself by a
menace can withdraw that menace without disgrace. The
converse of the proposition I can easily conceive — that there may
be a demand, for instance, not fit to be made at all, but which
being made, and with a menace, it is fit to insist upon. This
undoubtedly goes to make a nation, like an individual, cautious of
committing itself, because there is no ground so tender as that
of honour. How do Ministers think on this subject 1 Oczakow was
everything by itself, but when they added to Oczakow the honour
of England it became nothing. Oczakow by itself threatened the
balance of Europe. Oczakow and honour weighed nothing in the
scale. Honour is in their political arithmetic a minus quantity
to be subtracted from the value of Oczakow."

This unanswerable argument of Mr. Fox's would alone afford a
justification for Eussia in now going to war with Turkey, for the
circumstances of the case, as I have shown, compelled her to
menace Turkey, and she could not recede with honour ; whereas
England, after sending the bold September despatch, put its tail
between its legs, and ignominiously retreated when Turkey
resisted. Guarantees for the benefit of the Christians were all
important, but when the honour of England was added they
became unnecessary.

In the debate on 1st February, IS 28, Sir James Mackintosh,
the celebrated historian, said, "It was bare justice to Russia to
say that her dealings with the Ottoman Power for the last seven
years had been marked with as great forbearance as the conduct
of that power (Turkey) had been distinguished by continued
insolence and incorrigible contumacy." And Lord Holland said,
in the same debate, "Russia, too, was our ancient ally. . . .
In 1770, our allies, the Russians, sent a great fleet into the
Mediterranean for the purpose of overpowering the Turks.
What was the policy of this country ? To assist the Russian navy •
That fleet was re-fitted in our harbours, and with the munitions
and implements which it received from us, burnt a Turkish town
and fleet, and continued cruising in the Archipelago for no less
than live or six years."

THE TRUTH ABOUT RUSSIA. 5

In the debate on July 16th, 1828, Lord Aberdeen said, "His
Imperial Majesty (the Czar) at once divested himself of the
character of a belligerent in the Mediterranean, and no one would
deny that the sincerity and the generosity the Emperor of 'Russia had dis-
played in doing this were entitled to the highest praise" According
to Bulwer's " Life of Palmerston " (p. 283), " When the Crimean
"War was under consideration, Lord Aberdeen was accused of being
over-Russian."

In the same debate, Lord Holland said, " Eussia, which had for
a long period out of deference to their feelings foregone the fair
object of all her ambition — which, with an attention to the general
policy of Europe,and a magnanimity unparalleled, had long resisted
the strongest temptations, had attended only to the representations
of this country and her allieSj and had waited faithfully to the
last moment before she had taken any open measures to oppose
the insults of Turkey — had resisted the dispositio n of her people
to engage in war. Russia had now engaged in war which, upon
all principles of policy and public law, she had a right to wage —
nay, was called on by her duty to wage. ..."

Lord Palmerston said, " In that war (1829), my opinion is that
the Turks were the aggressors. . . . They seized Russian
ships and cargoes, expelled Russian subjects from Turkey, and
shut the Bosphorus against Russian commerce, all in violation of
treaties, and declared their intention of not fulfilling the treaty
of Akerman ; and all this upon no other pretence than certain
things which Russia had done in conjunction with her allies,
England and France, to prevail upon Turkey to accede to some
arrangement about Greece. ... I heartily wish her
(Russia) success (in the war against Turkey) as the only chance of
making a good settlement of the Greek state. ... It
should have been distinctly explained to Turkey that the
people of England would be little disposed to pay for the
recovery of unpronounceable fortresses on the Danube, after they
had been lost by the obstinate perverseness of Turkey," and he
anticipated and evidently rejoiced that the least likely result of
the war with Russia " is that it should replace Turkey in the

6 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

state of territorial occupation in which she stood before the war
commenced," therefore he was then of opinion that we should not
go to war for the integrity of Turkey.

Sir H. Bulwer says, " That which will appear extraordinary to
many who knew Lord Palmerston in after years as the most
staunch protector of the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, and
the most resolute opponent of Eussian ambition, is the fervour
with which at tins time he advocated the interests of Greece,
and the indifference with which he seemed to regard the advance
of a Russian army towards Constantinople."

In 1829, Lord Carnarvon said, " Let us consider that the Greek
religion existed throughout the Russian dominions, and if Turkey
should wage Avar against that religion, was it in the nature of man
that the Russians should remain calm spectators of the destruc-
tion— he had almost said annihilation — of the Greeks ] I feel
rather surprised at their long forbearance."

In the debate of July 11th, 1833, Lord Palmerston said, "Ihave
great doubts that any intention to partition that empire at all
entered into the policy of the Russian government; besides, I very
much doubt also whether the Russian nation properly so called
would be prepared to see that transference of power of residence
and authority to the southern provinces, which would be the
necessary consequence of the conquest by Russia of Constanti-
nople," and, he added, " if we have quietly beheld the temporary
occupation of the Turkish capital by the forces of Russia, it is because
we have full confidence in the honour and good faith of Russia,
and believe that those troops will be withdrawn in a very short
time." At that time we had not even an Ambassador at Con-
stantinople.

It seems strange that, when Russia was actually in Constanti-
nople, Lord Palmerston should have had confidence in her honour ;
but that when she had been thus tried and not found wanting, he
would never afterwards trust her, merely because, after saving
Turkey from inevitable ruin, she stipulated, by a secret article in
the treaty of Unkiar Sk.'lessi, that her men of war should be
allowed to pass the Dardanelles, the highway of waters to which

THE TRUTH ABOUT RUSSIA. 7

she has a natural and indefeasible right as much as to pass
through the Sound (we having joined her and France in a secret
article in 1826).

Lord Palmerston, on the 20th Dec, 183S, said, "Her Majesty's
Government accept as entirely satisfactory the declaration of the
Russian Government that it does not harbour any designs hostile
to the interests of Great Britain in India."

The Anglian war was waged to deprive a wise, able, and friendly
sovereign of his throne, Dost Mahomed, and to supplant him by
a tool of ours, Shah Soojah, who had been driven from the
Government by his subjects ten years before, costing £20,000,000
and the lives of 20,000 men.

As Lord Palmerston was the originator of the Russian scare,
and of the lamentable and unjustifiable Crimean "War, I will now
quote from the debate in the House of Commons in March, 1861,
on Mr. Dunlop's motion to show that he was roundly accused, by
Mr. Bright and others, of garbling, mutilating, and forging
the despatches of Sir A. Burnes, in order to involve us in the dis~
astrous and humiliating Affghan war; and on that occasion,
although Mr. Disraeli supported him in burking an inquiry, the
chiefs of both parties in the House of Commons could only get
161 members, including tellers, to support Lord Palmerston in the
division, in which his whole character was at stake, or less
than one in four of the whole House. Anything more disgraceful
than the Affghan war, and than the garbling of Sir A. Burnes'
despatches, never occurred in the history of England, and there-
fore the weight of Lord Palmerston's opinion against Russia in
later life, which is totally at variance with his earlier opinions, is
very materially lessened, if not destroyed.

Mr. Dunlop said the despatches of Sir Alexander Burnes were
mutilated, and whole paragraphs left out, in order to make them
appear favourable to the Affghan war, of which he never approved,
and the war was undertaken from fear of Russia.

Mr Kaye and Sir Herbert Edwardes said of the Affghan war
that it was an " unhallowed, unrighteous, and causeless war."

Mr. Bright said, " He (Lord Palmerston) knows there have been

8 A DEFENCE OF EL'SSIA.

garbling, mutilation, practically and essentially falsehood and
forgery in these despatches. Once more I ask the noble Lord to
tell us who did it. Was it his own right hand, or was it Lord
Broughton's right hand 1 "

I will now recall a few incidents of our relations with Eussia.
In 1553 the Anglo-Russian Company was established; in 1597
the Czar Ivan solicited the hand of Queen Elizabeth; in 1G97
Peter the Great visited England, for which he had the highest
esteem and regard; and in 1800 we had Eussian troops in
Guernsey, guarding that island for us against Xapoleon.

In 1801 we churlishly refused to exchange some Eussian
soldiers who had been taken prisoners whilst in our pay, against
an equal number of Frenchmen in our prisons, to the just indig-
nation of Eussia, and Xapoleon then wisely not only released
them, but supplied them with every necessary.

In 1812 the Eussians performed the heroic act of burning
Moscow, and by thus destroying the Grand Army, saved Europe
from the domination of the French. I should like to ask, if we
were invaded by the French or Germans, if our nobility and
gentry would be found setting fire to their houses in Eaton and
Belgrave Squares, and whether they would not rather counsel
submission 1

After Xavarino, while the English Parliament rejected the
motion for a vote of thanks to Admiral Codrington and the fleet,
for the glorious victory of Xavarino, the Czar sent him the Order
of St. George, and offered, if there was no English ship at the
moment adapted to his command, to let him hoist his flag on
board a Eussian ship of the line ; and Count Xesselrode added : —
" You will place at his disposal all those composing our squadron,
and assure him that the Emperor would consider his presence on
board one of our vessels as a distinguished honour conferred on
the Eussian navy."

In 1828 it is stated in the King's speech that, though Eussia
had blockaded the Dardanelles, she had generously exempted
from its operation those operations of Englishmen " which were
undertaken upon the faith of His Majesty's declaration to his

THE TRUTH ABOUT RUSSIA. 9

Parliament respecting the neutrality of the Mediterranean
sea."

During the campaign of Paskiewitch in Asia Minor in 1828, the
Russians conducted themselves with the utmost humanity, never
allowing the captured cities to be pillaged, nor retaliating the
atrocities of the Turks.

When Hadgi Pasha, after the storming of the entrenched camp
at Milli Duz in 1829, surrendered with his whole suite, so im-
pressed was he with the noble conduct of Paskiewitch and the
Kussians, that he said to his conqueror, " The fate of arms is in-
constant. A few hours ago I commanded an army of 20,000 men ;
now, to my shame, I am your prisoner ; but your name is revered
among us because of your great qualities ; and it is said if you
know how to conquer you know also how to forgive. I trust
myself to your magnanimity."

Paskiewitch showed himself not unworthy of the appeal. He
treated him with distinction, and assured him of the protection
of the Emperor. The consequence of this generous policy was
that Paskiewitch was able to organize several corps of Maho-
metan cavalry out of the nomad tribes of the provinces he had
subdued; and the Pasha of Mush, 'who had furnished 12,000
irregular cavalry to the Porte — although the Sultan had in the
meantime joined one of his armies with the so-called sacred
standard — put his forces at the disposal of the Eussian general,
and these Mahometan regiments were perfectly steady to the
Russian colours ; so that not only non-Ottoman Mahometans will
fight against the Sultan on behalf of Russian infidels, even when
the holy standard is displayed, but even Mahometan Turks will
do so on being duly paid.

In 1830 the Russians, with quixotic liberality, relaxed the con-
ditions of the Treaty of Adrianople, and gave up a considerable
portion of the war indemnity stipulated to be paid by Turkey.

In my letters to the Scotsman, I have quoted Mr. Gladstone,
Mr. Schuyler, Mr. Maghan, and the Chinese Envoy as to the
excellent conduct of the Russians in the Khivan campaign, and I
will not, therefore, again refer to it ; and I have mentioned what

10 A DEFENCE OF RF/SSIA.

is to be said in extenuation of their severities in Poland in a
sejmrate chapter under that heading.

With respect to the conduct of the Russians towards the
Circassians, a people whose conduct in Turkey is so abominable
that the Conference stipulated that no more colonists of tli.it
country should be allowed to enter European Turkey, and that
as many as possible of those residing in Turkey should be sent
back to Asia, Mr. Douglas Freshfield, the well-known traveller,
states in the Times : —

" An acquaintance of their chief (of the Lesghians) described
him to Adam Oleasius, Ambassador to Persia in 1G38, in this
somewhat unflattering language : — ' He did not care for God or
the devil, or any foreign prince ; that he played with his word ;
that he was one of the most notorious brigands of his country ;
that his greatest amusement was to rob and to shed blood.'

" As Mr. Wallace has shown, Mahometans can live very happily
and quietly under Russian rule. In the Caucasus, religion is by
no means the test of loyalty to Russia. Toleration, except to dis-
senters, is a tradition of Russian policy. The disaffected tribes
fight, when they do fight, for principles much more simple ; and
the taking away of the right of robbery is in their eyes far the
most grievous of the incidents of the rule they rise against. The
Karatchai, also a Tcherkess race, at one time gave trouble, but in
the last revolt took the Russian side.

"Klaproth said, in 1835, 'They have generally adopted a very
defective system of conduct towards the people of the mountains
(the Circassians) ; they employ gentleness and humanity, means
which will not succeed, as they regard them as marks of feeble-
ness and fear.' Whatever popular belief may hold, Schamy] was
no more a Circassian than Wallace a Welshman. To overthrow
Russian rule in the Caucasus would be to take away from the
lowlanders a government which has (I quote a hostile witness, Mr.
L. Oliphant) ' been efficacious in improving their material condi-
tion and in developing the internal resources of the country,' and
to restore to the highlanders their immemorial privileges of arson,
rape, and murder. These noble results were within narrow limits

THE TRUTH ABOUT RUSSIA. 11

achieved by Omar Pasha. The babble of those who now regret
that he was not more successful is only interesting as a proof of
what crimes the principle of self-interest, irrespective of right or
wrong, in politics may lead to."

In 1854, during the Crimean war, Russia faithfully paid every
farthing of the interest of her debt, whilst she might very fairly
have paid the interest of that portion which was not shown to be
the property of her subjects, or of neutrals, into the bank of a
neutral power as a deposit, that it might not be used against her
in the war ; and the consequence of Russian honesty is that their
Three per Cents, are above 50, or higher than the English Three
per Cents, at one period of the war with France, whilst the
Turkish Six per Cents, of 1869, in consequence of their fraudulent
bankruptcy, are at about 8. Then it was said that Russia had
an eye to India, but if that were so, why did she not send money
and adventurers to India to injure us during the Mutiny, or to
China when we were simultaneously at war with that country 1 I
maintain that Russia acted in the most honourable and friendly
manner towards us at those junctures. There is another thing —
what did Russia do at Tilsit 1 Why, she insisted on the restora-
tion of half his dominions to the King of Prussia. Then in the
year 1875 Russia alone prevented Germany from renewing the
war with France which she had intended to commence; and
another point was that in the Crimean War, the English prisoners
were treated, not only Avith humanity, but with great kindness by
the Russians. Lieutenant Royer, speaking on this subject, said
" the English prisoners were well cared for. They were told to
ask for everything they might require, and that they should have
it for the asking."

One of the officers declares that if they had been wrecked on the
coast of England they could not have received greater attention
than was lavished upon them. To such an extent was this car-
ried that the English officers were not allowed to burn tallow, but
were supplied with wax candles. The conditions of Mouravieff*
at the surrender of Kars, in 1855, were marked by chivalrous
courtesy to his unfortunate foes. On the surrender, he gave a

12 a DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

banquet to the whole Turkish garrison, and General Williams was
treated with the utmost consideration during the time he was a
prisoner of war in Russia. Above all, the Czar nobly eman-
cipated upwards of twenty-three millions of serfs at a cost of
about £120,000,000, which is an infinitely grander achievement
than our emancipation of the West India negroes at a cost of
£20,000,000.

I may further add, that the Americans have the greatest regard
and esteem for the Russians, and not a single American would
degrade himself by fighting with Turkey against Russia and the
oppressed Christians, though Englishmen can be got to do this
discreditable work; and the American newspapers, of all shades of
politics, strongly urge us not to go to war with Russia in favour
of Turkey. Indeed, Harper 's Illustrated Journal, of New York, has
several amusing caricatures, with the British lion or John Bull,
of colossal proportions, and the advice, " Don't make a fool of
yourself again, John, as you did in the Crimean War."

Freeman says, " Constantinople cannot be ruled from St.
Petersburg, neither can St. Petersburg be ruled from Constanti-
nople. The Romanoff may reign in Xew Rome, the Russian
cannot, for the Romanoff on the throne of Xew Rome would
cease to be Russian. . . . We have faith in nations, and we
see in the great uprising of the Russian nation on behalf of its
oppressed brethren one of the noblest movements of generous
sympathy that the world ever saw."

Lord Beaconsfield, one of the most inveterate opponents of
Russia, said on 5th May, 1876 : — " I think that from the period
of the concpiest of Tashkent! every one must have felt that it was
almost inevitable that all the Khanates would be conquered by
Russia, . . . This event, after all, is one which was anticipated,
and in a direction of country that is not peculiarly menacing to
those Imperial interests which engage our attention. . . . My
hon. friend quotes the opinion of gentlemen who think that the
advance of Russia into Central Asia ought to be nipped in the
bud. Now, nipping iu the bud means t hat the English Power
should have proceeded beyond our English boundary . . . and

THE TRUTH ABOUT RUSSIA. 13

we should have entered on one of the most hazardous, and, I should
say, unwise struggles that could well be conceived. . . . The
idea that Great Britain and Russia agreed to establish a neutral
zone between their respective Empires, and that Russia has at
this time systematically violated the neutral zone that was agreed
upon, is one of those delusions which, having once got possession
of the public mind, it is very difficult to eradicate. The fact is,
that no neutral zone has been agreed upon by the statesmen of
the different Powers. With regard to understanding, there was
an understanding about Khiva, bat tee must all admit that icas a
most unfortunate understanding, because no two persons are agreed
as to what that understanding ivas .... I am not of
that school who view the advance of Russia into Asia with those
misgivings which some do. I think that Asia is large enough
for the destinies of Russia and England. . . . Far from looking
forward with alarm to the development of Russia in Central Asia,
I see no reason why they should not conquer Tartary any more than
why England sliould not have conquered India." The Turkophile
press pretend that the Russians have annexed Khiva, but I have
the highest possible authority for stating that the Khan reigns
in Khiva, and is quite independent of Russia.

Another illustration of the respect and regard which is felt
among the most distant populations for Russia, is furnished by
the fact that, in 1876, Russia arranged with Japan to cede the
Kurile Islands for the southern part of Saghalien. The Japanese,
on leaving the latter island, took with them 625 Ames who had
expressed a desire to remain subjects of Japan, but the great
majority of the population chose the Russian nationality. Upon
the other hand, only 72 inhabitants of the Kurile Islands elected
the Japanese nationality, and the others have all emigrated into
Russian territory. . . . This shows that, relatively to the
population, more of the people of the Kurile Islands were willing
to expatriate themselves, from regard for Russia, than there were
of the people of Alsace and Lorraine who were ready to abandon
their homes out of love for France.

During the present war, the Times correspondent at Constanti-

14 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

nople has recently written, to say that the people of Armenia are
anxious to get rid of the Turkish domination and to become
Russian subjects ; and the good feeling of the Croatians to Russia
is clearly manifested by what occurred when the .\ rchduke Albert
visited Agram the other day. The Times says : — " The town was
decorated by day and illuminated by night ; addresses were pre-
sented j a patriotic song of combative character was -sung ; the
statue of Jellachich was crowned ; and, most significant of all, the
Russian Hymn was played persistently. The meaning of all this
was that Agram wished to make a pro-Slavonic and anti-Magyar
demonstration. The inhabitants had been greatly scandalized
that the Hungarians should compliment the Sultan and fraternize
with Softas, and they therefore desired to make it known that
their own sympathies were with their oppressed brethren, and
not with the Mahometan tyrant." The Czechs of Bohemia are
also enthusiastic for the Christians, and for Russia ; and it should
be borne in mind that, while there are only 5,GS0,000 of these
domineering Magyars, who were formerly serfs of the Turks,
there are no less than 17,000,000 of Slavonians in Austria,
who, in case Austria attacked Russia, might very probably rise m
arms on the other side and put down the Magyars once for all.
I may add that, as the Magyars when they were Turkish slaves
were emancipated by the swords of the Slavonians, it is most
ungrateful on their part to sympathize with the barbarous Turk
instead of with their former fellow-serfs, the Christians of Turkey.
■■' Dr. Rieger, the leader of the Panslavists in Bohemia, writes
thus to the Moscow Slavonic Committee : — " To its shame be it
said, Europe has become so unchristian that the descendants
of those who of old took part in the Crusades undertook
an expedition for the Crescent in the Crimea, in order to
support the further oppression of the Christians, and the
domination of that race whose power has always been fatal
to civilization. Let, therefore, that youth, the great Russian
people, take up the sword of humanitarianism and Christianity,
which other nations cannot take up on account of their passion
for gain or narrow-hearted egotism and weakness

THE TRUTH ABOUT RUSSIA. 15

How is it possible that the Bohemian people should not de-
sire from the bottom of its heart the complete success of
the Russian arms 1 Do not the Russians go to battle for
right, freedom, religion, for humanitarianism, for the honour
of families which have been long enough insulted on the soil
of Christian Europe 1 The glory of the Russians in that
struggle is our glory, and it raises the pride of all Slavonians,
and their self-consciousness that the blood of our brethren
will be shed for our brethren. We cannot but rejoice when the
powerful Slav, by defending the weak Slavs, has earned a right to
the gratitude and love of the whole Slavonic family."

The Germans of Austria used to tyranise over all the other
nationalities in their dominions, and they were not ashamed to
call on the Russians (whom they now ungratefully abuse) in 1849
to save the Austrian Empire" from ruin, by putting down the
Hungarian insurrection. Now that the Germans have been com-
pelled to give free institutions to the Hungarians, both Germans
and Hungarians wish to keep down the natural political aspirations
of the Slavonians, and other still oppressed nationalities ; and the
" cynical Germans," careless of justice, vainly hope to control
Eastern Europe by means of the Magyars.

Kinglake informs us that " there is ground for believing that
Louis Napoleon made early overtures to the Czar (after the coup
d'etat), for what we may call a predatory alliance," and that the
rebuff then inflicted upon him by the Emperor Nicholas preceded
his determination to seek a close alliance with England ; so that
probably the Czar might have had a large portion of Turkey if he
had consented to betray England at the instigation of Napoleon.
And he adds, " Perhaps a full knowledge of the truth would
justify the belief that, from the Peace of Adrianople down to the
time of his death, the Czar would have preferred the ascendancy
which Sir Stratford Canning enjoyed at Constantinople to any
scheme of conquest ; and what is more, if Nicholas had succeeded
in gaining this ascendancy, he would have been inclined to use it
as a means of enforcing counsels somewhat similar to those which
were pressed on the Sultan by the English ambassador." In the

16 a defence of eussia.

eleven weeks of the Mentschikoff mission, " the Emperor Nicholas
destroyed the whole repute ivhich he had earned for more than a
quarter of a century by wielding the power of Russia with justice and
moderation towards foreign states ;" and that "It would be wrong
to believe that, after the middle of March, 1853, Eussia was
acting in furtherance of any scheme of territorial aggrandisement,
for it is plain that by that time the Czar's vague ambition had
dwindled down into a mere wish to wring from the Porte a pro-
tectorate of the Greek Church in Turkey."

With reference to the Indian scare, Lord Salisbury remarked
on June 12th, in answer to a statement of Lord Do Mauley, that
the policy of Eussia had been to deprive England of India ever
since the time of Peter the Great, " The policy which he imputes
to her (Eussia) could hardly have been initiated by Peter the
Great, because he died in 1725, and the Empire of British India
was not established till 1757.

We make a great outcry about the balance of power, which Mr.
Lowe has shown to be a mischievous fiction, for how can three
or more powers or weights be balanced against each other ? and
how are the respective values of men and of money, of land
and of naval forces, &c, to be appraised 1

The British empire contains a population of about 240 millions.
Eussia has only 86 millions, so that about 80 millions of the
population of our dependencies would have to be taken from the
British empire and annexed to Eussia, to establish even a nume-
rical balance of power between us ; and our national debts, fleet,
commerce, and national wealth would have to be treated in a
similar manner. Even if the whole empire of Turkey wore added
to Eussia, she would still be inferior, even in population, to the
British empire ; yet we are told by a veracious press that the
annexation of a single province of Turkey, say, the Principalities
which Ave ourselves demanded for Eussia in 1806, when we forced
the Dardanelles, would destroy the balance of power, and endanger
our Indian Empire.

Carlyle justly says, " The newspaper outcry against Eussia is
no more respectable to me than the bowlings of Bedlam, proceed-

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THE TRUTH ABOUT RUSSIA. 17

ing as it does from the deepest ignorance, egoism, and paltry
national jealousy;" and that the public may see that Eussia is not
the only power which is denounced by foreigners as aggressive
.and unscrupulous, I subjoin the following extract from a leading
French newspaper, written some years ago : —

" Are there any other seas, any other continents, seek an
inhabited or uninhabited spot where she [England] has not
planted her flag 1 All lands newly discovered she unhesitatingly
.annexes to herself. When will this insolent usurpation cease 1
What balance can exist in the world in face of this ambition,
which increases with concmest, and becomes extravagant by dint
of impunity ? It is not one nation, but every nation which should
open their eyes. It is essential not for one people, but for every
people, to know whether the ocean is free, and if the universe is
to fall back in presence of the shopkeeping Csesars, who avail
themselves of the disunion of states to turn them all to account,
and to aggrandise themselves on their common ruin."

When will this insolent assumption cease ?

Heine said, " Never again will I visit that detestable land
(England), where all the men are like machines, and all the
machines like men. The din and the silence there are alike
desolating. When I was introduced to the Governor of Heligoland,
.and this stick of an Englishman stood motionless before me,
without speaking a word, for several minutes, involuntarily the
idea came into my head to look at him from behind to see if
somebody had forgotten to wind him up. My heart sinks within
me when I think that after all Shakespeare was an Englishman,
and belongs to the most repulsive people that God in His anger
ever created."*

Montalembert says : — " In the first place, England does not
practice the belief in logic. She has reserved to herself from all
time the unlimited use of the most striking inconsistency."

Thackeray speaks thus of the British snob in his relation to
foreigners : "I think in my heart that the British snob, for
conceit and self-sufficiency and braggartism, in his way is without

* This is not quite in accordance "with the saying, " Xon Angli sed AngeliJ"

c

18 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

a parallel. . . . Oh, my country, if I were a Frenchman, how
I should hate you ! That brutal, ignorant, peevish, bully of an
Englishman is showing himself in every city of Europe. One of
the dullest creatures under heaven, he goes trampling Europe
under foot, shouldering his way into galleries and cathedrals, and
bustling into palaces with his buckram uniform. At church or
theatre, gala or picture-gallery, his face never varies. A thousand
delightful sights pass before his bloodshot eyes and don't affect
him. Countless brilliant scenes of life and manners are shown
him, but never move him. He goes to church and calls the prac-
tices there degrading and superstitious, as if his altar was the only
one that was acceptable. He goes to picture-galleries, and is more
ignorant about art than a French shoeblack. Art and nature
pass, and there is no dot of admiration in his stupid eyes.
Nothing moves him except when a very great man comes his
way, and then the rigid, proud, self-confident, inflexible British
snob can be as humble as a flunkey and as supple as a harlequin."

De Tocqueville speaks thus of the typical Englishman : " The
Englishman enjoys tranquilly the real and imaginary advantages
that his country possesses in his estimation. If he concedes nothing
to foreign countries, neither does he demand anything for his own.
The blame of foreigners does not move him, and their praise does
not flatter him in the least. He holds himself towards the
world in a reserve full of disdain and ignorance ; his pride requires
no aliment — it lives upon itself."

TheEussians are accused of stirring up the oppressed Christians
of Turkey to revolt, and this is said by the Philo-Turks to be
diabolical conduct ; but it is not diabolical for the Turks to send
emissaries to incite the Circassians to revolt, and I may add a
portion of the Circassians have revolted, solely because the
Russians prevent them selling their women and children as slaves
at Constantinople.

As to the outcry against Russia for its annexations, it seems to
be forgotten that Lithuania was no part of ancient Poland, but
was annexed by the Poles • that Finland belonged originally to
Russia, and was ceded to Sweden in 1617; so that Russia, in taking

THE TRUTH ABOUT RUSSIA. 19

possession of these provinces, only regained its own territory,
whilst Georgia was voluntarily ceded by its ruler to Eussia.

One way in which we have shown our neutrality is by the
English Ambassador in Persia urging the Shah to be reconciled
to the Sultan, and not to ally himself with Russia.

There are few subjects on which Englishmen are so contentedly
ignorant as the past history and present condition of the Eussian
Empire, and the Eussophobist party will not even read or listen
to a single word in its favour, but hug with avidity then- favourite
prejudices against that great country.

It is a total mistake to suppose that Eussia is entirely devoid
of free institutions ; and at this moment the whole of Poland would
have been in the enjoyment of a freer constitution than she had
ever enjoyed before, if it had not been for the unfortunate and
unwise rebellions in that country. Courland has various privi-
leges and immunities ; the Grand Duchy of Finland, which was
finally restored to Eussia in 1809, possesses still a national parlia-
ment, consisting of four estates, the nobles, the clergy, the
burghers, and the peasants; the Emperor Alexander I., who was
termed a republican monarch, openly pledged himself to give
as liberal a constitution to the whole Eussian Empire as any
country in the whole world possessed, and was only prevented by
his premature death ; and there is every reason to hope and to
believe that the present benevolent and patriotic Emperor, who
has, so to speak, swallowed the camel of serf emancipation, will
not strain at the gnat of giving a free constitution to his country.
The following were the very words of the Czar Alexander I., on
the opening of the Polish Diet, on the 27th March, 1818 ; and the
earnestness and perfect sincerity with which he expressed his
benevolent and patriotic intentions is quite equal to what the
most ardent Liberal would reasonably desire. Having expatiated
on the advantage of a constitutional regime, he added :■ — "With
the assistance of God, I hope to extend its salutary influence to
all the countries entrusted to my care — prove to the contemporary
kings that liberal institutions, which they pretend to confound
with the disastrous doctrines which in these days threaten the

c 2

20 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

social system with a frightful catastrophe, are not a dangerous
illusion, but that, reduced in good faith to practice, and directed
in a pure spirit towards Conservative ends and the good of
humanity, they are perfectly allied to order, and the best security
for the happiness of nations."

Even at present there is a Council of the Empire, consisting of
about sixty members, which was established in 1810 ; and also
a directing Senate, which was created so far back as 1711,
divided into eight committees. The Czar appoints to all ecclesias-
tical offices, but so does the Sovereign of England appoint bishops
and other dignitai-ies ; but the Czar does not decide matters of
doctrine, and is head of the Church like the Queen of England,
but in no greater degree.

The points in which the Greco-Russian Church differs from the
Eoman Catholic faith are its denying the spiritual supremacy of
the Pope, its prohibiting the celibacy of the clergy, and its
authorising all individuals to read and study the Scriptures in
the vernacular ; and surely on all these points we agree much
more nearly with the Greek than with the Eoman Catholic
Church. Though English Protestants do not think that the
marriage of clergymen should be obligatory, they certainly think
such a regulation infinitely to be preferred to enforced celibacy.
"We ecmally deny the supremacy of the Pope, and we cordially
approve of the permission to all individuals to read the Bible in
the vernacular. It should be borne in mind that the Greek
Church separated from the Latin Church, not in consequence of
differences of doctrine, but because Pope Gregory II. excommuni-
cated the Emperor Leo in 729, and five years afterwards the
Greek Church condemned the worship of images, which is still
retained by the Latins. In 1274, at the Council of Lyons, the
Greek and Latin Churches were re-united, but again separated
three years later. So far back as 1723, a union was proposed
between the Church of England and the Greek Church, and the
project has since been repeatedly renewed, so that any strictures
on the Greek faith come with a very ill grace from us.

There are several branches of the Greek Church, such as the

THE TRUTH ABOUT RUSSIA. 21

Bulgarian and the Russian, who have different and independent
heads or Patriarchs, yet they do not consider each other
heterodox, as Roman Catholics would.

With reference to education in Russia, in the Budget of 1876
no less a sum than £2,059,506 was set apart for this purpose;
whilst, before the recent Education Act for England, in 1868, our
expenditure on education in England was only £781,329. In
other words, Russia, in proportion to population, laid out about
two- thirds as much per head in 1876 as we did in 186S.

The total foreign loans of Russia are only £135,370,000, whilst
in Turkey they are £184,981,783 : that is to say, the debt of
Turkey for a population of 21,648,500, who have to pay the
interest on the loans, exclusive of the small amount of the
tributes, is nearly £9 per head ; whilst in Russia it is only about
£1 12s. per head, and in England £23 6s. 8d. per head.

The total length of railways in Russia is 11,576 miles, and of
telegraphs 31,459 miles.

Mr. Holms tells us that in 1865 our exports to Russia were
£2,923,000, and in 1875 £8,059,000, showing an increase in ten
years only of 175 per cent. ; whilst our exports to Turkey in 1865
were £5,673,000, and in 1875 £5,897,000, an increase of less
than 4 per cent. The number of vessels cleared between Great
Britain and Russia in 1875 were 7,360, with 2,843,766 tonnage,
against 835 between Great Britain and Turkey, with only
550,448 tonnage.

The whole country is divided into Mirs or Communes ; these
again are united into Voloste or districts, Avith a population of
about 2,000, each of which is presided over by an elder or
starchine, who, in case the district consists of several villages, has
above him a starosta.

The Times states : — " The most radical vote passed by the
French Chamber was that which made the votes of the Municipal
Councils public. Harmless as such an arrangement may seem to
English people, it might be unwise in France. Such, at least,
was the belief of so staunch a Republican as M. Jules Simon."

In Russia the discussions of the provincial and village as-

22 A DEFENCE OF PRUSSIA.

semblies are public, so that Russia in that respect has more liberty
and better government than France.

It should be noted also that Russia has given notice that she
intends to abide by the Declaration of Paris restricting maritime
rights, not only towards those who signed it, but also towards
Spain and the United States.

In Russia, too, the punishment of death is abolished, whilst
only the other night in the House of Commons a large majority
refused even to inquire by a Commission whether the law of
homicide could be amended, chiefly in the direction of taking un-
premeditated murder out of the category of capital crime, and
leaving premeditated murder punishable with death.

The donations of the Russians to the Christian cause, and to
the support of the Russian volunteers amounted to about the
magnificent sum of £400,000, much more in proportion to the
resources of Russia than we subscribed to the Patriotic Fund.

I have shown, on the evidence of Mr. Wallace and others,* that
Russia possesses provincial, institutions freer and more democratic
than those of England ; that the peasantry generally possess land,
whilst only a small minority own land in England ; and that they
are evidently better fitted to receive Parliamentary franchise than
our own agricultural labourers, to whom we persistently and un-
justly refuse it. The Russian nobility have nunc of that aristocratic
hauteur and cxclusiveness, and almost as odius condescension, which
characterisesagreatportionof ourEnglisharistocr;.< v. andaltogether
one is inclined to believe that the standard of happiness among the
masses is quite equal to that of our own country, and that in many
respects we have much to learn from that Russia which so many
ignorant Englishmen look down upon with such unjust and ineffable
disdain.

Middle-aged " west-enders " will recollect in their early youth
that the prevalent idea of a Russian in those days was that of a
man whose favourite food was tallow candles, tainted oysters, and
train oil ; but we have now learned to know them better, ami have
discovered that it was we, and not they, who were the real so< ial
* Which will be found in the appendix.

THE TRUTH ABOUT RUSSIA. 23

barbarians. At that time we used to load our dinner-table with a
profusion of food of every description, interspersed with heavy
and tasteless family plate. The wretched master of the house at
a large dinner party was nothing better than principal carver, a task
task which he generally performed with the utmost awkwardness,
the perspiration on a hot summer's day streaming down his face
in torrents as he vainly endeavoured to sever a joint, while the
perfume from the heterogeneous meats and vegetables formed an
odour which certainly did not come from Araby the Blest.

It is to '.Russian good taste alone that we owe the present civi-
lised system of dining " a la Busse," with nothing on the table
but beautiful flowers and exquisite fruit served on Bohemian
glass or china, mingled with elegant and tasteful silver epergnes ;
and the merits of a Charlotte Busse glacee, and of the delicious
caviare, which is peculiar to Bussia, have at last dawned upon our
torpid conceptions, while the delicate Bussian cigarette of Latakia
tobacco has to a great extent supplanted the coarse weed from
slaveholding Havannah, and the perfumed Bussian leather is also
unrivalled in the world. The Bussians, too, are noted all over Europe
for the ease, facility, and perfect accent with which they pro-
nounce various languages, and especially French, which they speak
so idiomatically that our neighbours over the silver streak cannot
pay any foreigner a greater compliment than " Qu'il parle Fran^ais
comme un Busse/' whilst you might almost count on your fingers
all the Englishmen who speak French to the same perfection.

The following satirical fragment from Thackeray, about un-
reasonable prejudice, as illustrated by quarrelling with a man
for eating peas with a knife, is extremely applicable to the preju-
dice against Bussia and the Bussians entertained at the " west-
end." " I once knew a man who, dining in my company at the
Europe coffee-house at Xaples, ate peas with the assistance of his
knife. He was a person with whose society I was greatly pleased
at first indeed — we had met in the crater of Mount Vesuvius, and
were subsequently robbed and held to ransom in Calabria — a man
of great powers, excellent heart, and varied information, but I
had never before seen him with a dish of peas, and his conduct

24 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

in regard to them caused me the deepest pain. After having seen
him thus publicly comport himself, but one course was open to
me — to cut his acquaintance. . . Everybody at Naples
remarked the separation of Damon and Pythias ; indeed,
Marrowfat had saved my life more than once., but what
was I to do 1 . . "We met at Sir George Golloper's after
four years. . . "What was my astonishment, what my delight,
when I saw him use his fork like any other Christian. Old times-
rushed back upon me ; his rescuing me from the brigands ; his
gallant conduct in the affair with the Countess Degli Spinachi;
his lending me £1,700. I almost burst into tears with joy ; my
voice trembled with emotion. ' George, my boy,' I exclaimed ;
' George Marrowfat, my dear fellow, a glass of wine ! ' "We have
been the closest friends ever since." And so, when England and
Russia fully understand each other, they will be the best of allies.
I may add that the war we undertook against the Affghans, which
led to a severe repulse with the loss of 20,000 men, the Crimean
War, and the war which the " west-end " wishes us now to-
undertake in defence of alleged British interests, which never
have been, and never will be, really attacked, remind me of the
course pursued by the frogs, in the Irish song about St. Patrick,
who all committed suicide to save themselves from slaughter ; and
of the conduct of the Greeks who captured Troy after a twenty
years' siege, on the supposition that Helen had been carried off
by Paris, and was held in captivity in the city, whilst it appears,
as any one can see in Lempriere's Classical Dictionary, that Mene-
laus, on visiting Egypt after the capture of Troy, found Helen
then at the Court of Proteus, as Priam had vainly assured him,
and was convinced too late that the Trojan war had been under-
taken on unjust and unpardonable grounds.

France, after being hopelessly beaten in an aggressive and
unprovoked war, by a nation inferior in numbers and wealth to
herself, has never ceased, even after the lapse of six years, from
sulking, abusing, and maligning the Germans ; but Russia, with
a population of 86,000,000, after an heroic defence in an aggressive
war, wrongfully waged against her, in which she contended bravely

THE TRUTH ABOUT RUSSIA. 25

with the English, French, Sardinians, and Turks, with a popula-
tion, including their dependencies, of about 326,000,000, or nearly
four to one, has nobly and truly declared, " La Eussie ne boude
pas elle se recueille." (Eussia does not sulk, she restores herself.)

Those who are unaccoiainted with Eussia are very apt to speak
with considerable severity of the Czars, as if they were always
tyrants, but the truth is, that the rulers of that great country
have usually been individuals of remarkable ability, and the last
three, including the present sovereign, would have done honour
to any age or country.

I have related in the chapter headed, "Poland from a
common sense point of view," how beneficent and successful the
Emperor Alexander I. was in the government of Poland, and
that he fully intended to establish a liberal constitutional govern-
ment throughout the Russian Empire, and there is no doubt that
he was always received with the utmost enthusiasm, both in
Poland and the other parts of the Empire. Alison tells us,
"The Empress Elizabeth, too, was in the highest degree
amiable and exemplary, self-denying, generous, and affectionate.
The mind of Alexander, however, was naturally inclined to
deep and mystical religious emotions, and he had been much
affected by the dreadful scenes which he had witnessed at the
inundation of St. Petersburg. During a temporary estrange-
ment from the Empress he became a hermit in his palace, and
sought a temporary respite to his anxiety in frequenting the
houses of some highly respectable families in middle life, for the
most part Germans, to whom his rank was known, but where he
insisted upon being treated as an ordinary guest. There he often
expressed his envy at the happiness which reigned in those
domestic circumstances, and sighed to think that the Emperor of
all the Eussias was compelled to seek at the hearths of others
that felicity which his grandeur or his faults had denied him at
his own. . . . Shortly afterwards he again sought the society
of the Empress, who had returned to St. Petersburg, was attentive
to her smallest wishes, and sought to efface the recollection of
former neglect by every kindness which affection could suggest."

2G A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

The health of the Empress requiring a change to the Crimea,
" though his own health was broken, as he had not recovered
from an attack of erysipelas, he resolved upon running the risk of
the journey . . . but he had a presentiment that this journey
would be his last, and that he was about to expire beside the
Empress . . . and on this occasion he directed the metro-
politan bishop in secret to have the service for the dead chanted
for him when he returned on the following morning at four
o'clock." On his death-bed, " causing the windows to be opened,
he said, looking at the blue vault, ' What a beautiful day ! ' and
feeling the arms of the Empress around him, he said tenderly, ' My
love, you must be very fatigued.' These were his last words."
During the whole journey of the remains from the Crimea to
St. Petersburg, " every night when the procession rested, crowds of
people from a great distance around flocked to the spot to kneel
down and kiss the bier where their beloved Czar was laid, ' and
at the funeral "the old grenadiers, his comrades in the camp
in Germany and France, wept like children. . . . Had
Alexander died shortly after the first capture of Paris in 1814. he
would have left a name unique in the 'history of the world, for
a ver before had so great a part been so nobly played on such a
theatre. It is hard to say whether his fortitude in adversity, his
resolution in danger, or his clemency in victory, were the most
admirable.''

The Emperor Nicholas, again, repeatedly refused to accept his
elder brother Constantino's voluntary abdication of the throne,
and the interregnum continued three weeks, during which the two
brothers — a thing unheard of — were mutually declining and
urging the Empire on the other. Much has been said by those
who are ignorant of the facts of the severity with which the
Emperor Nicholas suppressed the revolt which occurred at his
accession, but the fact is that only five suffered death, and only
thirty-one were exiled to Siberia, which is nothing to the severity
i sercised by the English Government after the suppression of the
rebellion in 1745, and till these executions there had not been one
for eighty years previously at St Petersburg. The Emperor

THE TRUTH ABOUT RUSSIA. 27

Nicholas behaved most generously to the wives and families of
those who had been executed for treason, and he gave £2,500
with a valuable farm to the father of Pestel, one of the chief con-
spirators. I have already mentioned in another page what
Kingiake says in favour of the Czar Nicholas, and I need only
add that he was " exemplary in all the relations of private life, a
faithful husband, and an affectionate father;" whilst as a sovereign
he was victorious over the Turks, but refrained from taking
Constantinople, which he might, according to Wellington, have
captured; and he had the laws codified, and the administration of
justice purified, accelerated, and reformed.

The sovereigns of other countries, with half the abilities and
worth of the Russian Emperors, are lauded to the skies, but such
is the force of prejudice and ignorance that many seem to doubt
if any good thing can come out of Russia.

A large portion of the English press teems with daily abuse,
falsehood, and vituperation against Russia, reminding one, for its
impotent abjurgations, of the celebrated curtain lectures of Mrs.
Caudle, which used to amuse us formerly in the best days of
Punch, but without their humourous fun, which has been sup-
planted by simple ill-nature.

It is surely not by frantic abuse of either a nation or an in-
dividual that we can expect to retain them in the right path, or,
if they have wandered from it, to reform them; and, as prophecies
lead to their own fulfilment, so individuals and even nations may
be diverted from the path of justice by seeing that their motives
and actions are misconstrued and calumniated, whilst those who
have faith in the rectitude of individuals or of nations generally
find their confidence amply repaid. England cannot afford to
lose one of the few really friendly nations who are allied to us,
and if we cultivated amicable relations with Russia, we should
find our reward in such a course in our hour of need. If France
had only been neutral in the Crimean war, and if prudent Prussia
had joined us in the alliance with Turkey, the union of Germany
would probably never have been effected, and France would not
have been obliged to give up two provinces and to pay a war

28 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

indemnity of .£200,000,000. It is perfectly clear that France
now sees her mistake, and that her only hope of a successful war
of revenge lies in the Russian alliance. Even if Russia annexed
Constantinople and converted the Black Sea into a Russian lake,
France sees she would lose little or nothing by it, and even if
she did lose something, she would gladly put up with it, provided
a much greater loss fell upon Germany.

The Times says, " Many thousands of Russian soldiers and
horses have encamped at Ban Jassi, near Bucharest, during the
march to the Danube, but the most scrupulous care has been
observed towards the growing crops. The discipline of the troops
has been so good that they appear and disappear by thousands
without attracting the attention of the citizens of Bucharest."

Colonel Baker, who, like another Balaam, went to Turkey to
curse the Russians, inadvertently " lets the cat out of the bag," cuts
the ground from under his own feet, and blesses the Russians
altogether, for he naively admits, "The Russians are the most
chivalrous and charming enemies, and very pleasant friends."

The Figaro of Paris of 1st July says, the Russians "found
fifteen Turkish corpses which the runaways had not time to carry
away. They were respected even to what their pockets contained,
which the Russian soldiers did not examine, in their disdain for
men who had mutilated their countrymen."

At last, about two months after the declaration of war, English
officers, employed by the Ottoman Government, have received
notice that they have till the 5th of July to choose between
English and Turkish service, and Hobart Pasha has been removed
from the British Navy List for the second time, with, no doubt,
the understanding that he will be again replaced at the end of
the war, and receive all his arrears of pay.

We do not hear of any French, Italian, German, or American
mercenaries, filibusters, or renegades fighting on the anti-
christian side, and the Swiss are now debarred from taking ser-
vice under any foreign government, and it is, I think, no
wonder that the military attache" of England (Colonel "NVellesley)
has been received with marked coldness at the head-quarters of

THE TRUTH ABOUT RUSSIA. 29

the Russian army, whilst the French and Italian military attaches
have been received with the utmost courtesy, especially as he is
well known to have shown a marked hostility to Russia even in
the society of St. Petersburg, where he was most hospitably treated,
and that he sent home reports, which were communicated to other
governments, most disparaging to the Russian army and nation.

The Russians are to be severely blamed, according to the
Philo-Turkish press, because they do not cordially welcome
the representative of a nation whose press, with but few
honourable exceptions, is constantly maligning them without
the slightest regard to fair play or truth, and which gloats
over every real or supposed misfortune which may happen
to them, and eagerly hails any true or fictitious successes of the
barbarous Turks, and glosses over and palliates their habitual
cruelties towards the Christians. Of course the Russians oughl;
to entertain the most affectionate feelings to Hobart Pasha and
those other English officers who have been instrumental in check-
ing their advance, and in killing and wounding their relatives
and friends, and one cannot but wonder at their blindness in
resenting these services. The excellent conduct of the Russian
army is further proved by the following statement in the Times of
June 28th :—

" The mosque of Matchin is carefully guarded, and no Russian
soldiers are allowed to enter it. When the Turkish troops
evacuated Matchin they advised the inhabitants to leave, but many
of the Turks remained, and have been well treated by the Russian
troops."

The Times says, July 12th : — " Meanwhile, what is the attitude
of the people here (in Bulgaria) 1 It is nothing to say that the
Russians are received here with joyful acclamations, that people
hung about them with thanks, and young girls brought them
flowers. All this might possibly have been arranged beforehand,
and mean no more than that they wished to conciliate their new
masters. To English minds a far better proof of good feeling
will be the fact that the houses are readily opened to the victors,
and that all who can supply them with food and drink refuse to

30 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

accept any payment. The languages are so nearly alike, that the
Russian speaks in Russian, the Bulgarian in Bulgarian, and they
understand each other. There is no mistaking the good feeling
with which the people meet them, and one can only sigh and say,
' Would that the release of this people had heen helped, not
hindered, by England ! ' "

To show that the Christians of Bulgaria welcome the Russians
as deliverers, I quote the following from the Times military cor-
respondent at Tirnova : — "As our little column approaches each
village the Turks slink out at the other end, and the ringing of
bells first expresses the joy of the Bulgarians. They flock to meet
the soldiers, always bringing water, flowers, bread, and such fruit
as there is. . . . The soldiers drink greedily (water), but are
not allowed to touch wine or spirits on the march, and the first
request made by Prince Eugene, when encamping near a village,
is that the people will not bring out any strong drink for the men.
The result is good. So far I have only seen one man the worse
for liquor. Above all, that town (Tirnova) has sent fnth an
agonizing cry which, however it may read at an English breakfast
table, appeals to the hearts of men (the Russians) who arc living
for a time a life of struggle and danger. . . . The Dragoons
(Russians) follow the retreating enemy, and from which they (four
battalions of Turks) have fled from a few Dragoons, assisted
by a few rounds of artillery fire. . . . Never was there a
more disgraceful panic. Infantry with guns literally frightened
away by a few horsemen. One of the strongest positions taken
by cavalry and horse artillery. . . .

"ISTo doubt now as to the welcome of the Russians ; the poor
people literally wept, prayed, ami hung upon the necks of their
deliverers, who were almost smothered in flowers. One saw rough
cuirassiers of the Guard and dirty dragoons grinning with delight
as they carried armfuls of flowers, as much as they could possibly
manage, and have their hands seized and kissed by pretty delicate
girls. There were no triumphal arches got up, no expressions of
enthusiasm. Everything that was done came evidently and directly
from the heart — the heart relieved from an intolerable yoke, and

THE TRXJTn ABOUT RUSSIA. 31

a great and immediate danger. No one who has seen the entire
and childish abandonment of this people to joy at their deliverance
would have any other feeling hut joy that it has been relieved.
They treated me also as a saviour. Alas ! I was only there to
relate how another nation had saved them ; and from how terrible
a fate — not death only — but that living death which comes from
a state of unutterable shame. . . . Bussia alone has made
her greatness felt, and the other nations of Europe are (to the
Bulgarians) abstractions.

" The behaviour of the people to the Turks has been decidedly
good. At first some of the Turks' houses were entered, and furni-
ture taken away, but that sort of thing soon ceased. A committee
was formed under the Archimandrite to watch over Turkish
property, and such of the young men as have not already
shouldered the rifle have turned themselves into special constables
for the time being. Their pride is to show that they are superior
in civilization to the Turks/'

The Eussian Minister of War, with his penny wise and pound
foolish policy, is as highly blameable as the Prussian Minister of
the same department, in not having provided the Eussian soldiers
with the best possible rifle, for, says Truth, " The Turks, having
discovered that their rifles have a longer range than those of the
Eussians, go into battle with a firm conviction that they hold
victory in their hands, and press forward with the rush of fiends
to meet the foe." However, in the Franco-German war, though
the French had a far better rifle than the Germans, they were,
nevertheless, totally defeated.

As to the results of our meddling and muddling policy on the
Eastern Question, the Times correspondent states : — " I had a long
conversation the other day with an Armenian who has been for
twenty years connected with Turkish journalism, and is still on the
staff of one of the principal Turkish papers. He protested with great
bitterness and, as it seemed to me, with perfect sincerity, that Eng-
land was responsible for the war ; that, but for English policy,
Turkey would not have stood out against the wishes of Europe. It
was the arrival of the fleet at Bcsika Bay that first encouraged

32 A DEFENCE OE EUfi

Turkey to reject the Berlin Memorandum. It was by the advice —
not indeed the avowed — but the secret advice of England that Tur-
key again rejected the proposals of the Conference. At the last

moment she would have accepted the Protocol if she had been
made clearly and unmistakeably to understand that England really
intended to adopt a policy of neutrality. A corresponding con-
clusion was, that if any attempt were made to bring the British
fleet through the Dardanelles under pretext of protecting Con-
stantinople, England ought to be distinctly told that the Porte
did not recpuire her protection on any terms, and that she could
enter the Straits only as the avowed ally of Turkey, and, conse-
quently, the avowed enemy of Russia."

At a Tory Opposition fish dinner the late Sir Robert Peel once
proposed a toast remarkably unlike a blessing for the Liberals :
" May we avoid their flounders and may we get their plaices ; " a
witty chaucellor adding, " and d their soles."

Lord Granville wittily said on this topic, " I admit that we
have watched with mixed feelings of admiration and awe the
enormous flounders of the present Government at home and
abroach Fancy what a water souchet the Besika Bay flounders
would alone provide ; " and even the Turks will not allow " Dizzy "
to play the game of Bezique much longer.

It is to be hoped that Russia will gain such signal and immediate
triumphs, that the Balkans will henceforth become, the northern
frontier if Turkey continues to exist. This would. I believe, be
in the permanent interests of peace, and therefore in our interests.

The reports of the gentle treatment by the Russians of the
inhabitants of the conquered towns, and, above all, that they pay
for all they take, have together done much to moderate the terror
which their coming had inspired.

As to the passage of the Dardanelles to Russian men of war,
should we ourselves submit to such a condition mutatis mutandis.
Should we even agree that no ships of war should go through the
Suez Canal ] Would France agree that her Mediterranean fleet
must never pass through the Straits of Gibraltar, and her Atlantic
fleet never enter the Mediterranean by these Straits ? "

WILL OF PETER THE GREAT PROVED TO BE A EORGERY. 33

THE WILL OF PETER THE GREAT PROVED TO BE
A FORGERY.

M. Theodore Juste, an eminent Belgian historian, lias recently
published a work on the pretended Will of Peter the Great, which
he does not hesitate to pronounce spurious ; adding, " one re-
cognises in this vehement composition the ideas and the claws of
Napoleon." An abridgment of the Will was forged by a writer
named Lesur, in 1812, when the French were burning to avenge
the defeat and destruction of their army in the Russian cam-
paign; and in another work published in 1814 against Russia,
Lesur acknowledges in the preface that he had written this second
work at the command of the French Government. Sir Robert
Wilson, in his private diary, published in 1861, says, that among
the effects abandoned by the French, in the retreat from Russia
there was a great quantity of Lesur's first' work, containing
the abridgment of the Will, and he says that the work was
published under the immediate superintendence of the French
Government. Lesur had written another pamphlet in 1807
against Russia, but there is no mention of this Will which he had
not then been instructed to forge. In the introduction to the
pamphlet of 1812, he says, "We are assured that there exists
in the private archives of the empire of Russia secret memoirs
written by the hand of Peter the Great, where the projects which
this Prince had conceived are explained without concealment."
The first twelve of these fourteen heads are evidently prophecies,
much after the events. In the other two, Lesur abandons accom-

34 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

plished facts for the realms of imagination, and talks of a " cloud
of Asiatic hordes, ferocious and greedy of booty," as if Peter the
Great would have spoken thus of his own subjects. These hordes
are to penetrate by force into Italy and France, to massacre the
inhabitants of these countries, and to drag them into slavery in
the deserts of Siberia. He does not say he saw the Will, either
in Eussian or in a French translation, but merely repeats from
hearsay ; and Voltaire tells us that Peter the Great was Avholly
unacquainted with French. One does not see why the Russians
should massacre the people of France and Italy if they submitted
to the Emperor's authority, especially as they would have got
more revenue out of the country with inhabitants than without
them ; nor, how they could be dragged into captivity if they
had been previously massacred ; nor why, in a .-'heme for
conquering the world, the means of getting the better of the
English, who are spoken of with such peculiar respect, are not
stated %

It was the author (in association with Alexandre Dumas) of the
successful, but extravagant, drama of the "Tour de Xesle,"
Gaillardet, who in 1836 first published the complete Will in
French, in the " Memoirs of the Chevalier d'Eon," stating that
that individual brought it to France in 1757, and placed it in the
hands of Louis XV. and his Minister of Foreign Affairs, and that
it was a literal copy ; but if so, it must have been in Eussian,
which the Chevalier d'Eon did not understand, and why cannot
it now be seen and accurately translated, since it must still be in
the archives of France ?

All the contemporary memoirs of the Chevalier d'Eon.'Jiowcver,
were silent as to his great influence in Russia, or as to the "Will of
Peter the Great, and in the " Memoirs of the Empress Catharine,"
which gives the fullest details of the life at court, his name is
not even mentioned. Gaillardet pretends " that this document
Avas kept in the archives of the castle of Peterhof, in theTneigh-
bourhood of St. Petersburg," but in this summer residence of the
Czars there are no archives at all !

In the text of the Will, section 12 directs Russia "to attach and

WILL OF PETER THE GREAT FROVED TO BE A FORGERY. 35

unite round itself all the disunited Greeks, or schismatics," as if
Peter the Great would call his own church schismatical ?

It is clear that Gaillardet thought some of Lesur's text much
too improbable, as he omits several long passages which Lesur
published; amongst others this: "They (the Russian armed fleet)
will appear suddenly in the Mediterranean, and in the ocean, to
pour forth all their nomad people, ferocious and greedy of booty,
to inundate Italy, Spain, and France, of whose inhabitants they
will massacre a portion ; another they will drag into slavery to
repeople the deserts of Siberia, and they will put the rest in such
a state that they cannot break the yoke." It will be observed,
too, that clause xiv. of the Will directs that these Asiatic hordes
shall start in vessels under the convoy of the Black Sea and
Baltic fleets, from the ports of Azov and Archangel ; and
apparently, like most Frenchmen, Gaillardet was so ignorant of
geography, that he fancied the port of Archangel was on the
Baltic, whilst in fact it is on the Arctic Ocean (rather a cold and
uninviting place for the hordes of Central Asia) ; besides, how
could these Asiatic hordes be conveyed to Archangel % and why
should they not rather have been embarked at the Russian ports
on the Baltic, which are far nearer to their country, and to their
predatory destination 1 So shrewd a man as Peter the Great,
who had visited England, Holland, and other countries, and
knew that the fleets of the Western Powers must necessarily be far
superior to any fleet which Russia could man, even if a benevolent
fairy gave her the ships for nothing, must have foreseen that
until nearly the whole of Europe was conquered by a land army,
a task in itself impossible, he would have no chance of contend-
ing at sea with England alone, still less with a combination of
the fleets of the European Powers ; and this ridiculous Will does
not tell us how the English and other fleets would be employed
while this armada was being gathered for the conquest of Europe .

d 2

A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

SKETCH OF PAST PHASES OF THE EASTERN
QUESTION.

As one of the few members of Parliament who have visited
Turkey, I shall now state my views on this engrossing
question in the following pages. The principal reason which
is given by most of those Englishmen who advocate the cause
of Turkey is the supposed danger to our Indian Empire if
Russia were victorious in a war with the Ottoman Empire ; and
it has been often, but erroneously, asserted that the defence of
Turkey against Russia has been the traditional and invariable
policy of England.

Even if this were the case, it would not be a sufficient reason for
adhering to that course, if it is shown, as it has been, to have been
useless and wrong, more especially under the totally different
circumstances of the present crisis ; and the Tim s admitted in
18G1 as to the Crimean War, ten years before the Russians re-
pudiated a portion of the Treaty of Paris : " Never was so great
(Fort made for so worthless an object. It is with no small
reluctance we admit a gigantic effort and an infinite sacrifice to
have been made in vain."

If Russia had invented some flimsy excuse for suddenly making
an unprovoked attack on Turkey, had refused all offers of arbitra-
tion, had peremptorily declined the advice of England, and had
openly declared that she would attack and endeavour to annex
the whole Turkish Empire in Europe as a step to the conquest of
India and of the world, in accordance with the forged Will of

SKETCH OF PAST PHASES OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 37

Peter the Great, and if the Christians had heen wisely and justly
governed by the Turks, we might possibly have been justified
in defending Turkey ; but even then we should have been no
more bound in honour to do so unless all the other guaranteeing
Powers had joined us than we were to defend Denmark against
Germany. But in the present case, as Russia has waited
patiently for years to obtain the fulfilment of the fallacious and
treacherous promises of the Sultan, upwards of twenty years ago,
to do justice to its co-religionists and fellow-Sclavonians, as it
has modified its very reasonable requirements beyond what the
most sanguine friend of Turkey Avould have deemed possible,
even at some sacrifice of its dignity and consistency, to meet the
views of the other Powers,' and especially of England ; and as the
cause of quarrel has been publicly stated by us to be most serious
and just ; I cannot see, now that Turkey has contemptuously,
arrogantly, and foolishly refused the unanimous proposals
of the Great Powers, how we could with any fairness en-
deavour to thwart Russia in nobly enforcing on the Porte the
decisions of the Conference, even although the result might be
the immediate overthrow of the Ottoman Empire and the occu-
pation and annexation of Constantinople by Russia. On the
contrary, we ought, I think, to be grateful to Russia if she, un-
aided, undertakes the heroic task of enfranchising ten millions
of Christians from the tyranny of thirty millions of Mussulmans.
If the happiness and welfare of the Christians of Turkey can
only be secured by some remote and, I believe, imaginary risk to
our Indian Empire, from which, unlike the Dutch, we exact no
tribute, and which weakens our military resources in case of a
European war by abstracting a large portion of our troops, we
are bound to run that risk. But how can it be shown that
we should be exposed to any danger, however trifling and
distant, if Constantinople belonged to Russia 1 and what proof
is there that Russia would endeavour to incorporate Turkey
with her dominions, or that the Christians of Turkey, a large
portion of whom speak a different language, and who notoriously
wish to form independent states, could or would be compelled to

38 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

become Russian subjects, especially now that the Czar has
pledged his honour that he does not wish to incorporate Turkey
with his dominions ? Supposing that Russia could annex the
whole of Turkey, the maritime population of the enlarged Empire
would not enable her to man a fleet which would approach being
a match for the British navy, since our mercantile marine is about
equal to that of the whole world combined ; and if, contrary to all
probability and experience, she made a piratical and unprovoked
attempt to intercept our communications with India by making
an attack on Egypt, our squadron at Malta would have a less
distance to traverse, and would easily capture and destroy the
Russian armada,

With strauge inconsistency the very same individuals who are
in .such a state of alarm at the supposed danger which we even
now incur in India from Russian ambition, and the still more
imminent risk which we should run if Russia took Constantinople,
declare that Russia is unable to vanquish Turkey single-handed,
although the result of every war but one between the two countries
for about two centuries has been the triumph of Russia ; and they
affect to think that some thirty-eight millions of semi-barbarous
Moslems, weakened by the presence among them of about ten
millions of disaffected Christians, and who are in a miserable
minority in European Turkey, would be more than a match for
eighty-six millions of civilised Russians, whilst, with 200 millions
of Indian subjects, backed by a British army, superior in number
to any which the Russians could send along the trackless deserts
ol I entral Asia, we could not defend Hindostan against an in-
vading army of Russians — in other words, whilst they hold that
a Turk is equal to nearly three Russians, a superior number of
Englishmen, near their resources, would not be equal to an in-
ferior number of Russians at an immense distance from their
base of operations, and though we should be supported by 200
millions of our Indian subjects, a large portion of whom are
notoriously equal, if not superior, to Turkish troops.

Colonel Vincent has published a statement, which has been
very favourably noticed by the press, in which, though he avows

SKETCH OF PAST PHASES OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 39

himself a philo-Turk and anti-Russian, he admits that Russia
has now an army of about 360,000 men on the Turkish frontier,
and generals of the highest repute and experience, like Kauff-
man, Tchernayeff, and others, while the Turks have no com-
manders of reputation, and the Sultan could not bring into the
field even 100,000 men to oppose them. And it will not be for-
gotten that Diebitch, in 1829, with only 110,000 men, vanquished
the Turks, and dictated to them an ignominious peace ; whilst at
sea they are so contemptible that in the Greek war of indepen-
dence, sixteen small Greek vessels chased forty large Turkish
men-of-war to Constantinople. The inefficiency of the Turkish
army and navy, as proved by a long series of defeats, is only ex-
ceeded by the venality which has signalised the leaders of both
services ; for when Paskiewitch attacked Asia Minor, he had no
difficulty in inducing any number of the very same Mussulman
troops who had fought against him to serve under his command.
The battle of Nezib was won by Ibrahim Pasha against over-
whelming odds by bribing the commanders of some of the
Turkish regiments, and the whole Turkish fleet immediately
afterwards deserted to the Pasha of Egypt. The anti-Russian
party further say that Russia could not vanquish the Turks be-
cause she cannot raise a loan on the European money market ; but as
her Three per Cents, are at 51, whilst the Turkish Six per Cents.
are at 8, it is clear that her credit is more than twelve times as good as
that of Turkey ; and no power whose Five per Cents, are at 81 has
ever failed in getting a loan of reasonable amount ; whilst Turkey
could not obtain a shilling on any terms whatever. With refer-
ence to the charges of inordinate ambition, of pecuniary greed,
and of atrocious cruelty in Central Asia, which have been un-
scrupulously brought against Russia, Mr. Gladstone, in his pam-
phlet on Russian policy in Turkistan, shows that, so far from there
being any mutual hostility between England and Russia in those
regions, England refused to take the part of the Khivans against
Russia, and advised them to submit to the demands of the Czar,
and the Russians refused to take the part of the exiled ruler of
Afghanistan against England, on account of its friendship

40 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

for our country. He also states that when Hativizah was
conquered by the Kussians in 1870, they gave it back to
the Amir of Bokhara, in spite of the desire of the people to
be ruled by them ; that the ruler of Kkokand was a scoundrel,
who had been repeatedly driven out by his subjects ; that
the Khan of Khiva might have been deposed and all his
territories annexed, but that Kussia refrained from doing so ;
that Tashkend was taken by Tchernayeff in 1864, contrary to the
orders and wishes of the Eussian Government, and that that
officer was severely punished for his disobedience ; that Eussia
has paid to the Mohammedan religion a respect so profound that
missionary efforts are actually put down, a measure which, we do
not adopt even in India ; that the annual expenditure of
Turkistan was in 1872 five and a half millions of roubles, against
a revenue of only two millions ; that Schuyler, the American
Consul, says, " The rule of Eussia is, on the whole, beneficial to
the natives, and it would be manifestly unjust to them to with-
draw her protection and leave them to anarchy and to the
unbridled rule of fanatical despots;" that Maghan says, "The
conduct of the Eussian soldiery in the Khivan campaign was
infinitely better thau that of European troops in European
battles ;" and that the Chinese Envoy said in his report to his
Emperor of the conduct of the Eussians. " The Dzian Dzian
(General Kolpakofsky) of Semiretch quieted in every way those
who remained in Suidun, both Mantchoos and Chinese, both
soldiery and civilians, as well as the Chinese Mussulmans, not
harming any one. Not even a single blade of grass, nor a single
tree, nor a fowl, nor a dog received any harm or injury, not a hair
was touched, so that children were not frightened, and the people
submitted, not without delight and ecstasy." Schuyler further
says, " Strict orders were given by General KaufTman at the same
time to the soldiers to send out no foraging parties, and to take
nothing from the inhabitants, but to pay cash for everything at
the bazaar ; and in one case a soldier was sentenced to be hung
for stealing a cow."

It should further be noted that, so far from showing an over-

SKETCH OF PAST PHASES OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 41

weening desire for territory, which can only be acquired at a
prodigious cost and held at a ruinous loss, Russia has sold the
whole of her possessions in America to the United States for an
old song, and has repeatedly restored to Turkey and Persia pro-
vinces that she has captured and might have annexed. Again,
Russia refused for nearly seven years to aid the Greek insurrec-
tion, and if it were so inordinately ambitious it could easily
conquer China, with which it is conterminous, with more than
double the population of India, and which would have been sub-
verted by the Taepings but for the skill of our own Gordon.

Even if the possession of Constantinople did menace at some
remote date our Indian Empire, how do we know but that before
that period arrived, when we had made in the meantime a long
series of wars, and perhaps doubled our debt and risked our
national existence to protect the effete and incorrigible Turks, we
might be deprived of India by a new mutiny; or the three
Empires might partition Turkey as they partitioned Poland ; or
France might aid Russia to conquer Turkey, on condition that
Russia should aid France in a war of revenge against Germany :
or Turkey might be subverted by another Mehemet Ali; or
Russia by an internal revolution, or by the re-establishment of
Polish independence 1 Well did Jefferson say : " How much
misery has been caused in the world by misfortunes which never
happened."

That large number of persons who do not give themselves
the trouble of reading history or of thinking for themselves, and
who consider precedent the only safe rule, just as they would pro-
bably uphold the custom of Suttee if it existed in England, range
themselves on the anti-Christian side because they erroneously
imagine that England has always taken that course. It is erro-
neously supposed that the policy of England has always been to
defend Turkey against Russia, but as I shall now show, the facts
of the case prove the very contrary. From 1686 to 1877, a
period of 191 years, there have been ten wars between Russia
and Turkey, which have lasted cumulatively about forty-two
years; and until 1787, though all but one, the Crimean war.

42 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

ended disastrously for Turkey, we never made the slightest attempt
to aid the Turks, even hy negotiation, still lees by force of arms.
In that year we first gave a little indirect and ineffectual aid to
Turkey, but in the end we urged them to cede a considerable
territory to Eussia.

In 1806 we made war on Turkey, which had most ungratefully
and treacherously declared war against us, in spite of our recent
services in driving the French out of Egypt and Syria, and this,
too, at the darkest moment of our death-struggle with Napoleon ;
and we then forced the Dardanelles and demanded the surrender
of the Turkish fleet, and the cession of Moldavia and JFallachia
to Piiissia. In 1812 we did not protest against the cession of the
whole of Bessarabia and other territory to Eussia. In 1815 we de-
prived Turkey of the Ionian Islands, which were tributary to the
Sultan, and thus violated the integrity of the Ottoman Empire.

In 1826 the treaty of Akerman was signed, and the Sultan had
the baseness to send a circular to Europe stating that when he
signed the treaty he had not the slightest intention of being bound
by it. This was an illustration of the perfidy of the Turk, which
reminds me of a story of Mirabeau's brother, who said of himself,
" I swore, indeed, but I did not promise to keep my word ; " and
on another occasion, " In any other family than my own I should
be considered a rogue, but a clever fellow ; in my own I pass for
an honest man, but a dunce;" and again he said, "Je suis paye
mais non vendu."

In 1827 we joined Eussia in destroying the Turkish fleet at Nava-
rino, and in the establishment of Greek independence, thus placing
the Turkish coasts at the mercy of Eussia. Though the Duke of
Wellington was hostile to the Greek revolution, and called Nava-
rino " an untoward event," yet at the close of 1829 he said, " It
would be absurd to think of bolstering up the Turkish power in
Europe. It is gone, in fact. . . . We must reconstruct the
Greek Empire. There is no doubt it would have been more
fortunate and better for the world if the treaty of peace
(Adrianople) had not been signed, and if the Russians had
entered Constantinople, and if the Turkish Empire had been

SKETCH OF PAST PHASES OP THE EASTERN QUESTION. 43

dissolved." In 1830 we acquiesced in the conquest of Algeria
by France, which deprived Turkey of about three millions of
subjects and a large tribute.

In 1833, when the Pasha of Egypt revolted, and his son
Ibrahim conquered Syria and Asia Minor, and advanced within
eighty leagues of Constantinople, we refused the supplications of
the Turks for assistance, and they were obliged to implore the aid
of Russia, which sent a squadron and an army, which occupied
Constantinople with our consent. Yet the Russians, whom
some suppose to be so faithless and unscrupulous, honourably
retired when the danger of Turkey was over. In 1839 the Pasha
of Egypt again rebelled, and after some months' delay, we for the
first time supported Turkey by force of arms at the imminent
risk of a war with France, which considered itself insulted by our
conduct, and was burning to avenge Waterloo.

At that time our regular forces were under 100,000 men, of
whom three-fourths were in Ireland or in the colonies, and not
more than 25,000 men and 40 guns could have been collected to
defend our shores ag ainst the 300,000 men and 300 guns which the
French could have brought against us, whilst we had only three
ships of the line and three frigates to guard the coast of the
Channel against the French naval force, and we had only nine
line-of-battle ships in the Mediterranean against fifteen French sail-
of-thedine of much heavier weight of metal and more numerous
crews than ours, supported by five Egyptian sail-of-the-line. Yet
in 1840 we risked a defeat and even our national existence to pre"
vent the ungrateful Turks from being regenerated by the more
enlightened government of Mehemet Ali ; and Russia, instead of
joining France and Egypt against us, which would almost have
insured our defeat, and instead of then securing Constantinople, as
she might have done, by arrangement with France and Egypt,
joined with us in maintaining, by force of arms, the integrity of
that Ottoman Empire which she is persistently accused of
wishing to appropriate.

In July, 1853, the Russians crossed the Pruth, but we did not
declare war till March, 1854; and when peace was made, in

4 4 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

March, 1856, we did not, as we might have done, compel Russia
after her defeat to surrender even the most recent of her conquests
from Turkey, nor to pay any indemnity to that Power for a war
which had weakened it, and injured its finances more than a large
cession of territory.

In 1853, the mixed Commission decided in favour of the claims
made by Russia as to the possession of the holy places by the Greek
Church, to the unbounded irritation of the Latins, and especially
the French, who had obtained a firman by threats of Avar on the
pretext of an obsolete treaty one hundred years old, contrary to the
recent firmans between Russia and the Porte. Prince Menschikoff
then sent in an ultimatum to the Sultan, in which he demanded that
in the Ottoman dominions the Greeks should have precisely the same
privileges as the Latins, and that these privileges should be made
perpetual and irrevocable. As the Sultan refused these just,
necessary, and moderate terms, the Russians occupied the Princi-
palities as a material guarantee.

The treaty of Kainardji, in 1774, it is quite evident, gave
Russia the right of protecting the Christians in Turkey. It is
not usual to put articles in treaties which have no meaning. If
these articles were intended to have no meaning, why were they
inserted 1 But there is further evidence of this, for Lord John
Russell, in a despatch to Sir Hamilton Seymour, in 1853, said,
" The protection of the Christians of Turkey by Russia v:as no
doubt prescribed by dotty and sanctioned by treaty;" and the
Plenipotentiaries at Vienna of four Powers said it was necessary
to abolish the exclusive protectorate which, for 180 years, had
been exercised by Russia ; so that, even if Russia's treaty right
were insufficient, as forty years' prescription suffices in England, 180
years should be adequate for Russia. I can hardly state a higher
authority than that for this assertion, for Lord John Russell
was then Foreign Secretary, and England was responsible for
any admissions he had made.

Lord Clarendon too stated in' 1853, " The word of His Imperial
Majesty (the Czar) would be preferable to any convention that
could be framed. They (Her Majesty's Government) feel entire

SKETCH OF PAST PHASES OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 45

confidence in the rectitude of His Imperial Majesty's intentions,
and as they have the satisfaction to know that the interests of
Eussia and England in the East are identical, they entertain an
earnest hope that a similar policy there will prevail."

A conference was then held at Vienna, at which the four
Great Powers were represented, and on the 31st July, 1853, a
Note was prepai'ed by the Plenipotentiaries, which was immediately
accepted by Russia without the slightest alteration, and which
embodied the very principle for which she had all along contended,
namely, equality between the Greeks and Latins, and permanence
of those privileges which the Turks had been in the habit of alter-
nately giving and withdrawing. The Porte insisted on important
alterations, which would have left the oppressed Christians at their
mercy, but these were instantly declined by Russia, and then the
four Powers most inconsistently" and unjustly sided with Turkey
against Russia, whilst they were obviously bound in honour to
adhere to that Note, and at first they expressed disappointment
and dissatisfaction at the conduct of the Porte. The Turks then de-
clared war, and commenced hostilities by firing on a Russian flotilla.
The Russians, in their turn, subsequently sent a declaration of
hostilities, and then the English and French fleets entered the
Dardanelles, and instead of settling themselves the terms of peace,
obsequiously asked the Porte what their terms should be.

The Porte demanded (1) Evacuation of the Principalities, (2)
Revision of the Treaties, (3) Maintenance of religious privileges
of communities of all confessions, (4) Definitive settlement of con-
vention respecting the holy places ; and we most absurdly approved
of these terms, instead of insisting that the evacuation alone should
suffice.

In November, 1853, the Russians destroyed the Turkish fleet at
Sinope, and early in 1854 the Emperor of the French, who was
leading England by the nose in the whole negotiation, wrote a
hypocritical letter in favour of peace, to which the Czar replied,
that long before the Russian occupation of the Principalities, when
England hesitated to assume a hostile attitude, Napoleon took
the initiative in sending his fleet as far as Salamis. That while

46 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

Napoleon makes it appear that the explanatory commentaries of the
Vienna Note rendered it impossible for France and England to
recommend its adoption by the Porte, he should have recollected
that the Enssian commentaries followed, and did not precede the
pure and simple acceptance of the Note by Eussia, and also
their urgent recommendation of it to Turkey. Besides, the
Czar added, " if any point of our commentaries had given rise to
difficulties, I offered a satisfactory solution of them at Olmiitz,
and such it was considered by Austria and Prussia. Unfor-
tunately, a portion of the Anglo-French fleet had entered the
Dardanelles under the pretext of there protecting the lives and
properties of English and French subjects, and in order to allow
the whole to enter without violating the Treaty of 1841, it was
necessary that the Ottoman Government should declare war
against us. I learn for the first time from your Majesty, that
while protecting the reinforcement of Turkish troops upon their
own territory, the two Powers have resolved to prohibit to us the
navigation of the Black Sea — that is to say, apparently to take
from us the right of protecting our own coasts. Would you,
yourself, Sire, if you were in my place, accept such a position 1 I
boldly answer, No." (9th February, 1854.)

As to the Crimean war, I consider it a most foolish and
wicked war, and one cannot but feel indignant at the weakness
and cowardice of Austria in connection with that struggle.
In my opinion, when we had induced the Russians to leave
the Principalities the war should have ceased, but we were
then tied to the chariot wheels of Napoleon III., the tyrant
of France, and it suited his dynastic purpose to continue the
war until the conquest of Sebastopol.

When Lord Aberdeen met Parliament in February, 1854, he
said he could not " prove " that there was any danger to this
country in the war between Russia and Turkey. Now, if
there was no danger in February, it was difficult to under-
stand how there could be danger in March, when war was
declared, the affair of Sinope having happened in November, and
everything being in statu quo ; and I look forward with alarm to

SKETCH OF PAST PHASES OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 47

the approaching Parliamentary recess, when the country might
suddenly find itself " drifted into " a perfectly unnecessary and
wrongful war.*

In February, 1854, Austria assured the English and French
ambassadors at Vienna that, " if the two Western Powers would
fix a day for the evacuation of the Principalities, after which, if
the notice should be unattended to, hostilities should commence,
the cabinet of Vienna would support the summons ; " whilst
Prussia declared that she was not called upon to engage in the
struggle until her own interests were involved, which would only
be the case if Russia, which then occupied the Principalities,
should annex them. On this, Herr Von Vincke, the leader of the
Prussian Liberals, said, " Instead of co-operating on the basis of
that which she considers right and just, Prussia is making herself
the post-boy or letter-carrier of Europe."

In consequence of this Austrian intimation, we stupidly and
precipitately sent an ultimatum to Russia on 27th February,
requiring the promise of the evacuation of the Principalities, but
nothing else, by the 30 th of April, and unless this pledge were
given within six days, the British Cabinet would consider the
silence of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg equivalent to a decla-
ration of war. The answer of the Czar, as might have been
anticipated, and as perhaps was desired, to this unnecessarily
insulting and peremptory dispatch was, " L'Empereur ne juge
pas convenable de donner aucune reponse a la lettre de Lord
Clarendon." Austria then having cleverly and unscrupulously
led us on the ice, and committed us irretrievably to war with
Russia, sneaked out of the quarrel and left us to our fate, having
made as it were a fool's mate of us in the political game of chess.
Obviously, Austria and Prussia, as every one now sees, though we
were then as blind as bats, have the chief interest in preventing
Russia from acquiring either the mouths of the Danube or Con-
stantinople, and they were, as it were, by the irresistible force of

* Kinglake tells us that at the meeting of the Cabinet which adopted the
dispatch which led to the war the majority were asleep !

48 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

circumstances, in the front line of the battle, whilst England and
France could, with the most perfect safety to their interests, have
remained wholly aloof from the contest, and the most we could have
been reasonably expected to do in case of a Russian annexation of
the Principalities or of Constantinople, would have been to send
our naval forces to control the Russian fleet, whilst Austria, and
not only Prussia but Germany, should at their own cost have fur-
nished all the land forces, and we have been made catspaws of to
snatch the German chestnuts out of the fire.

Kinglake says on this subject : — " Of all the great Powers,
Austria was the chief sufferer. Austria was on the spot.
Austria was the Power which instantly and in a summary way
could force the Czar to quit his hold, and yet the charge of
undertaking a duty which pressed upon her more than upon
any other State in Europe was voluntarily taken upon them-
selves by two States (England and France) whose dominions
were vastly distant from the scene of the evil deed. It was
much as though the forces of the United States and Brazil
were to come across the Atlantic to defend Antwerp from the
French, whilst the English looked on and thanked their enter-
prising friends for relieving them of their duty."

Napoleon, however, actually pretended, in his message to
his credulous and obsequious Chambers, that " France had
quite as much interest, and perhaps more, than England
in the influence of Russia not being extended indefinitely
over Constantinople, for to rule at Constantinople is to rule
over the Mediterranean." Yet the Turks, who do rule at
Constantinople, do not rule over the Mediterranean, nor would
the Russians if they held Constantinople, for all the powers
that border on the Mediterranean combined would not be a match
for England alone ; and though it would be monstrous for Russia
to have a single port, even the coaling station at Yillafranca,
which Russia obligingly gave up in consequence o f
France, or the smallest squadron in the Mediterranean, no one,
of course, could reasonably complain if, as the French have
often boasted, it " became a French lake."

SKETCH OF PAST PHASES OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 49

On the 20th April, 1854, Prussia and Austria signed a
treaty by which both guaranteed each others' territories, and
which declared that either the annexation of the Principalities
or an attack on the Balkans was a necessary casus belli. The
Russians evacuated the Principalities early in July, and the
Austrians, after delaying ten weeks from the date of the signature
of the treaty by which Turkey allowed them to occupy these
provinces, and waiting some weeks after the last Prussian had
retired, moved bravely forward on the 20th of August, as soon
as there was no possible risk of fighting, and by this occupation
they shielded Russia from an attack on the part of the Turks,
and released a large number of Russian troops, who were sent to
fight against us in the Crimea. On July 25, Count Nesselrode
told Austria : " We replied by silence to the summons of France
and England, because it was couched in an offensive form, was
preceded by open provocation, and was destitute of all conditions
of reciprocity. If in the opinion of the Austrian Government
the prolonged occupation of the Principalities was the motive of
the war, it ought to be a consequence that when the occupation
ceased the war should cease. If the interests of Austria and the
whole of Germany should suffer temporarily from our operations
on the Danube, they must suffer still more, as well as other
neutral States, from the situation brought about by the mari-
time operations of France and England in the Euxine, the North
Sea, and the Baltic."

Austria and Prussia both expressed their opinion that Russia,
in evacuating the Principalities, " had removed the only ground
of complaint which could justify a hostile attitude towards her ; "
but the French and English Governments took a widely different
view, and would no longer be satisfied with the status quo ante
helium, and wickedly and foolishly involved both England and
France in an aggressive war against Russia, which has cost us
seventy-five millions of treasure and tens of thousands of lives,
whilst it has retarded the emancipation of the Christians from
Turkish oppression and cruelty, and the advance of Russia in
civilisation, by nearly a quarter of a century. As we were duped

50 A DEFENCE OF ItUSSIA.

in the negotiations and entrapped into the war, so we were
befooled in the conduct of the campaign.

In the attack on the Eussian army at the Alma, the French, who
were far more numerous, persuaded us to let them fight on the
side which was protected by the guns of both fleets, whilst we
were exposed ; and in taking up the positions before Sebastopol we
a second time were fools enough, with a smaller number of troops,
to take up the most exposed and dangerous position, consequently
we got nearly all the hard blows, whilst the French secured nearly
all the so-called glory. We then continued that war until we had
nflicted the greatest loss upon a nation which had been our oldest,
our best, and our most consistent ally.

On 18th April, 1855, Lord John Eussell, supported by M.
Drouyn de l'Huys and Austria, proposed at Vienna a system of
counterpoise in the Black Sea between Russia and Turkey, to
which Russia agreed, and the war might then have terminated,
and a very large part of the slaughter and pecuniary loss of the
Crimean war might have been spared ; but the French and
English Governments refused to adopt this reasonable proposi-
tion, and in consequence both Lord John Eussell and M. Drouyn
de l'Huys resigned.

At last, in December, 1855, Austria, after repeated efforts, suc-
ceeded in bringing about negotiations for peace ; but so bellicose
were France and England that Count Buol stated that, when he
sounded the Cabinets of Paris and London, " Although we found
them imbued with the firm resolution not to lend themselves to
the initiative of any overtures for peace, nevertheless, to our
great satisfaction, we found such dispositions in those Cabinets
as to lead us to hope that they icould not refuse to examine and accept
conditions of a nature to offer all the guarantees of a permanent
peace.'' Considering that we were then victorious over Eussia,
it would have been more magnanimous and more consistent with
nations which make such gushing professions of Christianity, to
have generously tendered to Eussia such conditions of peace as
were consistent with its national honour, instead of taking, as
we did, an unfair advantage of our victory, and inflicting on that

SKETCH OF PAST PHASES OE THE EASTERN QUESTION. 51

great country the indignity and wrong of limiting her fleet in the
Black Sea (which was thus made into a Turkish lake) to an insig-
nificant and insufficient number of vessels, and placing her coasts
and the Christians of Turkey at the mercy of the barbarous and
incorrigible Turks, expressly barring all the Powers, individually
or collectively, from giving these oppressed Christians aid, what-
ever cruelties might be perpetrated upon them, even if, for
instance, one-third of the whole population was either massacred
or sold into slavery, as in the case of the Greeks at the end of the
war of independence, whilst previously for 180 years the wretched
Kayahs had enjoyed the constant protection of Eussia.

Lord Aberdeen told a distinguished M.P., who repeated it to
me, that he considered the Crimean War "unjust and unnecessary,"
and on the 30th January, 1855, Lord Aberdeen and Mr. Gladstone
resigned.

Lord Grey, too, said, " I think now as I thought then — that the
Crimean War was unnecessary, and, therefore, unjustifiable. I am
of opinion that all the blood that was shed and all the treasure that
was expended in the course of that memorable contest has had
the effect of leaving matters in the East in a worse position than
they otherwise would have been."

Soon after the conclusion of peace, the question of the relation
of the Principalities to Turkey arose. Eussia, and even France,
wished to erect them into a separate kingdom ; but Austria and
England, true to their retrograde policy, wished to keep them in
strict subservience to the Porte. On this subject the Times re-
marked in 1858, " Diplomacy does, indeed, cut a sorry figure in
this matter. First, she regarded the provinces as so important to
Turkey that she went to war rather than suffer them, even for a
time, to be rent from her ; then she referred what was really the
question of their future connection with Turkey to the people
themselves ; she overruled their decision because she wished them
still to be dependent on Turkey ; and she has now apparently
ended by giving them a constitution which annihilates their
dependence as effectually as if they had been formally united into
a single kingdom ; and in performing this feat she has kept the

e 2

52 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

provinces in an unsettled and miserable state for what, doubtless*
appears to great diplomatists the very moderate period of two
years and a half."

In the same year the Turks, who are so indignant at any
of their territory being taken from them, declared Tunis an
integral part of their Empire; and only last year the Khedive
made, an unprovoked and unjust war on Abyssinia, hoping to
annex further territories to Egypt, and consequently to the
Turkish Empire, but was ignominiously defeated by the 1
Abyssinian Christians in spite of the aid of renegade Europeans.

In 1854 the Turks, who are now so tenacious about their
dignity and imaginary independence, agreed to the occupation of
the Principalities by Austria for two years, and in 1860 they con-
sented to an armed occupation of Syria by the French for nearly
a year after one of those periodical massacres which occur so fre-
quently in Turkey ; yet, forsooth, they will not allow Bulgaria,
after they have committed even worse horrors than on other oc-
casions, for which they have decorated and rewarded some of the
chief perpetrators, to be occupied temporarily even by a gen-
darmerie officered by foreigners.

In 1867 the European Powers agreed to recommend the Turks
to give up Candia, instead of desiring to maintain the integrity *>f
Turkey.

In 1871 the Prussians very wisely seized the opportunity of tin
Eranco-German War to repudiate the humiliating, oppressive, and
unjust Treaty of Paris, by which the Russian coasts were placed
at the mercy of the Turkish licet, and the Turks were the very
first to consent; so that, being without allies, and not caring to be
more Turkish tban the Turks, we were obliged to consent to see
the chief result of the Crimean War irrecoverably lost, JTi I
though we only beat the Russians in the Crimea with the greatest
difficulty with the aid of the French, the Sardinians, and the
Turks, and with the indirect support of the Austrians, who occu-
pied the Principalities, there are those who actually suppose we
could now cope with Russia supported by Turkey alone, at such
an enormous distance from our supplies, and with the risk of

SKETCH OF PAST PHASES OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 53

having Germany against us, grateful for the friendly neutrality of
Russia during the Austrian and Franco-German Wars, and perhaps
Austria, which might probably be won over by Eussia by the pro-
mise of a large slice of Turkey ; while Eoumania, Greece, Crete,
Egypt, Servia, and Montenegro probably would take the opportu-
nity of declaring war against Turkey and joining Russia; and
heterodox Persia might take the opportunity of appropriating some
of the territory of the orthodox Mussulmans of Turkey, and
especially Mesopotamia, which contains their sacred places.

In 1873- England was obliged to check Turkish aggressions in
South Arabia, tending to impede our communications with India.

In 1874 Austria, Germany, and Russia informed the Turks
that they considered themselves justified in concluding separate
treaties with Roumania, and they paid no regard to the protest
of the Turks. Some years ago we too infringed the integrity of
Turkey, by annexing Aden and Perim, to the great indignation
of the French, who themselves had annexed Algiers.

The "west-end" seem to think that Christianity and
demoralization go together in the case of the Rayahs, whilst
Mahometanism and all the virtues characterise the Turks ;
but if this is so, why do they not turn Mussulmans 1 Then,
besides giving encouragement to Turkej^, we have insulted
Russia in every way.

It is currently stated that there is a division among the Ministers
of the Crown on this subject. In the newspapers I find the subject
commented on and names given. I think it is clear that there are
three parties in the Cabinet. The general opinion is, that the
Prime Minister, the Secretary for War, and the Postmaster-General
are strong for Turkey, and would have been quite willing to have
launched us1 into a war in support of Turkey against Russia.
On the other hand, I believe there are Lord Salisbury, the Lord
Chancellor, and the Home Secretary, who are in favour of the
Christians in Turkey. But half the Ministers are neutral, and as
the wind blows in one quarter or another, they change sides. In
short, the Ministry have boxed the compass of political vacillation.
A great deal has been said about Mohammedans sympathising

54 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

with the Sultan, but there are no fewer than 165 millions of
Mohammedans, of whom only thirty-eight millions are Turks,
and the general body of Mohammedans do not regard the Sultan
as their head.

There are some who think that Europe should have faith in the
gimcrack and illusory Constitution which Turkey has granted,
and by which a large majority of Mussulmans have just
been returned in European Turkey, with a few discredited
Christians, in a population in which the Turks are in a
small minority ; but all our leading politicians have declared
their want of confidence in it, and as Midhat Pasha, its
author, thanks to his own Constitution, has escaped the
bowstring, and has been exiled, the project Avill probably soon
collapse. It would be impossible to work a Parliament
in which the different nations of Europe were represented,
though we are all Christians — all civilized, and accustomed to free
institutions ; but a Parliament consisting of the same barbarous
Turks, of polyglot languages, most of them believing in a base,
superstitious, and persecuting religion, and many of them addicted
to unnatural vices, to polygamy and white slavery, is an utter ab-
surdity. Yet the Turks coolly invite us to wait no less than four
years to see how it works ! This is traversing the narrow line which
separates the Sublime from the Ridiculous Porte. The last time we
trusted Turkey we spent, between debt and increase of taxes, about
seventy-five millions sterling in the Crimean war, besides about
thrice as much of which she has picked our pockets by means of
loans; and if a war in her defence is really just and necessary for
India, why should not India and our colonies bear their share of
the expense ? whilst the Turks should pay the remainder, until we
could recover the cost from Russia ; and the British lives thrown
away in riveting the chains of fanatic Mussulmans on the poor
Christians of Turkey, and the loss of credit by doing this for a
selfish object, would be a sufficient contribution on the part of
England. One can easily understand why the Roman Catholics
Bide with the Turks, as the Russians and the Christians of Turkey
are Greeks, and religious sects hate each other in inverse propor-

SKETCH OF PAST PHASES OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 55

tion to their differences ; and we can also comprehend why the
Hungarians take the same side, and have sent a sword to Abdul
Kerim Pasha, since they have never forgiven Russia for putting
down their rebellion in 1849; and, while claiming freedom for
themselves, they have always dreaded and tyrannised over their
Sclavonic fellow-subjects ; but it is astounding that Protestant
Englishmen should have any sympathy with bloodthirsty Turks,
and should not prefer a progressive nation like the Russians, who
have abolished serfdom at enormous cost, who have established
liberty of the press, and who may soon be expected to obtain a
real and not a sham Constitution. It is quite evident from the
first debate in the House of Commons that the present Govern-
ment do not intend to go to war with Russia even if she does
attack Turkey, and the Liberal party are disposed to compel Tur-
key, by force of arms if necessary, to accept the decision of the
Conference, provided the other powers will join us, but not to
help Turkey under any circumstances. The Turks, on their part,
are by no means sanguine as to the result of the war with Russia,
as appears from the report of the meeting of their Grand Council
in the Allgemeim Zeitung ; and whilst the Patriarchs of the Chris-
tians pretend to be warmly attached to the Ottoman cause, it is
impossible for anyone to believe they are sincere ; for though the
Greek Patriarch, on the occasion of the Greek war of indepen-
dence, declared against his country and his religion, this did not
prevent him from being murdered, with every aggravation of
cruelty, by the Turks ; and there can be little doubt that these
servile Patriarchs will share the same fate if war ensues. At the
Turkish Council, Rushdi Pasha, late Grand Vizier, said, " In the
progress of history, considerable portions of the Ottoman Empire
have passed into the hands of Austria and Russia ; but great as
has been the damage inflicted upon us by these losses, it was less
injurious than the semi-independence accorded to Servia and
Montenegro." So that, if the Turks had their way, they would re-
duce the Principalities to the same miserable level as Bosnia and
Bulgaria, and these provinces can never expect to be placed on the
same footing as Servia.

56 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

The Grand Vizier, Midhat Pasha, said, " You are aware that
we have no money, and that the portals of the money market are
elosed against us. No army can he supported -without money."

Kifaat Bey said, " We have reason to fear the issue of the war,
should war break out;" and the Grand Vizier then said, "Who
knows what may he in store for us if we go to war 1 Before long
we may have no bread, and people may be driven to wish the
Conference programme had been accepted. ... It should be
remembered that public opinion is against us in all Europe.
. . . Public opinion is stronger than any other power." As
to the arrogance of the Turks, it suffices to quote Abedin Bey :
" We are proud to think that in consequence of our answer six
ambassadors will leave Constantinople simultaneous!}. It re-
dounds to the glory of the Ottoman race that we are going to
give the whole lot of them one reply." Our selfish and foolish
policy has alone prevented the Christians of Turkey from being
enfranchised from Mussulman cruelty and oppression more than
half a century ago, and most of the atrocities of the Greek war of
independence would have been prevented, without our going to
wax, if we had not held back Russia by our advice and the fear
of our intervention in favour of Turkey. Either we were wrong
in destroying the Turkish fleet at Navarino, and thus establishing
Greek independence, or if, as I believe, we were right, we should
have adopted that step several years sooner, and thus saved about
one-third of the population of Greece from death or slavery,
whilst we should also have prevented the sacrifice of the lives of
hundreds of thousands of our esteemed friends the Turks who
perished in that hopeless struggle. The infamous and unparalleled
massacre of Scios in 1822 resulted in the murder of 25,000 persons,
whilst 45,000 women and children were sold into slavery, and
15,000 escaped, and only 1,800 out of a population of 85,000 re-
mained on the island alive. Yet we not only would not interfere, but
for years prevented other nations from putting an end to atrocities
compared with which the customs of Dahomey are merciful. As
to thesupposed sympathy of the Mussulman races for Turkey,
Sir George Campbell, who is a first-rate authority on this subject,

SKETCH OF PAST PHASES OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 57

states that the Mussulmans of India, many of whom are heterodox
Shiites, would not resent our going to war with Turkey for the
Christians. The Mussulmans of Russia are quite loyal, and Lady
Duff Gordon says in her book on Egypt, that the Egyptians were
strongly in favour of the Cretans in their insurrection, and long
to be free of Turkish domination ; and the Khedive, who managed
to send about 50,000 men against Abj^ssinia, has only despatched
3,000 extra men to aid Turkey, in addition to his small contingent
of 9,000. Whatever may be the solution of the Eastern Question — ■
whether the Turkish possessions iu Europe are divided between
the Slavs and Greeks, and the Greek Empire is re-established, or
the greater portion of Turkey is absorbed by Russia, or whether
Constantinople is made into a free and neutral city like Frankfort
or Hamburg formerly were, with the fortifications of the Darda-
nelles destroyed and perpetually abolished, the Mussulmans can live
in greater happiness and comfort at present under an enlight-
ened and progressive Christian Government, than under a stupid
and perverse tyranny, which farms the tithe to rogues, who insist in
taking it in kind, and let the crops rot in the ground till it suits
their convenience or interest to collect as much as they can extort;
and the Mussulmans of Turkey would be as well off as those of
India, Algeria, Russia, or China, whilst those who are dissatisfied
with Christian rule can sell their possessions, as was done on the
occasion of the establishment of Greek independence, when the
Greeks agreed to sell their possessions in Turkey, and the Turks
theirs in Greece.

As an illustration of the results of Ottoman domination,
history tells us that in the days of Pericles, Athens contained
21,000 freemen and 400,000 slaves, and the gross revenue of
Athens after the battle of Cheronea, when all its foreign colonies
had been lost, was equivalent to £500,000 of our money, whilst
in November, 182G, its population was reduced to 9,040, and the
revenue of Attica to £3,000 a year.

A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

HISTORY OF THE PRESENT PHASE OF THE
EASTERN QUESTION.

In January, 1875, a large number of the peasantry of Herzego-
vina, to escape from unjust exactions and imprisonment at the
hands of the tithe farmers, fled to Montenegro. At the request of
the Prince of Montenegro, Dervish Pasha, the Governor of Herze-
govina, agreed to let them come back, and offered them an
amnesty. But they were stopped on the frontiers by Turkish
troops, and two of them were killed. Dervish explained that the
soldiers had acted without orders, but after the people did come
back to their homes they were exposed to outrage and insult.
Their houses were burnt, some of them were beaten, and one was
put to death. Resistance followed, and the month of June saw the
beginning of a desultory contest. In England, if a man is injured
in a railway accident, the company has to pay enormous damages;
but in Turkey, it appears that the compensation to the family for
killing a peasant intentionally is to burn his house down and to
have recourse to a general beating all round.

According to the admission of the Turkish press, the value of the
plundered and destroyed property of the Bulgarians, in the district
of Philippopolis alone, was £2,000,000, whilst the Commission,
up to January 26th, 1877, had only expended about i:2O,000,
or one-hundredth part of the damage, on the construction of houses
and distribution of cattle and seed in some of the burnt villages
(Times, February 14th, 1S77). The real amount of the losses
sustained by the Bulgarians in Philippopolis alone was much

HISTORY OF PRESENT PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 59

greater, and the total losses of the Christians in Turkey were
probably more than £6,000,000 ; but the British Government
thought it quite impossible for the Turks to afford to give com-
pensation to the Christians, though these same Turks can afford
a war which may cost sixty millions or more, brought on entirely
by their own obstinacy, stupidity, and arrogance.

Philo-Turkish Englishmen boldly assert, without a scintilla of
proof, that these insurrections are got up by Eussian agents, who
first urge the peasants to rebel, and then induce the Turks to send
Bashi-Bazouks to massacre them ; and in this particular case they
will perhaps allege that the Eussians induced the tithe farmers to
oppress the people, then the peasants to escape, and, lastly, the
Turkish troops to beat and massacre them. Perhaps also the Eus-
sians induced the Turks to raise the tithes 12£ per cent., that there
might be more money to buy munitions of war to be used against
themselves.

A pamphlet, called " Secret Dispatches of General Ignatieff," has
been published, and the author appears to think that against
Eussia even forged and poisoned weapons are justifiable, for these
pretended dispatches, according to his own statement, were ob-
tained by Khalil Cherif Pasha by bribing a member of the Eussian
Embassy at Vienna to betray his trust ; and the author very
naively says, "At first sight it would appear improbable that
copies of letters emanating from so many different personages
should be deposited in any one place ; " and he might have added
that, if such a scoundrel was found in the Eussian Embassy, he
would be pretty sure to supply any number of forged dispatches
seasoned to the taste of his employers so long as money was forth-
coming ; but the probability is that these dispatches were forged,
like the Will of Peter the Great, by Khalil Pasha himself, and if
he was capable of bribing one of the Eussian Embassy, he was
equally capable of causing dispatches to be forged. These secret
dispatches chiefly relate to ecclesiastical squabbles between the
Orthodox and Bulgarian Churches ; and as another sample of the
way in which the Christians are treated in Turkey I find at pag<»
39, "The Exarch (in December, 1874), at the Grand Vizier's re-

GO A DEFENCE OF HUSSIA.

quest, waited on the Minister of Foreign Affairs to inform him
of the wishes of the Bulgarian community. . . . Instead of
listening to the explanation and wishes of the venerable prelate,
the Ottoman Minister very haughtily stated that, the relations be-
tween the Orthodox and Bulgarian Churches not being the same
as heretofore, the Porte had decided upon cancelling the firman
promulgated under Ali." This anonymous pamphleteer, who is
apparently ashamed to give his name in connection with pretended
dispatches obtained by bribery, and who admits that " there is a
natural dislike in all honourable minds to use documents that have
been surreptitiously obtained," has discovered the following mare's
nest, namely, that the enormous sum of 40,110 roubles (or .£5,400)
was spent by the Moscow Slavic Committee in the second quarter
of 1872. I do not know whether the statement of this credulous
and unscrupulous pamphleteer is correct, but Mr. Mackenzie
Wallace tells us that the accounts of this Committee a re published
periodically, and that copies are freely given to foreigners. How-
ever, even on the new Junius's own showing, about .£2,900 was
for the support of 21 G agents of this Committee at the Universities
and special schools; £1,750 for ordinary expenditure of G 5 per-
manent agents in Slav provinces of Austria as well as Turkey ;
and there remains the colossal sum of £750 per quarter, or
£3,000 a year, called extraordinary expenditure of agents in
Bohemia, Gallicia, and Hungarian Russia (?) as well as Bulgaria;
and supposing two-thirds of this amount was spent in bribing,
inciting, and arming the 3,732,300 Slavs in Turkey, it would give
the magnificent, irresistible, and tempting sum of about half a
farthing per head per annum, whilst the cost of a military substi-
tute in France used to be from £100 and upwards in time of peace,
and half a farthing would be a slender remuneration for the risk
of being tortured and executed as a traitor.

After KhahTs conduct in obtaining, or pretending to obtain.
Russian dispatches by bribery, the reader will not be at all
surprised to learn by Truth, of July 26th, that he is now recalled
from being Turkish Ambassador at Paris, because he has been
posted as a defaulter at four clubs for 40,000 francs, which he has

HISTORY OF PRESENT PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 61

lost but cannot pay. For more than a month he shrank frora
appearing in the Bois and on the Boulevards. He is, however.
no worse than the average of Pashas, as will appear by another
quotation from Truth : — " Redif must needs make a few more
thousands out of the bread to be supplied to the devoted soldiers
of tlie Ottoman army. Provisions were short in Armenia, and
urgent telegrams came for supplies of biscuit. A hundred tons
of filth, composed of mill sweepings and chaff full of insects, and
utterly rotten, were passed as biscuit by the War Department,
and would have been sent and taken credit for as food, but for
the timely intervention of the Parliament. The scheme was
blown upon, and, from that day, the Sultan began to look closely
into details. The result has been the discredit of the man, who
has done more in his nine months of power to wreck the hopes of
the Empire than even Mahmoud Nedim, the avowed advocate of
Russian interests."

Truth says : — " Khalil would have it believed that he bought,
when he was Turkish Ambassador at Vienna, the dispatches of
General Ignatieff, which have appeared in a pamphlet called Les
BesjoonsibUilis, that has been published here (Constantinople; ; but
this is a fanfaronade, for the very excellent reason that the
dispatches in cjuestion were written by the compiler himself.

That strong Philo-Turk, Mr. Holmes, the British Consul
(who does not understand the Christian languages), says he
met a body of Turkish troops going to attack the insurgents,
whom he had left, and who had been assured that they might
assemble in safety. He and his colleagues were very indignant
at a breach of trust which might have seemed to cast doubt on the
good faith of the Consuls themselves.

The Herzegovinians complained that the so-called tithes * had
been advanced to 12^ per cent., that the taxes had been collected
with gross unfairness, that Christians were made to undergo forced
labour on the public roads, that their horses were used for the

* A tithe is a tenth, and 12$ per cent, cannot^ be a tenth, any more than
a quarter can be made a half.

62 A DEFENCE OF EUSSIA.

service of the army, that the Agas were tyrannical, the courts
corrupt, and property, life, and honour insecure; and actually
these misguided peasants thought it a hardship that their evidence
should not be receivable in a Court of Justice against a Mussul-
man. The Christians added that they would die rather than
suffer such slavery.

Now Servir Pasha, the Turkish Commissioner, could not and
did not deny auy of these charges, but promised various reforms,
such as that the Medjlis, or local councils, should be reorganised,
the tithes should be levied on the land instead of on the growing
crops, the taxes on animals should be reformed, administrative de-
crees and legal judgments should be translated into the Slav lan-
guage, the requisition of horses should be abolished, and a committee
of Turks, Greeks, and Catholics should be appointed to see that
the new rules were put in force. On December 13th, the princi-
ples of these reforms were set forth by an Imperial firman.
Thus, as Musurus Pasha said, "the edifice of which the founda-
tion was laid by the firman of Gulhani in 1839, and the body
completed by the Hatti Humayoun of 1856, was now crowned and
made perfect by the second firman." It appears then, by the
statement of Musurus, that it took no less than seventeen years
to erect the structure of imaginary justice to the Rayahs, but after
this long period it was so rotten and insufficient that, instead of
being crowned, it was rebuilt in 1875. The Turkish promises, like
pie crust, are only made to be broken, and as the Imperial
hatts have no crowns, the promises poured in at one end pass in-
stantly out at the other. Hypocritical and false as Turkish
promises are, the poor Christians often cannot even obtain this
counterfeit coin when they complain of the grinding oppression
under which they groan, and experience has now taught them
that they are as utterly valueless as Bank of Elegance notes.
The Turkish promises remind me of a story of a person who went
to Yorkshire to buy a valuable horse, and bribed the groom to
tell him its faults, the first of which was, that when he was
turned loose in a field he was very hard to catch ; but it was only
with great pressure that the groom was induced to tell the second

HISTORY OF PEESEKT PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. G3

and fatal fault, " when he is caught he is good for nothing," which
is exactly the state of the case as to Turkish promises. After
the labours of centuries we do not yet think our British institu-
tions faultless, and are continually reforming them j in fact,
Montesquieu once said, " The English Constitution is the best in
the world, nevertheless it is detestable ; " but the Turks, cleverer
than ourselves, have in 1875, according to their view, constructed
the only charter in the world which is absolutely "perfect."

The Christians of Turkey probably recollected that the edifice
of Turkish perfidy was really " crowned and made perfect " so far
back as 1826, by which the protectorate of Russia over the Chris-
tians was confirmed, when, on the occasion of the signature of the
treaty of Akerman, the Sultan sent a circular to his agents, to say
that, when he had signed the treaty, he had not the slightest inten-
tion of observing it, and if a solemn treaty with a powerful nation
like Russia could be thus treated, how much less would a Sultan
hesitate to break faith with the Rayahs, the Giaours, the infidel
dogs of Christians.

On December 30th, 1875, the famous Andrassy Note was first
made known to our Government, in a dispatch from the Austrian
Chancellor to Count Beust. The Andrassy Note proposed that
the revenue derived in Bosnia and Herzegovina from indirect
taxation should be applied as before to the general purposes of
the Ottoman Empire, while the income obtained from direct
taxation should be spent on the province itself; complete re-
ligious liberty should be established ; the system of farming the
taxes abolished; and the execution of these reforms should be
placed under the care of a special commission, half the members
of which should be Mussulmans and half Christians. Count
Andrassy also showed that much of the ill-feeling was caused by
the fact that 'the Mahometans owned most of the soil and the
Christians tilled it. Hence he urged that the State should sell
portions of its waste lands to the peasantry on easy terms. After
considerable hesitation the English Government, who are Turcicis-
Turciores, at the instance of the Turkish Government, gave a
general but feeble support to the Andrassy Note, and the Porte

64 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

accepted all the demands save the one defining the purposes to
which the indirect and the direct taxes of the revolted provinces
should be applied. It promised, however, that a certain amount,
which might be a nominal sum, in the Turkish depreciated paper,
should be set apart for local wants.

The Philo-Turks say that, though the Christians in Turkey may-
be occasionally massacred, it is not on religi us grounds, and that
no country is more tolerant than Turkey ; but Count Andrassy
says in his famous Note, " This fanatical hatred and this distrust
must be attributed to the neighbourhood of peoples of the same
race, enjoying in their plenitude that religious liberty of which
the Christians of Herzegovina and Bosnia see themselves de-
prived— the construction of edifices devoted to religious worship
and teaching, and the use of bells. The constitution of religious
communities find themselves still subjected to obstacles which
appear to the Christians as so many inveterate souvenirs of the war
of conquest. . . . Restricted as they are, the concessions in
question have always been insufficient to content the Christians.
. . . In fact, the testimony of Christians against Mussulmans
is received by the tribunals of Constantinople and of the greater
part of the other large towns, but in some distant provinces, such
as Herzegovina and Bosnia, the judges refuse to admit its validity.
. . . In spite of formal declarations, the system of farming the
revenue is still in force in its full extent."

It seems strange that we alone, of all nations of the world, should
have hesitated to accept the Andrassy Note, and should be so
very much more jealous of the independence of the Sultan than
he is himself. It shows, too, how grinding and intolerant are the
Turks, that, to keep the Christians in poverty, misery, and sub-
jection, they will not even sell them the waste lands, and prefer
losing revenue to allowing the Christians the bare possibility of
prosperity.

The next event was the assassination by the Turks of Salonica,
in their own mosque, of the French and German Consuls, for not
even that is sacred to these barbarians. Upon this, France and
Germany sent joint squadrons to Salonica, where the funerals of the

HISTORY OF PRESENT rnASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 65

Consuls were celebrated with great pomp, large bodies of French
and German soldiers, in defiance of the obsolete principle of Turkish
independence, patrolling the streets, and one or two of the culprits,
after trial, were executed. The French and Germans, however,
forgot to demand a heavy pecuniary compensation for the
families of the victims, which the Turks would have felt more
than the execution of one or two obscure culprits.

We come now to the Bulgarian insurrection, which broke out
on April 20th, 1875, caused by the same tyranny, cruelty, and
oppression as in the case of Herzegovina and Bosnia. In fact,
it is as impossible for the Turk to act justly as it is for the tiger to
change his skin or the leopard his spots. The insurrection was
at first suppressed, and the various Turkish Commissioners, in their
report, affirmed that, though at Avrat Alan the insurgents seized
about one hundred Mussulmans of all ranks, and " killed them
one by one with the utmost refinement of cruelty," yet, when
those very rebels capitulated, they did not lose a single man,
and " have not had to suffer any bad treatment on the part of the
soldiers." The Bulgarians, according to these Commissioners, set
fire to their own villages as well as to those of their Mussulman
neighbours. The Turkish troops, in their measures of repression,
only slew 1,83G Bulgarians. The rebels killed in all 530 Mussul-
mans. Upon the restoration of order, and the return of those
insurgents who were not detained as prisoners to their homes,
the Mussulmans gave back to their Christian friends the property
of the latter, which they had saved from the burning villages.
Such was the interesting result of the historical amity in which,
according to the Commissioners, the Bulgarians had lived for
centuries with their Moslem compatriots, " under the cegis of the
laws and the paternal protection of the Government." This is
certainly a touching picture of the lion lying down with the lamb,
but somewhat too good to be true. Credat Judmis Apelles.

A series of admirable letters in the Daily News now informed
the world of the foul series of bestial and infamous atrocities
perpetrated by these Turkish fiends, and of which the Turkish
Commissioners had just given this false and fraudulent account ;

F

CG a Dr.F£xci: of Russia.

and on September Gth, Mr. Gladstone, to his eternal honour,
published his first pamphlet on the subject, which excited the
horror and execration against barbarous, incorrigible, and cruel
Turkey, not only of England and Europe, but of the whole world.

Mr. Baring soon after published his report, in which he states
that "no fewer than 12,000 persons perished in the Sandjak of
Philippqwlis alone" while he believed that the whole number of
Mussulmans killed by the Christians in this formidable rebellion
was only 163; so that, instead of the old law of retaliation, which
claims a life for a life, the Turks consider about eighty Christian
lives equivalent to that of one Moslem. Probably a very much
larger number than 12,000 perished in the Sandjak of Philip-
popolis alone, as Mr. Baring is almost as rabid a Turcophile as Sir
H. Elliott, and in his reports is continually evincing his reluc-
tance to believe the Christians, and his credulity as to Turkish
statements. Most likely from 20,000 to 30,000 were massacred
throughout the disturbed provinces, as the Sandjak of Philip-
popolis does not probably include more than a tenth of the popu-
lation of the disturbed proviuces.

As to Batak, Mr. Baring says, " On May 9th, the inhabitants,
seeing that things were going badly with them, and that no aid
came from without, had a parley with Achmet Aga, who solemnly
swore that, if they only gave up their arms, not a hair of their
heads should be touched. . . The villagers believed Achmefs
oath and surrendered their arms, but this demand was followed
by >>ne for all the money in the village, which, of course, had also
to be acceded to. No sooner was the money given up. than the
Bashi-Bazouks set upon the people and slaughtered them like sheep.
Alarge number of people, probably about 1,000 or 1,200, took
refuge in the church and churchyard, the latter being surround J
by a wall. The church itself is a solid building, and resisted a!!
the attempts of the Bashi-Bazouks to burn it from the outside ;
they consequently fired in through the windows, and. getting upon
the roof, tore off the tiles and threw burning pieces of wood and
rags dipped in petroleum among the mass of unhappy human
beings inside. At last the door was forced in, the massacre com-

HISTORY OF PRESENT PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 67

pleted, and the inside of the church burnt. . . The spectacle
which the church and churchyard presented must be seen to be
described. Hardly a corpse had been buried. . . I visited this
valley of the shadow of death on July 31st, more than two
months and a half after the massacre, but still the stench was so
overpowering that one could hardly force one's way into the
churchyard. In the streets at every step lay human remains
rotting and sweltering in the summer sun. . . . From the
remains of female wearing apparel scattered about, it is plain that
many of the persons here massacred were women. It is to be
feared also that some of the richer villagers were subjected to
cruel tortures before being put to death, in hopes that they would
reveal the existence of hidden treasure. Thus Petro Triandaphyllos
and Pope Necio were roasted, and Stoyan Stoychoff had his ears,
nose, hands, and feet cut off." Mr. Baring adds the all-impor-
tant fact that " Achmet Aga had received for this exploit the
order of the Medjidie, and he has since been condemned to death
by a majority of five to one of even a Turkish tribunal, but never
executed."

It is evident that Mr. Baring has considerably understated the
real horrors of the Turkish atrocities, as will appear from con-
trasting his account with that of Mr. Schuyler, the American
Consul, which I here subjoin ; but this is not surprising, as Mr.
Baring took with him M. Guarracino, his father-in-law, as Turkish
interpreter, upon which General Ignatieff said it was an indication
that the inquiry would not be a thorough one, and that
M. Guarracino was hostile to him. Mr. Schuyler states : —
•' The inhabitants of some villages were massacred after ex-
hibitions of the most ferocious cruelty, and the violation not
only of women and girls, but even of persons of the other sex.
The crimes were committed by the regular troops as well as
the Bashi-Bazouks. It is very difficult to estimate the number
of Bulgarians who were killed during the few days that these-
disturbances lasted, but I am inclined to put 15,000 as the
lowest for the districts I have named. In one (village), an old man
teas violated on the altar, and afterwards burnt alive. . . From

F 2

68 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

the numerous statements made to me hardly a woman in the town
escaped violation and brutal treatment. The ruffians attacked
children of eight, and old women of eighty, sparing neither age
nor sex. Old men had their eyes torn out and their limbs cut off,
and were thus left to die unless some more charitably disposed
person gave them the final thrust. Pregnant women were ripped
open and the unborn babes carried triumphantly on the points of
bayonets and sabres, while little children were made to bear the
dripping heads of their comrades. This scene of rapine, lust, and
murder was continued for three days, when the survivors were made
to bury the bodies of the dead. The perpetrators of these
atrocities were chiefly regular troops commanded by Fasli Pasha.
Of the 8,000 inhabitants of Batak, not 2,000 are known to
survive. Fully 5,000 perished here. . . . There was a house,
the floor of which was white with the ashes and charred bones of
thirty persons burnt alive. Here was the spot where a village
notable was spitted on a pike and then roasted.
Here the schoolhouse, where 200 women and children who had
taken refuge there were burnt alive. . . . I am unable to
find that the Bulgarians committed any atrocities that deserve
the name. I have vainly tried to obtain from the Turkish
officals a list of such outrages, but have heard nothing but vague
statements. No Turkish women or children were killed in cold
blood ; no Mussulman women were violated ; no Mussulmans
were tortured ; no purely Turkish village was attacked or burnt ;
no Mussulman's house was pillaged; no mosque was desecrated
or destroyed. The report of the Tiu-kish Special Commissioner
may be characterised as a tissue of falsehoods. In the Report of
the extraordinaryTurkish tribunal, it is said that forty-nine villages,
Mussulman and Christian, with 11,453 houses, were burnt by the
insurgents ! "

Some of the persons accused of rebellion — or rather of resisting
the assassination of their relatives, the violation of their women,
and the robbery of their property — were put upon their trial at
Philippopolis ; and so grinding is the oppression of the Moslem,
that Mr. Baring says, as to the Special Commission, " When before

IIISTORY OF PRESENT PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 69

the latter they were defended by a Christian, but on the only
occasion I attended the court it was hard to say whether the pri-
soners or their counsel displayed the most abject signs of terror."
He proceeds to say, " The manner in which the rising was
suppressed was inhuman in the last degree, fifty innocent persons
suffering for every guilty one." In the case of military revolts, the
ancient Romans sometimes had recourse to a practice which, even
in those days, was thought cruel and severe, namely, decimation ;
but, whereas the most bloodthirsty Consul would have contented
himself with twenty out of 200 mutineers, the Turks require 10,000
innocent persons for 200 rebels, or fifty times as many. On
May 11th, 1876, Prince Groitschakoff and Count Andrassy met
Prince Bismarck in Berlin, and then was framed the Berlin
Memorandum. In brief and peremptory words it stated that, as
the Sultan had given the Powers a pledge to execute the reforms
specified in the Andrassy Note, he had at the same time given
them a moral right to insist that he should keep his word. The
Christians could not trust the promises of the Turks. " It is
most essential, therefore," said the Note, " to establish certain
guarantees of a nature to ensure beyond doubt the loyal and full
application of the measures agreed upon between the Powers and
the Porte."

The recommendations of the Berlin Memorandum were — an
armistice of two months to afford time for negotiations between
the Porte and the Bosnian and Herzegovinian delegates, the
following points being taken as the basis of discussion : (1) That
materials for the reconstruction of the houses and churches
destroyed during the insurrection shall be furnished to the
returning refugees, and that their subsistence shall be assured to
them until such time as they are in a position to earn their
own livelihood. (2) As far as the distribution of relief depends
upon the Turkish Commissary, that official is to consult as
to the measures to be taken with the mixed Commission men-
tioned in the Note of December 30th, so as to guarantee the
faithful application of the reforms, and to control their execution
— the Commission to consist of natives representing the two reli-

70 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

gions of the country, and to be presided over by a Herzegovinian
Christian. (3) To avert collision, advice is to be given to Con-
stantinople to concentrate the Turkish troops at points to be
agreed upon, at any rate until excitement has subsided. (4) The
Christians to retain their arms as well as the Mussulmans. (5)
The Consuls or delegates of the Powers to preside over the appli-
cation of the reforms in general, and of the measures of repatria-
tion in particular. Lastly came the all-important addition that, if
the armistice expired without the objects of the Powers being:
attained, " the three Imperial Courts are of opinion that it will
become necessary to reinforce diplomatic action by the sanction of
an understanding with a view to those efficacious measures which
would appear to be demanded in the interest of general peace to-
arrest the mischief and prevent its further development." France
and Italy agreed to support the Note, and urged the Euglish
Government to follow the same course. On May 19th, however,
Lord Derby intimated to Lord Odo Russell that the Government
declined to accept a plan in the preparation of wh ich it had not been
consulted, and which it did not believe would succeed. Lord
Derby even refused to press the Porte to grant a two months'
armistice.

Nothing could be more moderate and satisfactory than the
Berlin Memorandum, and it will be seen that Lord Derby did
not refuse to support it, as the Government now say, because it
meant coercion, but because their vanity was piqued at not being
consulted in its preparation, and of course no plan which these
Solons had not contrived could possibly succeed. Fiance and
Italy cordially consented to the Berlin Memorandum, and. there-
fore, did contemplate contingent coercion, whilst our Government
said they did not agree to the Memorandum ; and thus we were
the first and only nation to introduce discord into the European
concert by insisting on playing too many eccentric solos, and
becoming offended at the same supposed neglect which gave no
offence whatever either to France or Italy, though France might
naturally be supposed to be more apt to detect or imagine a slight
from Germany than ourselves • and why should England take

HISTORY OF PRESENT PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 71

the huff at not being consulted about the preparation of the
Berlin Memorandum, when she was not consulted previously about
the preparation of the Andrassy Note 1

On the 30th of June Servia chivalrously announced that she
intended to join her arms to those of Bosnia and Herzegovina to
.secure the liberation of its kindred Christians from the yoke of
the Porte. "Our movement," said Prince Milan, "is purely
national. It excludes every element of social revolution and
religious fanaticism. We do not carry with us revolution, fire, and
destruction, but right, order, and security." The French actually
wished that the Powers should join in restraining Servia from
going to war, as if this would not have been an infringement of
the phantom independence of Turkey ; but as the other Powers
wisely refused, the proposal was dropped, and Sir H. Elliott ex-
pressed a fervent wish that the Servians might be defeated.

Fighting against such enormous odds, though aided by only about
4,000 Russian volunteers, according to the reliable authority of
Mr. Mackenzie Wallace, the Servians, after gaining some advan-
tages, sustained such reverses that on the 24th of July Prince
Milan summoned the Consuls of the Powers in Belgrade to the
palace and intimated his willingness to accept the intervention of
the Powers for the purpose of bringing about a cessation of hos-
tilities.

On September 1st England proposed that there should be an
armistice for a month. The Porte declined to grant an armistice,
but had the effrontery to propose peace on the following out-
rageous terms : (1) That Prince Milan should do homage to the
Sultan in Constantinople (whether by kissing his toe or licking
the dust upon his feet is not stated) ; that four of the Servian for-
tresses should be garrisoned by Turkish troops j that the number
of the Servian fortresses should be limited ; that Servia should pay
either an indemnity or a larger tribute ; and that the Porte should
have a right to construct and work a railway through the Princi-
palities. These demands were declared to be inadmissible by
the Powers, who declared in favour of the status quo ante helium,
but the customary amount of foolish arrogance on the part of the

72 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

Turks was enhanced by the circumstance that Sultan Murad was
insane, and had to be deposed.

On September 16th, the Porte agreed to a suspension of
hostilities till the 25th, and meantime Prince Milan was pro-
claimed King at Deligrad ; nevertheless, Turkey agreed to prolong
the truce till October 2nd, but as Servia considered a mere suspen-
sion injurious, hostilities were resumed, and, unfortunately, Servia
in five days was defeated by overwhelming forces and a superior
artillery. Russia then demanded an armistice of a month or six
weeks, on which the Porte proposed that which in the preceding
month she scornfully refused to grant when humbly solicited by
her obsequious friend, England, and eagerly offered an armistice of
four times the duration which Russia, its hereditary enemy, de-
manded. Russia refused to agree to so long a term, and though
our Russophobists pretend that she was afraid or unable to go to
war, she boldly sent Turkey an ultimatum on October 31st, and
the Porte at once ate the leek and surrendered at discretion on
this important point.

On September 26th, Russia informed England that in its
opinion force should be used to stop the war and put an end to
Turkish misrule. The Czar proposed that Bulgaria should be
occupied by Russian troops, that Bosnia should be occupied by
Austrian soldiers, and that the united fleets of the Powers should
enter the Bosphorus. The Czar was willing to abandon the idea
of any occupation, " if the naval demonstration were considered
sufficient by Her Majesty's Government."

On October 3rd, Lord Derby intimated that the Cabinet would
propose an armistice of not less than one month, but that it
would not support the plan of an armed demonstration. England
then, which had considered an armistice of a month sufficient, im-
mediately bowed to the superior judgment of Turkey, and accepted
the six months' truce, in which she was followed by France,
Austria, and Germany; but Prince Gortschakoff pointed out that
Russia could not ask Servia to accept so long an armistice,
because the Principality could not keep its army on the war
footing for such a length of time without putting too severe a

HISTORY OF PRESENT TEASE OF TIIE EASTERN QUESTION. 73

strain on its resources ; hence Russia insisted that the armistice
should not exceed six weeks, and in this policy Italy agreed.

It is obvious that, if this proposal of Russia had been accepted
by England, all the other Powers would have acquiesced, and the
war would have been avoided. An English and French squadron,
when England was under a Liberal Government, on the occasion
of the massacres in Syria, had successfully used coercion and
compelled the reluctant Turks to submit to a French occupation
cf the province, and I append the very words which Safvet
Pasha made use of on that occasion : "It is owing to the coun-
sels of the representatives of the Powers, and the vision held out
to us of foreign troops landing on our territories, notwithstanding
the refusal which we should have given to the conclusion of the
Convention, that we have been reduced to choose the lesser of
two evils." It is also notorious that Admiral Duckworth's
squadron in 1806, after forcing the Dardanelles, might have
captured Constantinople and put an end to the Turkish Empire
if he had threatened an immediate attack ; and Austria had in 1 853
sent a peremptory ultimatum to Turkey demanding concessions to
Montenegro, which was instantly swallowed by the Turks ; so
that experience shows that the Porte will always submit to the
imperative demands of any one of the great Powers but Russia ;
and she only sometimes dares to refuse Russia, because she
knows that England has an inveterate prejudice against that
country and in her favour.

On November 2nd, the Czar, at an interview with the English
Ambassador at Livadia, said "he pledged his sacred word and
honour in the most earnest and solemn manner, that he had no
intention of acquiring Constantinople, and that, if necessity
should oblige him to occupy a portion of Bulgaria, it would only
be provisionally, and until the peace and safety of the Christian
population could be secured." The Czar earnestly requested the
Ambassador to do his utmost to dispel the cloud of suspicion and
distrust of Russia which had gathered in England. Next
day Lord Derby telegraphed to Lord A. Loftus that the
Cabinet had received the assurances of His Majesty -with the

74 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

greatest satisfaction. Yet on November 9th, at the Lord Mayor's
banquet, Lord Beaconsfield made a braggadocio threatening and
insulting speech respecting Russia, studiously concealing the con-
ciliatory assurances of the Czar from the British public. No
wonder the Czar was irritated at such disgraceful and disin-
genuous conduct, and at the implication that his most sacred
word of honour could not be trusted and that England defied
him ; consequently next day, at Moscow, he expressed a hope that
the Conference at Constantinople which England had suggested
would bring peace, and he added, " Should this, however, not be
achieved, and should I see that we cannot obtain such guarantees
as are necessary for carrying out Avhat we have a right to demand
of the Porte, I am firmly determined to act independently, and
I am convinced that in this case the whole of Russia will respond
to my summons should I consider it necessary, and should the
honour of Russia require it ; " and the Czar, finding that up to
November 21st the English Government had withheld for their
own purposes his conciliatory conversation with our Ambassador
from the British public and the world, at last succeeded on that
evening in extorting its publication.

It seems to me clear that Lord Beaconsfield's intemperate and
insolent speech at the Guildhall, which necessarily entailed the
Czar's declaration at Moscow, was one of the chief causes of the
war, for after that declaration was thus provoked by a studied
insult and the suppression of a conciliatory conversation, the Czar
bound himself, without that amount of delay which might otherwise
have been possible, to go to war with Turkey if the Conference
failed. The chief instructions to Lord Salisbury for the Conference
were " that the Porte should simultaneously undertake, in a pro-
tocol to be signed at Constantinople with the representatives of the
mediating Powers, to grant to Bosnia and Herzegovina a system
of local or administrative autonomy ; by which is to be under-
stood a system of local institutions which shall give the popula-
tion some control over their own local affairs, and guarantees
against the exercise of arbitrary authority. There is to be no ques-
tion of a tributary state. Guarantees of a similar kind to be also

HISTORY OF PRESENT PITASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION". 75

provided against maladministration in Bulgaria. . . . These
bases have generally been accepted by the other Powers." Lord
Stratford had, however, recommended that these provinces
should be made into tributary states, but the Government was
in that respect even more Turkish than Lord Stratford. To
exonerate, however, " the Eltchi," as he is called in Kinglake's
work, of the, to him, distressing charge of being on the whole a
whit less Turkish even than the Turks, I may quote the following
sentence from a speech of his : " Should any aggression be made
on the territories or national independence of Turkey, we could
not in honour reject the appeal which would doubtless be made
to our good faith, even if it were to involve us in hostilities with
an aggressive Power, or an aggressive coalition : " so that, according
to this " English Sultan," we are bound in honour to fight, not
only Eussia, but Austria and Prussia, in fact all the powers of the
world, if they violated the independence or integrity of Turkey.
Four days later Lord Derby wrote another dispatch about the Bul-
garian atrocities asking for redress ; but the blood-stained butcher
responsible for the worst of the excesses, Chefket Pasha, was still
at large, and, as it was said, defying the agents of the law to in-
terfere with him, as " he had in his pocket the evidence that
whatever was done in Bulgaria was simply in compliance with
the order of the Government ; " and as he has not even yet been
punished, but has been rewarded, and is now in command of the
left wing of the Turkish army of Asia, it is as clear as that two and
two make four that the Turkish Government ordered the Bul-
garian massacres.

When Lord Salisbury visited Berlin on his way to Constanti-
nople, the Emperor of Germany told him that " the course taken by
the Emperor Alexander had been imposed upon him by circum-
stances, and' that the promises of the Porte could no longer be
accepted ; " so that, though the English Government pretend the
contrary, it is clear that the Emperor of Germany thoroughly
approved of the Moscow declaration, and thought that, if no suffi-
cient redress was obtained for the Christians of Turkey at the Con-
ference, the Czar was not only entitled but bound to coerce Turkey.

7G A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

At the meeting of the Conference on December 22nd, Safvet
Pasha, with even more than the ordinary amount of Turkish
falsehood and audacity, had the assurance to say, as to the Bul-
garian massacres, " If the vast scale on which the conspiracy was
organised is taken into consideration, along with the numerous
means of action of which it was able to dispose, and the circum-
stances extraordinarily unfavourable for the Imperial Government
in the midst of which it burst forth, one will be astonished that
an insurrection which had for its object to convert all the penin-
sula of the Balkans into a great field of carnage, could have been
suppressed and completely brought to nothing in so short a time,
and without there being more sacrifices to deplore." If this out-
rageous misrepresentation had been really credited by the ignorant
Turks, of course Lord Derby's dispatch of September was an
unjustifiable insult, and would have warranted the Porte in going
to war with us if it was not withdrawn with an ample apology ;
but, fortunately, the ferocious Turk tempers justice with mercy,
and (though we are only infidel dogs) will not too severeh" punish
a poor old ally like England merely for an angry dispatch.

At Rome the Italian Minister, M. Melegari, told Lord Salisbury
that "the action of the Powers ought not to be derived from or
limited by the Treaty of Paris, but that their functions were rather
those of mediators, deriving their title solely from the events of
the war and the acceptance of the Conference by the Porte."

M. Melegari stated (30th December, 1876):— "The Powers
should not be limited in seeking for solutions to the questions
which will be submitted to the Conference by the obligations of
the Treaty of Paris, and he cannot admit that the Porte is free to
refuse the decisions which the Conference may adopt."

As the Turks resisted all concessions, the representatives of the
Powers ignominiously attenuated their proposals, and when it was
pointed out that some of the propositions which the Turks
declined were identical with those in the Andrassy Note, both
Safvet Pasha and Edhem Pasha declared that they had never
even read that Note. So much for the knowledge and intelligence
of Turkish ministers. The Conference, however, most obligingly

niSTOEY OF PRESENT PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 77

did not insist that the Turks should even grant the inade-
quate concessions of the Andrassy Note. They suggested an
occupation of the disturbed provinces by Belgian soldiers, but
Belgium refused to send them, and the Porte to receive them.
Then it was suggested that the Turkish troops in Bulgaria should
be confined to fortified places and certain large towns, and that
order should be kept by a National Guard, composed of Christians
and Mussulmans, and virtually placed under the command of
the Governor-General. These demands were abandoned. The
Conference had further claimed that the necessary reforms should
be executed by an International Commission, which should have
at its command a special gendarmerie, composed partly of Euro-
peans and partly of Turks. The military part of that stipulation
was also abandoned. Finally, the Conference was content to
demand that the first governors of Bosnia and Bulgaria should be
appointed with the consent of the Powers, and that the Powers
should be allowed to form an International Commission, which
should, however, have no military means of executing its own
decrees. The Conference might fairly have demanded that the
provinces of Bulgaria, Herzegovina, and Bosnia should at least
have an autonomy equal to that of the Lebanon, where there is a
'Christian governor, a local police, and no Turkish troops per-
mitted within its bounds. Every suggestion of material gua-
rantees had vanished ; yet, on the 18th, the Grand Council of the
Porte peremptorily rejected even these slight and utterly inade-
quate demands, which were far less irksome to Turkey than those
to which she had consented on the occasion of the French occu-
pation of Syria, and on many other occasions, and than the terms
indicated in the Andrassy Note, to which the Porte not only
assented, but pressed reluctant England to adopt ; and on the fol-
lowing day Safvet Pasha signified that decision to the final meeting
of the Ambassadors ; and on this, as a mark of the displeasure of
the Powers, all their Ambassadors were withdrawn from Constan-
tinople, but the Turks, according to their wont, pocketed this
affront, and did not, as is the invariable practice in civilised coun-
tries, withdraw their Ambassadors from the Courts of the Powers}

78 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

It is obvious that, as the Porte agreed to the Conference, she was
bound by its decision, unless, indeed, she could prove that briber}',
coercion, or other unfair means had been used to influence it. No
lawyer or other man of business in England will accept a reference
unless the parties bind themselves beforehand to abide by his deci-
sion without appeal, and it was most discreditable and undignified
for England to propose or accept a Conference on any other terms.
The concessions made by the Powers to Turkish arrogance were
equally humiliating and useless ; and I think Russia especially
went too far in allowing the conditions to be attenuated to such
a degree that they were ludicrously inadequate to the purpose, in
deference to the wishes of the Powers, and especially of England.

England, however, was the sole cause of the failure of the
Conference, by openly, unnecessarily, and ostentatiously proclaim-
ing that she would be no party to contingent coercion ; and, even
if the English Cabinet thought coercion injudicious, they should
have refrained from stating their views on that question till after
the Conference. Would any member of the present Cabinet, if
he had a claim against an individual, tell his opponent that if he
resisted that claim he would not enforce it ? and, if such conduct
would be considered silly in an individual, how much more idiotic
and reprehensible is it in a Government 1 It is notorious that
Lord Beaconsfield is the heart and soul of the Turkish party in the
Cabinet, that he contrived this predetermined fiasco, and it may
be said, to emote a familiar text, 'f Benjamin's * jmss was live times
so great as that of any of the others" in the bungling of the
British Cabinet.

The Conference having proved abortive, as every man of sense
foresaw, Eussia asked the Powers what they proposed to do, but
before they had replied, she invited them to wait for the commu-
nication of a Protocol which she was preparing.

By that Protocol, Eussia of its own accord (conditionally) agreed
to dispense with guarantees for the amelioration of the condition
of the Christians for an indefinite period, and to trust to the
promises of the Sultan, but it concludes by these words : " If the

* Lord Beaconsfield's (Christian or Jewish P) name is Benjamin.

HISTORY OF PRESENT PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 79

condition of the Christian subjects of the Porte should not he
improved in a manner to prevent the return of the complications
which periodically disturb the peace of the East, they think it
right to declare that such a state of affairs would be incompatible
with their interests, and those of Europe in general. In such
case they reserve to themselves to consider in common as to the
means which they may deem best fitted to secure the well-bein«-
of the Christian populations and the interests of the general
peace." This judicious Protocol was very willingly signed by the
Ambassadors of all the Powers, except Lord Derby, who signed it
reluctantly and ungraciously, and who added a declaration which
rendered it abortive, and which the other Powers did not agree to
sign. In this, again, the English Government showed them-
selves more Turkish than the Turks, for the Sultan said to Sir
H. Elliott (see despatch, October 7th, 1876), " Let the European
Powers give me time to carry out the measures upon which I am
determined, and, if at the end of a fixed period I should be found
not to have done so, I shall be ready to submit to their dictation ; "
whilst the English Ministry would not promise to use coercion
at any future period, however remote. Italy, however, made
the following declaration : " Italy is only bound by the
signature of the Protocol of this day's date, so long as the
agreement happily established between all the Powers by the
Protocol itself is maintained." The terms of the Protocol
are as follows : " Inasmuch as it is solely in the interests of
European peace that her Britannic Majesty's Government have
consented to sign the Protocol proposed by that of Pussia, it is
understood beforehand that in the event of the object proposed
not being attained, namely, reciprocal disarmament on the part of
Russia and Turkey, and peace between them, the Protocol in
question shall be considered null and void ; " and on the same day,
31st March, 1877, the Ambassadors of all the Powers being
present, Russia made the following declaration : "If peace with
Montenegro is concluded, and the Porte accepts the advice of
Europe, and shows itself ready to replace its forces on a peace
footing, and seriously to undertake the reforms mentioned in the

80 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

Protocol, let it send to St. Petersburg a Special Envoy to treat of
disarmament, to which his Majesty the Emperor would also
consent. If massacres similar to those which have occurred
in Bulgaria take place, this would necessarily put a stop to the
measures of demobilization."

It has been objected to the Russian declaration that it was
derogatory to the Porte to send an Envoy to St. Petersburg to
treat about disarmament, but as Eussia had allowed the Con-
ference to take place at Constantinople, where, according to a
member of the Grand Council, the Russian Ambassador had
been obliged to leave in consequence of the glorious answer of
Turkey to the " demands of the whole lot" of the Powers, it was
manifestly impossible for Eussia to risk being exposed to that
indignity a second time, and it was, besides, the turn of St.
Petersburg to be the place for this second negotiation ; and so
little did the Turks consider sending an Ambassador to Russia to
treat for disarmament derogatory, that Musurus Pasha told Lord
Derby he had telegraphed to Constantinople strongly urging the
expediency of this step.

Thus England again broke away from the European concert,
and no Power intimated its disapproval of the Russian declaration.
Though the Protocol was signed on the 31st of March, yet on
the 4th of April, Russia was obliged to complain that England
delayed to join in its presentation to the Porte, although the
armistice had only another week to run.

Lord Derby, on the 5th of April, in a dispatch to Mr. Jocelyn,
committed himself to the following opinion, which is totally at
variance with what he says in his last unjust and insulting
dispatch to Prince Gortschakoff : " Her Majesty's Government
consider that the Protocol, token in conjunction with the declaration
made on behalf of Russia by Count Schouvaloff, gives an oppor-
tunity for the arrangement of a mutual disarmament by Russia
and Turkey, of which the latter ought on every account to avail
herself."

Before the Porte received the Protocol, Mr. Jocelyn wrote a
dispatch, on the 3rd of April, to Lord Darby, which shows that

HISTORY OF PRESENT PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 81

the mutual demobilization on which England so strenuously
insisted would have been an unwise and dangerous measure :
" It has evidently come to the knowledge of the Porte that some
clause exists in the Protocol, or in the Declaration, menacing
cessation of the disarmament of Russia in presence of any dis-
turbance involving outrage upon Christians, and they cannot
conceal from themselves the fact that such acts of violence are
not unlikely to occur during the demobilization of their own
army. They are well aware that thousands of men, to whom
from six to thirty-three months' arrears of pay will remain due —
many of them called under arms at a cruel sacrifice to their
domestic happiness and their agricultural prospects — will be sent
home starving and uncared for, and will, moreover, be certain to
come into contact with portions of the Christian populations
on the way to their homes. It. is not difficult to see what may
be the deplorable consequences of such a state of things."

We have next the dispatch of Lord Derby to Mr. Jocelyn,
on the 9th of April, in which he says that the Turkish
Ambassador had informed him "that the Porte felt that the
contents of the Protocol were derogatory to the Sultan's dignity
and independence, and that, rather than accede to its provisions,
it would be better for Turkey to face the alternative of war,
even of an unsuccessful war, resulting in the loss of one or
two provinces." Lord Derby observed in reply, that " so far from
the question being one merely of the loss of a province or two, it
seemed ' to him to be a matter for apprehension whether at the
close of the conflict the Ottoman Empire would still be in exist-
ence." From this it seems logically to flow that the Government
will not go to war with Eussia for Constantinople, or any other
portion of the Ottoman dominion, to retain the sovereignty of the
Turks, unless, indeed, certain portions in which British interests
are supposed to be involved are annexed by Russia, instead of
being made independent or handed over to other Powers, such as
the kingdom of Greece.

" As Musurus Pasha spoke of the Turks retiring into Asia, if
compelled, and maintaining there their inde^endtnce of rule

G

82 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

I asked him whether he meant seriously to contend that it would
he hetter, in the interests of the Porte, that the Turks should be
driven out of Europe than that the Sultan's Government should
tacitly acquiesce in a document to which they Avere not required
or requested to give any formal and express assent, which had
been drawn up and signed without their being consulted, for
which, therefore, they were in no way responsible, and which, after
all, called upon the Porte, as I understood its tenor, to do no more
than it had either already expressed itself ready to do, or than
it might be presumed to be willing; to do, with a view to the well-
being and security of Turkey." Musurus Pasha replied that " the
Protocol was a virtual abrogation of the 9th article of the Treaty
of Paris; that to allow it to pass in silence would, in the opinion
of the Porte, be to surrender all that Turkey had fought for in re-
gard to the Sultan's freedom from foreign intervention, and that
this was a humiliation to which his Government would not at any
risk submit." There is no doubt that the Protocol was an infrac-
tion of the Treaty of Paris, but so was the September dispatch,
and so was the action of the French and German Governments in
landing a force at Salonica on the occasion of the murder of their
Consuls ; so that, when Lord Derby taxes Russia with violating
the Treaty of Paris, he should recollect that Ave were the first to
break it on the occasion of the coercion used by us in the case of
the Syrian massacres, and that people in glass houses should
not throAV stones.

On April 6th, Prince Gortschakoff told the English Ambassa-
dor that Russia did not require Turkey to accept the Protocol, but
the conditions of the Declaration, and he expressed his regret that
England had communicated her declaration to the Porte, as it
would encourage its resistance to the Protocol and the Russian
Declaration. The communication of the English Declaration was
another illustration of the imbecility of the conduct of the Govern-
ment, and made the rejection of the Protocol and Russian Decla-
ration absolutely certain ; it Avas like playing a game of eearte
with your own cards faced whilst your adversary's cards are con-
cealed. The Russian Minister told Lord A. Loftus that the

HISTORY OF PRESENT PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 83

mobilization cost his country at the rate of upwards of
£40,000,000 a year, and it was all very well for us to talk of
delay who are much richer and yet had not this grievous
burden ; and consequently Russia's patience at this rate for the
preceding six months, to meet England's wishes, must have cost
about £20,000,000, or as much as the whole sum which we are so
proud of having given to emancipate the negroes in the West
Indies.

Prince Gortschakoff further said that Turkey must give a
favourable decision by the 13th of April, or else Russia would de-
clare war ; but if Lord Derby considered that, if Russia carried out
this threat, she would violate the Treaty of Paris, break up the
European concert, and do injustice to Turkey by not giving her
time for those reforms in which the English Government had
previously said they had no faith — if they had recanted that
opinion, why did he not at once warn Russia, instead of waiting
till Russia had taken the irrevocable step of declaring war and
then writing her an insulting and unjust dispatch 1

On April 12th, Lord Derby received the Turkish communica-
tion, definitely refusing to submit to the Protocol or Russian
Declaration, and much of which I have, already related as having
passed between Lord Derby and Musurus Pasha. The Turks
said, " The Imperial Government is prepared to replace its
armies on a peace footing as soon as it sees that the Russian Govern-
ment is taking measures of a similar character ; " so that Turkey
actually required that, instead of the simultaneous disarmament
proposed by England, Russia should disarm first, which was
obviously ridiculous and unfair. The dispatch proceeds to say
that Turkey " believes that Europe is convinced that the dis-
orders which have disturbed the tranquillity of the provinces
were due to external pressure, that the Imperial Government
cannot be held responsible for them, and that, consequently, the
Russian Government would not be justified in making the demo-
bilization of its armies depend on such contingencies." Now,
this was a deliberate falsehood, for Safvet Pasha, who framed
the dispatch, had heard the Ambassadors of all the Powers lay

g 2

84 A DEFENCE OF EUSSIA.

the blame of the massacres on the Turkish Government, and even
at his own packed Grand Council, Eifaat Bey said, " It should be
remembered that public opinion is against us in all Europe ; " and
it was absurd to suppose that, if a general massacre of the Chris-
tians commenced, Kussia would begin or continue to demobilize.
In a succeeding sentence the dispatch does not say whether Tur-
key would or would not send an Ambassador to St. Petersburg,
but has recourse to equivocation, and coolly suggests that Russia
should telegraph to direct a disarmament without arranging any
conditions with Turkey, or obtaining any pledge of simultaneous
disarmament. In a subsequent passage it is said that the last
part of the Protocol, which I have already quoted, " must provoke
the legitimate protestations of the Imperial Government, and
encounter its most formal opposition. Turkey, as an indepen-
dent State, cannot submit to be placed under any surveillance,
whether collective or not. The Treaty of Paris explicitly declared
the principle of non-intervention ; that Treaty which binds the
other high contracting parties as well, cannot be abolished by
a Protocol in which Turkey has taken no part." The Turks seem
to hold that all clauses which are advantageous to them are eter-
nally binding, whilst they may violate those they do not
like with impunity, and without .superseding the Treaty. Instead
of performing its promises of justice to the Christians, Turkey
has indulged itself with frequent periodical battues, in which
thousands of Christians have been massacred, and the Treaty of
Paris, as regards Turkey, is waste paper.

On the same day Lord Derby wrote to Mr. Jocelyn to say that
be had received the Turkish dispatch, and regretted the view
which the Porte took of the Protocol and Declarations, but that
it was unnecessary to discuss a step "adopted by the Porte after
full consideration, and which could not now be retraced. I said,
however, that it did not seem to me clear . . . whether the
Porte would or would not consent to send an Ambassador to ^t.
Petersburg to treat on the question of mutual disarmament. . . .
Musurus Pasha stated that his Government were not prepared to
adopt any such measure, end he furtl | inion that

HISTORY OF PRESENT PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 85

matters could not be settled in a satisfactory manner unless the
Powers consented to annul the Protocol ; " and the force of arro-
gance could no further go than to suppose that all the Powers of
Europe, at the bidding of barbarous, ignorant, and stupid Turkey,
would withdraw a document which they had all deliberately signed.

Lord Derby then said, " The divergence between the views ot
our two Governments appeared so wide as to render discussion
useless, and I said I did not see what further steps Her Majesty's
Government could take to avert a war which appeared to have
become inevitable." But, if he saw it was inevitable, how came
he to express surprise and concern in the insulting dispatch which
he wrote to Prince Gortschakoff on the declaration of war 1 and
how could it be necessary for England to write such a dispatch or
any dispatch at all, when none of the other Powers thought it
necessary to do so 1

It is thus abundantly clear that it was the vacillating conduct
of England that is the chief cause of the present war between
Russia and Turkey.

The next step in their negotiations was the dispatch of Prince
Gortschakoff of April 7th, 1877, the most important passages of
which are as follows : — " The Protocol signed in London on the
19th March of this year was the last expression of the collective will
of Europe. The Imperial Cabinet had suggested it as a supreme
effort of conciliation. . . . The Porte has just answered by a
fresh refusal. This eventuality had not been contemplated by the
Protocol of London. . . . This document had confined itself to
stipulating that, in case the great Powers were deceived in their
hope of seeing the Porte energetically apply the measures destined
to afford to the condition of the Christian population the improve-
ment unanimously called for as indispensable to the tranquillity of
Europe, they reserved to themselves to consider in common as to
the means which they might deem best fitted to secure the well-
being of those populations and the interest of the general peace.
Thus, the Cabinet had foreseen the case of the Porte not fulfilling the
promises it might have made, but not that of its refecting the demands
of Europe. . . . Th'3 refusal of the Porte, and the reason on

86 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

which it is founded, leave no hope of deference on its part to the
wishes and counsels of Europe, and no guarantee for the application
of the reforms suggested for the improvement of the Christian
population. . . . In these circumstances every chance is closed for
efforts of conciliation. There remains no alternative but to allow
the state of things to continue which the Powers have declared
incompatible with their interests and those of Europe in general,
or else to seek to obtain by coercion what the unanimous efforts
of the Cabinet have not succeeded in obtaining from the Porte by-
persuasion. Our august Master has resolved to undertake this
work. In assuming this task, our august Master fulfils a duty im-
posed upon him in the interest of Russia, whose peaceful development
is hindered by this permanent disturbance in the East. His Imperial
Majesty has the conviction that he responds at the same time to
the sentiments and interests of Europe."

Lord Derby answered on May 1st: — "The Protocol . . .
required from the Sultan no fresh guarantees for the reform of his
administration. . . . Her Majesty's Government cannot,
therefore, admit .... that the answer of the Porte
removed all hope of deference on its part to the wishes and
advice of Europe, and all security for the application of the
suggested reforms. . . . They have not concealed their
feeling that the presence of large Russian forces on the
frontiers of Turkey, menacing its safety, rendered disarma-
ment impossible, and exciting a feeling of apprehension and
fanaticism among the Mussulman population, constituted a
natural obstacle to internal purification and reform. They cannot
believe that the continuance of these armies on Turkish soil will
alleviate the difficulty or improve the condition of the Christian

population In the Conference of London in

1871 . . . . Russia signed a declaration affirming it to
be an essential principle of the law of nations that no
Power can liberate itself from the engagement of a Treaty,
nor nullify the stipulations thereof, unless with the consent of
the co-treating parties by means of an amicable arrangement.
In taking action against Turkey on his own part, and having

HISTORY OF PRESENT PHASE OF TnE EASTERN" QUESTION. 87

recourse to arms without further consultation with his allies, the
Emperor of Russia has separated himself from the European con-
cert hitherto maintained, and has at the'same time departed from
the rule to which he himself had solemnly recorded his consent.
It is impossible to foresee the consequence of such an act, and the
Government feel bound to state, in a manner equally formal and
public, that the decision of the Russian Government is not one
which can have their concurrence or approval."

This dispatch of Prince Gortschakoffs is as able, logical, and
courteous as that of Lord Derby is confused, inconsistent, and
insulting.

Russia points out that the refusal of the Protocol was an
eventuality which none of the Powers had foreseen, and this fact,
even if it stood alone, clearly stamps the action of the Porte with
the emphatic condemnation of. Europe ; since, if it was wrong to
break promises which they expected the Porte to make of doing
justice to the Christians, it was still worse to refuse even to
promise justice to them ; and while most probably they would,
with their usual bad faith, have broken these promises, it is quite
certain that they would not be better than their word, and fulfil
duties that they had not even promised to perform. It is quite
evident that the other Powers of Europe agree with Prince Gort-
schakoff that Russia was compelled, both in the interests of the
Christians of Turkey and for her oavii protection, not to delay any
longer in going to war, as silence gives consent ; and not one of
the other Powers has even yet followed the pernicious example of
England by sending any reply whatever to such self-evident pro-
positions, still less by sending an insulting, or even a cold, reserved,
or doubtful answer.

Many of even their own most consistent followers strongly dis-
approve of Lord Derby's dispatch; for instance, the Duke of
Rutland, who expressed his regret at the strong terms in which
the dispatch of 1st of May was drawn up. "He thought it most
important that this country should be acting in concert with the
rest of Europe for the maintenance of a strict neutrality, but he
understood that the document he referred to had created the

88 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

greatest consternation in foreign countries. It blamed Russia for
breaking the Treaty of 1856. But he denied that the statement
was correct, for at the conference, and during the drawing up of
the protocol afterwards, Russia went to the utmost extent possible
to meet the wishes of the Powers, and he thought therefore that
Russia was justified in saying that she would fulfil the duties
imposed by the Treaty of Paris. He added that the Government
ought to be grateful to Mr. Gladstone for the part he took in
telling them he knew the feeling of the country on the subject."
Government say that if they had not answered this dispatch then,
silence would have implied consent, therefore it conclusively follows
that the silence of all the other powers implies their full assent.

Besides the duty imposed specially on Russia of protecting its
co-religiouists and fellow Slavonians, Prince Gortschakoff points
out that the war is also necessary for the interest of Russia, whose
peaceful development is hindered by the permanent disturbances
in the East.

La Rochefoucauld cynically said that few things give us so much
pleasure as the misfortunes of our best friends, and naturally the
Philo-Turks in the Cabinet still more rejoice in the evils sustained
by their hated enemies, the Russians. Our rival's house is on fire,
but we bear it with exemplary philosophy.

Lord Derby practically says England is in no hurry, and is
willing to wait an indefinite time for justice to the Christians and
the pacification of the East of Europe, which she knows by the
past twenty years' experience will not, and cannot, take place
without coercion, since equal justice to the Christians, as Freeman
points out, is contrary to the Mussulman religion.

It is true that England said, at the Conference, that the Russian
army was the only hope of the Powers obtaining satisfactory
guarantees. We now eat our words, and say the contrary,
namely, " that the presence of large Russian forces on the frontiers
of Turkey, menacing its safety, rendered disarmament impossible; "
yet we made this impossible condition a sine qua non for our
adhering to the Protocol. The force of inconsistency and absurdity
could surely go no further. Lord Derby cannot believe that " the

HISTORY OF PRESENT PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 89

entrance of the Russian armies on Turkish soil will alleviate the
difficulty or improve the condition of the Christian population."
The scepticism of Lord Derby is, perhaps, even more absurd than
his credulity, for every sane man must see that when the Russian
armies arrive in Bulgaria and the other oppressed districts, the
Christians will no longer have anything to fear ; and as Russia
left behind her after the Crimea the liberties of the Principalities,
in spite of the English policy of subjecting them to Turkey, she
will certainly not be less magnanimous to the other Christian
populations of Turkey.

Suppose Catholic and French-speaking Belgium was still
oppressed by Protestant and Dutch-speaking Holland, and was in
continual insurrection, would France tolerate an insulting dispatch
from Russia, accusing her of violating treaties, breaking up the
European concert, and disregarding its own solemn promises, if,
after two years' patience, the "other Powers declined to interfere,
and she, therefore, went to war with Holland to protect her co-
religionists the kindred people of Belgium 1 Besides, Lord
Derby said this year that treaties Avere no longer binding when
circumstances had changed ; and does he now mean to say that
there has been no change in the circumstances since the Treaty of
Paris, when he has so oftentimes said the contrary ]

Lord Derby had expressly told Turkey, as I have already
shown, that if she did not accept the Protocol it was certain that
Russia would go to war ; and yet he affects surprise that she has
done the very thing which he foretold. If, in the meantime, this
weathercock or chameleon of a Foreign Secretary had changed his
mind, why did he not warn Russia before the declaration of war
that, if she did attack Turkey, he would, after all, on re-considera-
tion, consider it a violation of treaties and a culpable departure
from the European concert, in which case possibly Russia might
have waited to obtain a decision of the majority of the Powers on
this point, when I have no doubt whatever that she would have
been adjudged to be in the right and England in the wrong.

That the English public may judge how the dispatch of Lord
Derby is viewed in Russia, and that you cannot insult a great

90 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

nation with impunity, I append the following extract from a long
article in the Grajdavine of St. Petersburg : —

"After shedding our blood for the Slavonians, we are ex-
pected, no matter whether victors or vanquished, to subordinate
ourselves to the London and Vienna governments. ... In
a word, when the Russian soldier has served long enough as food
for the Turkish cannon, peace may be concluded on the terms of
the disgraceful Constantinople Conference, a Conference which,
as Ave know from the confessions of European diplomacy, was
England's way of befooling Russia. ... If anything is to be
done in the way of improving the condition of the Slav in Turkey,
it is to be done by England. Having committed the signal mis-
take of declaring war, Russia, it would seem, ought to apologise to
England, and to stop operations the moment England, Austria, and
Turkey demand it. . . . During the war we are to act as fools
and jesters for the entertainment of the Anglo- Austrians ; after the
war to behave as cowards and poltroons. ... Is it for this that
Russia has existed this thousand years 1 . . . The contempt
for our Russian aspirations expressed in the Andrassy Memoran-
dum, the Berlin Protocol, the Constantinople Conference, and the
London Protocol, and last, not least, in the brutality cf England's
final note to this government — a brutality which took all the world
by surprise —all this is nothing in comparison to the scorn cast
upon us at a moment of enthusiastic devotion to the sacred work
in hand. There is no exaggeration in this. Even after the Note
of the London to the St. Petersburg cabinet — a Note the scornful
tone of which offended not only the Russian Czar and people, but
violated the time-honoured traditions of European diplomacy —our
diplomatic representatives abroad preserved a calm and indifferent
attitude. There was no sign they resented the blow they had
received. . . . All this is the more provoking, as the
foreigners expect us to recognise our inferiority to the rest of
Europe. Europe is a palace tenanted by noble lords and gentle-
men ; the Russians' place is in the ante-room. If England and
Austria are so eager to restore peace, it is because they dis-
cover their inability to stop us. As to their threats, they are a

HISTORY OF PRESENT PHASE OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 91

vain boast and no more. "While they fancied Eussia unable to go
to war, they played the double game of insulting our sovereign
and of turning his moderate and pacific sentiments to account. Is
it possible that we again fall into this abominable trap 1 "

Russia may submit to this and a few other insults for a while; but
if she is too much provoked,she will inevitably be compelled to with-
draw her ambassador from England, as the Emperor Nicholas did
previously to the Crimean War, and to send his passports to ours.

As Turkey has — thanks to the silly English bondholders — the
command of the sea, Russia has very little to fear if we oblige her
to go to war with us by persisting in studied insults and gross
injustice, such as threatening her if she exercises her just
belligerent rights against Egypt, or attacks any locality where
we think British interests are involved.

Sebastopol is already destroyed, at a cost of 75 millions, whilst
the Russians might very well have agreed to destroy it themselves
for a third of the money, which would probably have rebuilt it
afterwards and left an ample margin ; and there is no other con-
siderable naval arsenal which we could attack with any prospect
of success, since, even when we had the French and Turkish fleets
to support us, we could do very little injury to Russia, either in
the Baltic or the Black Sea, except at Sebastopol, during the
Crimean War ; and as to a military expedition without France,
it would be altogether preposterous.

The next move on the political chess-board was the intimation
sent by Lord Derby to Russia about Egyyt, and also to Turkey —
another violation of the independence of that State and of the
Treaty of Paris — that " England would regard an attempt
to blockade, or otherwise to interfere with the Canal or its
approaches, as a menace to India, and as a grave injury to the
commerce of the world." Yet the Government, in answer to Sir
W. Harcourt, said " The Cabinet has no wish to prescribe the
particular limitations which either belligerent Power shall place
on its rights." Now I conceive if we tell Russia that Ave will go
to war with her if she attacks the Canal, the purchase of which
Mi s. Thistlethwayte recommended some years ago, we are bound in

92 A DPFEXCE OF RUSSIA.

honour,and to preventKussia from unintentionally involvingherself
in war with us, to state clearly and distinctly how far she may go
without menacing India or injuring the commerce of the world.
Our contention is manifestly absurd, for supposing a Russian man-
of-war entered the Canal to pass through, according to our dictum,
the Turks may not capture it by an attack of their land forces ; and
if it is protected, Russia is being helped against Turkey. Suppose,
too, that Russia was as malicious as Philo-Turks pretend, she has
only to send a number of old merchantmen into the Canal loaded
with enormous blocks of stone, and to sink them by a pretended
accident, and then the commerce of the world is as effectually
stopped as if she took possession of the Canal, and then, contrary
to the rights of nations and her own interests, shut it up.

Whilst the Russians have agreed to comply with our wishes,
the Turks, it is understood, have stated that they would attack
any Russian vessel in the Canal, but of course we .shall as usual
submit to the decision of Turkey.

I defy any one to show that even the occupation of the whole
of Egypt, and the stoppage of the Suez Canal, would be a menace
to India, even if Russia went to war with us, since Russia coidd
not attack India from Egypt, as we have the command of the sea,
and our trade could be conducted in that case, as before, by the
Cape of Good Hope ; and if Russia did occupy Egypt and had
possession of the Canal, and did not go to war with us, she would
have no motive whatever to obstruct our commerce, or that of any
other nation but Turkey, and the traffic of the world would be con-
ducted otherwise precisely as before.

It Avill be observed that Captain Hobart, who one might other-
wise forget to be an Englishman under his Turkish rank as
Hobart Pasha, has returned to Constantinople, having as yet
achieved with his enormous fleet no better feat than capturing
several prizes loaded with corn, all English property, which will
contribute to make bread dearer to the English people, when it is
already at an unusually high price, and when there is much distress
from commercial depression. But what can one expect from a
mercenary adventurer 1

HISTORY OF PRESENT PHASE OF TnE EASTERN QUESTION. 93

Mr. Freeman thus severely, but justly, animadverts on the
conduct of this man, Hobart, who ought to he, if he is not already,
like Omar Pasha, a naturalised and Mahometan Turk : " Crete
in the end was conquered, and again to the shame of England, it
was largely conquered by means of an Englishman. This was an
English naval officer, Hobart by name, who was not ashamed to
enter into the service of the barbarian, to take his pay, and help
him to bring Christian nations under the yoke. . . . There
was another Englishman, Eobert of St. Albans, a Knight of the
Temple, who betrayed his order, his country, and his faith ; who
took service under Saladin, and mocked the last agonies of the
Christians when Jerusalem was taken. The shame of Robert
of St. Albans has its like in the shame of Hobart."

This capture has been wrongfully made, in spite of the notorious
fact that the blockade is ineffective, and that the Under Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs admitted in the House of Commons,
on June 11th, that the Government " had heard privately that a
line of steainers was running from Odessa to Nicholaieff," which
clearly and irrefutably establishes the fact that the blockade is
ineffective, and several captures of Turkish vessels have been
made in the Black Sea by the Russian navy. Yet we submit to
any wrong and any amount of loss to help our dear friends the
Turks.

The JVord Deutsche All 'geme hie Zeitung of 11th October, 187G,
says : — " Amongst the German people nothing is less existent
than sentiments which might lead German policy to take chest-
nuts out of the fire for England, and England will not be able to
find in Germany an ally which will be disposed to share its profits
and losses on the Eastern Question."

The National Zeitung says : " The Tory ministry has deceived
itself in respect to public opinion in its own country, as it has
also deceived itself on the subject of the situation of Europe.
England Avould be alone in a contest against Russia, as we were
alone in our contest against France. Let the Czar annex to his
empire Batoum, Kars, Erzeroum, and even Trebizond — that will
be a matter of indifference to no matter what state in Europe,

94 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

England excepted. On the contrary, the more that Russia is
involved in the affairs of Asia the less she will be able to weigh
on Europe. It follows from all this that an Anglo-Russian War
is only an eventuality of a distant future. England has always
been obliged, in consequence of its insular position, to make its
great wars with allies on the Continent ; even in the contest with
the Americans she required mercenary German troops. For the
first time she has no ally."

FORECAST OF PROBABLE RESULTS. 95

A FOEECAST OF THE PROBABLE RESULTS OF THE
PRESENT RUSSO-TURKISH WAR.

It seems to be universally believed that Turkey must succumb in
her present struggle with Russia ; indeed, the corrupt bureaucracy
and wire pullers of Constantinople anticipate and fear the result.

We have already seen that - the Russians have gained impor-
tant successes, especially at Ardahan, that the Principalities have
joined Russia and declared war against Turkey, that Servia and
Greece are shortly expected to do the same, and that a state of siege
has had to be proclaimed in Constantinople to prevent the instant
dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. Two Turkish monitors have
been already blown up, and the Turkish fleet will probably be soon
as afraid of the Russians as they were in the Greek war of inde-
pendence, when sixteen small Greek vessels drove forty Turkish
men-of-war to seek safety at Constantinople. The soldiers, and even
the officers, as I have already stated on Mr. Jocelyn's authority, are
in arrears of pay for from six to thirty-three months. They are
badly clothed, badly fed, and utterly unfit for campaigning, whilst
the Russian army, besides being more numerous, is in the highest
state of efficiency, and has all the confidence of being commanded
by officers of proved ability, and fighting in a just and noble
cause, instead of being driven to the shambles by Turkish Pashas,
who are mere palace favourites and carpet knights, in an unjust
and disgraceful cause.

The odds, however, are not so unequal as to entitle the Turks
to any sympathy for being the weakest, as, though the popu-

96 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

lation is nofc much more than half that of Russia, it is more
concentrated. They have the services of many foreign, and I
regret to say, some English mercenaries. They are fighting on
their own soil ; and besides, thanks to the credulous English and
other investors, the Turks have been supplied gratuitously with
an apparently formidable fleet. However, when the Russian fleet
in the Baltic and elsewhere reinforces the Black Sea fleet, and
when a few more Turkish men-of-war have been blown up by
such heroes as blew up the last monitor, we shall soon see the
Turks eagerly suing for peace, and the harder the terms are the
better I for one shall be satisfied.

It would not be just to the Russian people if the Czar was
not to exact such conditions of peace as would amply compensate
Russia for the sacrifices it has made, as well as give far better
security to the Christians than those which the Porte declined at
the Conference.

England very foolishly, with quixotic liberality, and to the utter
neglect of our just rights, at the conclusion of a war foregoes all
claim to costs, though no Englishman ever fails to demand and
exact costs and damages in any action at law which is decided
in his favour. The Germans, to their credit, compelled France to
pay an indemnity, which not only paid their expenses, but left a
considerable margin to pension the widows and orphans of those
who were killed by the French in an unjust war ; and I trust
Russia will pursue the same course in so far as it is practicable
with such a bankrupt as Turkey. I would fain hope that Russia
would re-establish the Greek Empire, but T should anticipate that
Russia would at least demand that all that part of Turkey north
of the Balkans should form one State or confederation of States
perfectly independent of Turkey — but if she only did this, a very
large portion of Bulgaria, including Philippopolis, the scene of the
massacres, which is south of the Balkans, would remain under
Turkish oppression, which would be most illogical and ob-
jectionable— that Montenegro should obtain a large accession of
territory ; that the whole of Epirus, Thessaly, and all the
remaining Turkish islands should hv added to Greece; and that

FORECAST OF PROBABLE RESULTS. 97

she herself should obtain the whole of Armenia and the Eu-
phrates Valley, down to the Persian Gulf; that Egypt should
be independent, and obtain Syria and Palestine; and that she
should receive from the Principalities, from Servia, and from
Egypt, a sum to be raised like the indemnity paid by France
to Germany, equal to the capital value of the tribute now paid by
these States to Turkey ; not as tribute, for they would be as free
of Russia as of Turkey.

Some politicians have expressed much curiosity as to the course
which Germany might probably pursue in case of the great Russian
victories which may be expected, and I think we have some indica-
tion of this in the debate in the Prussian Parliament, on December
nth, in a speech by Prince Bismarck, in which he says, " Russia
does not aim at great conquests. The Emperor Alexander has
ever been a loyal ally to us, and Russia only asks us for our co-
operation at the Conference for the improvement of the position
of the Christians in Turkey, a purpose to which our Emperor
and our nation willingly offer a helping hand. That we shall sup-
port this object is beyond all question. This support is justified
by sympathy for our co-religionists and for the purposes of
civilization. Should the Conference not lead to any results,
warlike action on the part of Russia is probable. Russia,
however, does not ask our assistance for that purpose, although
no one will expect us to impose our veto against it, since objects
are concerned for which we ourselves are striving. ... As
long as we stand upon this place you will never succeed in making
a rent in our friendship for Russia, a friendship which has lasted
for centuries, and is based upon history. We must maintain good
relations with the Powers, and can only actively interpose if one
of our friends is imperilled by another power," which is supposed
to refer to Austria.

It seems to me from this perfectly clear that Prussia intends to
adopt a very friendly neutrality to Russia, and that nothing but
perhaps a permanent annexation, not a temporary occupation of
the mouths of the Danube and Constantinople, would induce
Germany[to go to war with Ru?sia.

n

98 A DEFEXCE OF RUSSIA.

As to Austro-Hungary, the President of the Hungarian Ministry,
M. Tisza, has wisely pointed out to the Hungarian Philo-Turks that
it might have been plausibly argued, that seven'years ago Austria
ought to have made common cause with France, to prevent
Prussia from becoming the Dictator of Central . Europe, and from
some day annexing the German Provinces [of Austria. Yet
Austria prudently kept out of the Franco-German "War, and in
the same way she will keep out of the Russo-Turkish "War
possible.

Those who are now\urging on the British nation to under-
take another Crimean war should first think over, the following
eloquent sentences by Mr. G. A. Sala, which" appeared in the
Illustrated London Nevs and afterwards in the Times : —

" The bodies of some eight thousand Englishmen moulder
peacefully in this graveyard. I fancy that the remembrance of
their deaths might moderate the frenzy of the politicians who
seem bent on hounding England on to a fresh war with Puissia.
Surely those politicians must be mainly youngjnen, or they must
have very short memories. I remember the episodes of the
Crimean war as though they had happened yesterday, for then,
as now, I was earning my daily bread by literature and journalism ;
and the war brought me every day fresh materials for my pen.
I was within an ace in 1856 of going to Scbastopol ; but I went
to Russia instead. Can you not recall, you who'are middle-aged,
and whose memories are good, those two miserable years between
the fight at the Alma and the fall of the Malakoff! Do you
remember the Ghost's Derby Day of 1855 1 Do you remember
when, on the cliff at P>righton and the Marina at St. Leonard's,
you could scarcely walk ten paces without meeting groups of
ladies and children clad in deepest mourning for their fathers,
husbands, brothers, sweethearts slain in that wretched Cherso-
nese, or who had sickened and died in the cheerless wards of the
Scutari Hospital 1 Are we to have those years of private agony
and bereavement, of public blundering'and mismanagement, over
again ] I suppose so. Glory is a very fine thing. I am only a
j'ili;>, a civilian, and I know nothing about Glory ; but I confess

FORECAST OF PROBABLE RESULTS. 99

that my blood runs cold, and that my heart sickens, when I hear
politicians pertly prating about the ' arbitrament of the sword,'
and ' war clearing the atmosphere/ and so forth. I never met
Glory yet, and I don't know what he or she is like ; but I have
met war face to face half a dozen times in as many countries. 1
have looked into the whites, or rather the crimsons, of his eyes,
and I have gazed upon the Sisters who follow him wheresoever
he goes. They are Three Sisters, and their names are Kapine
and Disease and Death. This is, of course, a miserably craven
and spiritless way of looking at War. I cannot help it. I have
seen onty War's madness and wickedness, its foulness and sq ualor.
To me it has represented nothing but robbery and profligacy, but
famine and slaughter ; and I can but think that if the warlike
politicians were to witness just half an hour of actual warfare as
I have witnessed it, in America, in Italy, in Mexico, in France,
in Spain, their martial ardour would cool down a little, and they
would not be quite so prompt to blow the bellicose trumpet."

If we involve ourselves in a war with Russia without the assist-
ance of any other Power but effete Turkey, we may expect such
enormous financial difficulties that we may perhaps be obliged to
return to that former system of taxation, which now exists in
America, upon almost every article which Ave use, and which the
late Sydney Smith depicted as follows : —

" We can inform Brother Jonathan," he writes, " what are the
inevitable consequences of being too fond of glory — taxes. Taxes
upon every article which enters into the mouth, or covers the
back, or is placed under foot — taxes upon everything which it is
pleasant to see, hear, feel, smell, or taste — taxes upon warmth,
light, and locomotion — taxes on everything on the earth or in the
waters under the earth — on everything that comes from abroad or
is grown at hbme — taxes on the raw material — taxes upon every
fresh value that is added to it by the industry of man — taxes on
the sauce which pampers man's appetite and the drug that
restores him to health — on the ermine which decorates the judge
and the rope which hangs the criminal — on the poor man's salt
and the rich man's spice — on the brass nails of the coffin and the

Ji 2

100 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

ribbons of the bride— at bed or board, couchant or levant, we must
pay. The schoolboy whips his taxed top, the beardless youth
manages his taxed horse, with a taxed bridle, on a taxed road ;
and the dying Englishman, pouring his medicine, which has paid
7 per cent., into a spoon which has paid 15 per cent., flings him-
self back upon his chintz bed, Avliich has paid 22 per cent., and
expires in the arms of an apothecary who has paid a licence of a
hundred pounds for the privilege of putting him to death. His
whole property is then immediately taxed from 2 to 10 per
cent. Besides the probate, large fees are demanded for burying
him in the chancel. His virtues are handed down to posterity on
taxed marble, and he is then gathered to his fathers — to be taxed
no more."

Mr. Sandford, a Conservative M.P., in the debate of the 30th
of May, made the following very sensible observations on the
Eastern Question, aud concluded by a reasonable but inadequate
programme of the probable terms of peace, saying,

" The suppression of these conversations (between Lord
Salisbury and Prince Bismarck and the Due Decazes) created
alarm, the more so because the conversations at Vienna and
at Rome had been given. . . . The Foreign Secretary
himself said that treaties were not eternal, and could only
be maintained as long as circumstances permitted. . . . He
believed that the Government of Turke3r was intolerable alike for
its Mahometan and its Christian subjects, and the mistake made
in the autumn agitation was, that too exclusive stress was laid
on the grievances of the Christians. When the disturbances first
broke out in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the great Powers should
have told Turkey that, if she did not undertake to reform her
administration in a certain time, united Europe would call upon
her to introduce some changes in her form of government. . . .
We had no right to coerce Turkey without warning her, and up
to the present moment the only warning she had received was
that she was not to be coerced. We could not coerce Turkey as
the ally of Russia, but as a member of the European concert.
He looked on the Crimean War at the time with no very

FORECAST OF TROBABLE RESULTS. 101

favourable eye, believing it was undertaken for French rather
than for English interests, and he had then thought it of com-
paratively small importance whether Constantinople was occupied
by Russians or by Turks. . . . He believed in the moderation
of the Czar. Russia would probably expect the restoration of the
territory in Bessarabia taken from her by the Treaty of Paris,
perhaps also some part of Asia Minor. She might likewise
possibly demand the passage of her fleet through the Dardanelles,
and that the Bulgarians should be governed by independent
rulers. Herzegovina and Bosnia might be added to Austria, and
some small addition of territory given to Montenegro. The
Sultan could retain the residue of his dominions, but only as the
satrap of Russia."

Mr. Bourke said, " Under the Treaty of Paris, ' the common
law right of interference ' remained exactly where it was before,
and our great proof of that was that in 1859 Her Majesty's
Government addressed to the Porte one of the strongest despatches
ever penned, calling attention to the condition of the Christian
races under Ottoman rule, and stating unequivocally that this coun-
try would ' insist ' — that was the word used — upon the promises
of the Sultan being carried out. Therefore the right of inter-
ference not only existed theoretically under the Treaty of Paris,
but had been acted upon by this country and acknowledged by the
Forte:'

102 A DEEEXCE 01' RUSSIA.

MAHOMETANISM UNMASK E I ).

The Philo-Turkish party — and especially the Pall Mall Gazette,
of which Mr. Forsyth said the other day, " From its raving style
lately it seemed to be written by maniacs for fools " — are never
tired of throwing dust in the eyes of the British public on the Eastern
Question, and they try to make us believe that the Mahometan
religion is at least equal, if not superior, to Greek Christianity.
I, therefore, now append some illustrations of Mabometanism,
which is one of the basest, grossest, and most ridiculous supersti-
tions which have ever degraded humanity, drawn from Ockley's
" History of the Saracens," a standard work, and from other sources.
One of the crucial tests of the moral worth of any race or
nation is the modem which their women are treated, and the opinion
which the men entertain of the female sex ; and Tacitus, in his
great work on the Germans, especially praised them for their high
respect and esteem for their women. His words, as nearly as I
can recollect them, are : " Neither did they despise their counsel
nor disregard their advice, but they considered that there was
a singular wisdom and something holy about them." Now the
Mahometans have attained an unenviable pre-eminence both for
the contempt and distrust their religion inculcates for women,
and for the state of debasement and ignorance in which they
keep them, as if on purpose to degrade them to their own vile
conception of the sex ; and as to the sensual Paradise to which the
stupid and libidinous Turks look forward, Tom Moore tells us —
" A Moslem's heaven's easy made,
'Tis but black eyes and lemonade" (i.e., houris and sherbet).

A truly virtuous wife is, according to Mussulmans, rarely to be
met with, and their general depravity is declared to be much
greater than that of men. When woman was created, the
devil, we are told, was delighted and said, " Thou art half of my

MAIIOMETANISAI UNMASKED. 103

host, and tliou art the depository of my secrets, and thou art my
arrow with which I shoot and miss not." Mahomet said, " I
stood at the gate of Paradise, and, lo ! most of the inmates were poor,
and / stood at the" gate of hell, and most of the inmates were ivomen."

Mahomet could neither read nor write, and was pre-eminently
immoral, and he married Ayesha, when she had attained the
mature age of nine. In heaven he found an angel of so prodi-
gious a stature that the distance between his eyes was equal to the
length of a journey of 70,000 clays, and in the fifth heaven he
saw an angel so large that he could have swallowed the seven
heavens and seven earths as easily as a pea, but he does not tell
us how an angel who could swallow seven heavens and seven
earths could be contained in the fifth heaven only.

Mahomet was so reverenced by his bigoted disciples that they
would gather his spittle up and swallow it. He had fifteen wives,
whereas his own Koran allows no Mussulman to have more than
four, and he openly avowed that his chief pleasures were women
and perfumes. The notorious Wilkes used to say of himself, " I
never was a Wilkite," and so Mahomet never was a Mussulman,
but laughed in his sleeve at the credulity of his followers. On
one occasion, he accepted a challenge to bring the moon from
heaven in presence of the whole assembly. Upon uttering his
command that luminary, full orbed, though but five dags old, leaped
from the firmament, and bounding through the air alighted on the
top of the Kaaba, after having encircled it by seven distinct evo-
lutions. She, or more probably the man in the moon, is said to
have paid reverence to the Prophet, addressing him in elegant
Arabic in set phrases of encomium, and concluding with the
formula of the Mussulman faith. This clone, the moon is said to
have descended from the Kaaba, to have entered the right sleeve
of Mahomet's mantle, and to have made its exit by the left.
After having traversed every part of his flowing robe, the planet
separated into two parts as it mounted in the air. Then these
two parts re-united in one round and luminous orb as before. No
wonder that this idiotic superstition spread among the Arab
savages, for Malcolm, in his History of Persia, relates the following

lOt A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

interview between the King of Persia and three .Arab chiefs. The
Arabs said, " Whatever thou hast said regarding the former con-
dition of the Arabs is true. Their food was green lizards ; they
buried their daughters alive ; nay, some of them feasted on dead
carcases and drank blood, while others slew their relations, and
thought themselves great and valiant men when by such an act
they possessed themselves of more] property. They were clothed
with hair garments ; knew not good from evil, and made no dis-
tinction between what is lawful and unlawful." Omar said, " If
any man makes profession of our religion and then leaves it. we
kill him." When Jerusalem capitulated, the following were some
of the conditions which Omar granted, and these stipulations
have been usually imitated by his successors : " The Christians
shall build no new churches either in the city or adjoining terri-
tory. They shall not refuse entrance to Mussulmans to their
churches by night or day. If any Mussulman should be on a
journey, they shall be obliged to entertain him gratis for three
days. They shall not persuade anyone to be of their religion.
They shall pay respect to the Mussulmans, and, if they be sitting,
rise up to them. They shall not ride upon saddles nor bear any
sort of arms. They shall be obliged to keep the same sort of habit
wherever they go, and always wear girdles upon their waists."
Omar, like a true barbarian, ordered the magnificent Alexandrian
library to be destroyed, saying that if they were adverse to the
Koran they were injurious, whilst if they were favourable to it
they were unnecessary, and the books were distributed among
the warm baths in Alexandria to heat them, and it took six
months before they were destroyed.

Dick Turpin and the other old English highwaymen, when they
stopped a traveller, gave him the apparent choice of his money or
his life, but if he resisted, the highwayman took his life and then
his money. The Mahometans, after ravaging Asia and Africa,
pursued their bloody conquests in Europe, and if it had not been
for the victory of Charles Martel, at Tours, over the Saracens,
European civilization would have been extinguished. The Turks,
too, like a swarm of human locusts, devastated and conquered

HAHOAIETASISM UXMASKED. 105

Hungary, and if it had not been for Sobieski, who bad, how-
ever, to abandon Polish Podolia to them, they might perhaps
have overrun Europe. Like the highwaymen, the Mahometans
offer those on whom they make unprovoked Avars the choice of
conversion, tribute, or the sword — or rather they offer this to the
few they allow to remain, after killing most of the able-bodied
men, and selling the women, girls, and good-looking loys into a
slavery Avorse than death. Conversion to their abominable super-
stition is, of course, out of the question, and there remains only
tribute or legalised robbery without any limit but the capacity of
endurance of their unfortunate victims.

Freeman tells us in his recent admirable work on "The Ottoman
Power in Europe " : " For a Mahometan to embrace Christianity
is a crime to be punished by death. . . . Other religions, Chris-
tianity among them, have been propagated by the sword, but it is
Mahometanism alone which lays' it down as a matter of religious-
duty that it should be so propagated. . . . No Christian nation
has ever embraced Mahometanism; no Mahometan nation has
ever embraced Christianity. . . . The utmost that the best
Mahometan ruler can do is to save his subjects of other religions
from actual persecution, from actual personal oppression; he
cannot save them from degradation. He cannot, without forsak-
ing the principles of his own religion, put them on the same level
as Mussulmans. The utmost that he can do is to put his non-
Mussulman subjects in a state which in every western country
would be looked upon as fully justifying them in revolting
against his rule. . . . No Mahometan ruler, I repeat, can give
more than contemptuous toleration ; he cannot give real equality
of rights. One Mahometan ruler tried to do so, and not only
tried, but succeeded. But he succeeded only by casting away the
faith, which hindered' his work. Akbar was the one prince born
in Islam who gave equal rights to his subjects who did not pro-
fess the faith of Islam ; but he was also the one prince born in
Islam who cast away the faith of Islam. The Ottoman Turk has
no claim to be placed side by side with the higher specimens of
his own creed, with the early .Saracens, or the Indian Moghuls."

3 06 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA,

THE SULTAN NOT THE HEAD OF THE MAHOMETAN

RELIGION.

The anti-Christian party in England dishonestly persist in
endeavouring to frighten the country with the idea that the
Sultan is the sacred head of the Mahometan religion, and that,
it' we had joined in contingent coercion, or even if we refrain
from aiding him against Russia, there would be great risk of a
rebellion of the forty millions of Mahometans who inhabit
India, though, if they did rebel, we have one hundred and fifty
millions of non-Mahometans, besides British troops, to put them
down. It has been shown over and over again in the House of
Commons, in the press, at public meetings, and elsewhere, by men
who have lived for the greater portion of their lives in India, and
who have attained high positions there (like Sir George Campbell),
that this is all nonsense. But none are so blind as those who
will not see, and as to their prejudices, like the toys which represent
fat Chinese mandarins rounded below, the stronger the blow with
which they are knocked over the more violent is the recoil with
which they reassume their former position.

Mr. Baillie, who is recognised as, perhaps, the greatest
authority in England on Indian laws and customs, in a paper
read before the Asiatic Society, showed conclusively that the
Sultan of Turkey has no claim whatever to be the head of the
Mussulman religion. At the present time there is no Caliph,
and, as the head of the Mahometan religion must be of the tribe of
Koreish, with which the Sultan has not the most distant affinity,
he is utterly disqualified from the possibility of becoming Caliph,
and has never undergone the necessary preliminary of being duly
elected ; and the only recognised chief of the Mussulmans is the

TIIE SULTAN NOT TEIE HEAD OF MAHOMETAN RELIGION. 107

Shereef of Mecca, who is of the right lineage. The total number of
Mahometans, according to Dieterici, in 1859, was 170,000,000, of
which about 42,000,000 inhabit the Turkish Empire, and of these
3,611,480 are encamped in Europe, whilst there are 4,792.443
Christians in the Turkish dominions in Europe. According to the
Almanac de Gotha for 1877, whilst there are 40,227,552 Ma-
hometans in India, and 8,428,65S Mahometans in the Russian
Empire, of whom 2,303,658 are in Europe, the rest of the
Mahometans inhabit various parts of Asia, including China
and Africa ; and by far the greater portion have never
even heard of the existence of the Sultan; the Emperor of
Morocco, for instance, does not at all recognise the precedence of
the Sublime Porte, nor did any Mahometan Power in the
whole world give the least assistance to Turkey in any of the ten
wars which she has waged with such disastrous results against
Russia, nor did the Sultan receive any pecuniary assistance from
individual Mussulmans of any other nationality.

It is notorious that Mehemet Ali rebelled against the Sultan,
that his son marched within eighty leagues of Constantinople
amid the acclamations of the people of Syria and Asia Minor, and
that Mehemet Ali would infallibly have become Sultan if the
Russians had not in 1833 protected Constantinople by a fleet
and army, and in 1839 the whole Turkish fleet voluntarily sailed
into Alexandria and embraced the service of Mehemet Ali. Ali
Pasha and various other Turkish subjects have also rebelled
against the Sultan.

Even now that the Sultan is contending single-handed against
Russia, the Khedive of Egypt, after urgent and incessant en-
treaties for assistance, has only sent 3,000 men to aid the Sultan
in addition to the 9,000 whom he is bound to supply, whilst he
sent about 50>000 men to make an unprovoked attack on
Abyssinia. Even the Turks have not and could not possibly enter-
tain any respect or regard for the Sultans, or, if they do, they take
a singular way of showing it, namely, deposing and murdering them.

Of the thirty-six Sultans who have reigned between A.D. 1299
and a.d. 1877 no less than fifteen were deposed, of whom seven

108 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

tire known to have been murdered, and most of the remaining
ten were probably also assassinated ; so that the way the Turks
show their affection and respect for their Sultans is to depose
every second Sultan, and to murder at least one in three.

The following facts will show how far the Sultans of Turkey
deserved the regard and esteem of their subjects, and the unpre-
cedented loyalty of the Turks to their sovereign : —

Amurath I. (accession, A.D. 13G0) Avas stabbed by a soldier, of
which wound he died.

Bajazet I. (1389) died imprisoned.

Solyman (1403) was dethroned by his brother.

Musa Chelebi (1410) was strangled.

Amurath III. (1574) killed his five brothers — their mother
in grief stabbed hei'self.

Mahomet III. (1595) strangled all his brothers and drowned
his father's wives.

Mustapha I. (1617) was deposed and imprisoned.

Osman II. (1618) was strangled.

Mustapha I. was made Sultan again, then deposed, again im-
prisoned, and strangled.

Ibrahim (1640) was strangled.

Mahomet IV. (1648) was deposed by his brother.

Mustapha II. (1695) was deposed.

Ahmed III. (1703) was deposed and died (or was murdered ?)
in prison.

Selim III. (1789) was deposed and murdered.

Abdul Aziz (1861) was deposed and alleged to have committed
suicide, but it is suspected that he was murdered.

Amurath V. (1876) was deposed.

The above dates are those of the accession of the various Sultan.-.
As to the present Sultan,* who married a Belgian shop girl, that
clever journal, Truth, says on February 22nd, 1877 : "We have
seen enough of Abdul Hamid to know that he is utterly weak, and,
although liberal and well-intentioned, has no notion of govern-

* The Sultan's wife was a niece of Mrs. Tomkins, linendraptr at Tera.

TIIE SULTAN NOT TnE HEAD OF MAHOMETAN RELIGION. 109

ment, and is not likely to acquire any while Mahmoud directs
his entourage. It is strange how Sultan after Sultan seems to
succumb to some mysterious influence, so soon as he ascends the
throne. It is said that Hamid will soon suffer from the mental
malady that affected his two predecessors." And here is the
account which the same well-informed and amusing paper gives of
the Sultan's appearance at the opening of the Turkish Parliament :

"More years ago than I care to count, I saw the father of
the present Sultan, when on a visit to the second city of his
empire, descend from his carriage and enter the house of a
prosperous English merchant. ... I was a child then, but I
was struck by that monarch's uncertain gait, by his downcast
eye, his depressed and timid look, bespeaking indifference so
profound that I would have given anything to catch hold of him
and shake him up into even momentary effervescence. When I
saw Abdul Hamid come out yesterday, ' His father's son,' I said.
He swayed on his stem, so to say, just as his father did, like a
reed shaken by the wind. There was no more expression on his
countenance than on the egg I cracked at breakfast. Wearily
he took up his place. With downcast eyes, with a weary gesture,
lie summoned the Grand Vizier to his side, and with a languid
hand he thrust a scroll into the Sadrazan's hand — the scroll
which contained his speech — without betraying the slightest
interest. . . . When the monotonous voice of Said Pasha was
hushed, Abdul Hamid, who had stood all the time swaying like a
tulip on its stem, made an awkward temana to the assembly, and
with duck-like steps regained his apartments. The whole ceremony
was simply deathlike ; not a smile nor a gesture relieved it."

It has not been the custom of the Sultans of Turkey for some
centuries to contract regular marriages nor to restrict themselves,
though falsely pretending to be the head of the Mahometan reli-
gion, to the number of wives prescribed by the Koran. The
women are bought and brought in like brood mares.

So much for the Sultans, of whom it used to be said, as an
evidence of their devastating ferocity, " No grass grows where the
hoof of a Sultan's horse has trod."

110 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

Dr. Birdwood states that the absurd theory that the Sultan is
the Caliph, or the head of the Mussulman religion, has been
trumped up by an able and learned but unscrupulous renegade
named Ahmed Faris Effendi, the editor of the (Al) Jawdib, of
Constantinople, an Arabic newspaper, which unfortunately has
a large circulation throughout the East, and even among Eastern
Christians.

Ahmed Faris was originally a Maronite, was converted to
Protestantism, was employed as a teacher in the schools of the
Church Missionary Society at Cairo, afterwards translated the
whole Bible into Arabic, then embraced Mahometanism, and about
1858 started this mischievous paper, which, however, is not read
more extensively in many parts of the East than the Times. Dr.
Birdwood says, "There is not the slightest authority for the claim
of the Sultans of Constantinople to the Caliphate, but their
assumption of the title is an illegal and heretical usurpation,
and the assumption of their preposterous pretension to it by
Mahometans is discreditable equally to their orthodoxy, their
intelligence, and their good faith. . . . There has been no
Caliph of Islam since Bagdad was taken by the Tartars in A.D.
1258. A pretender to the lineage of the Abassides was, a few
years afterwards, set up as a false Caliph by the Mameluke Sultans
of Egypt, and when Egypt was conquered by Selim I., the pre-
tence is, that the Sultans of Constantinople succeeded to the false
Caliphate. Bat the Arabs never accepted the Caireae Caliphs,
and in fact the pretension of the Sultans was practically lost sight
of for centuries, and it is only since 1856 that the epiritual theory
of the office has been revived. . . . The arrangement of the
succession to the false Egyptian Caliphate . . was simoniacal
and detestable in the eyes of all orthodox Mahometans."

Englishmen talk of the Sultan of Turkey as the Sultan, but, in
fact, the first Sultan was only an Emir, and assumed the title
without any right, and there are a considerable number of other
Sultans, such as the Sultan of Zanzibar, &c.

Professor Monier "Williams, who has recently returned from
India, says in the Times, as to the Mahometans : "By far the

TIIE SULTAN NOT THE HEAD OF MAHOMETAN RELIGION. 1 1 1

majority are, like the Turks, Sunnis (Shiites) ; but from conver-
sations I had with several learned men, I feel convinced that they
have no idea of acknowledging the Sultan of Constantinople as
their spiritual head, and that the existence of sympathy between
India and Turkey is a figment of political agitators."

I will terminate this chapter with the following touching sketch,
from -the able pen of the lamented Thackeray : —

" In this dismal but splendid museum I remarked [two
little tombs, with little red fezzes, very small and for very
young heads evidently, which were lying under the little
embroidered palls of state. I forget whether they had candles
too ; but their little flame of life was soon extinguished,
and there was no need of many pounds of wax to typify it.
These were the tombs of Mahmoud's grandsons, nephews of the
present Light of the Universe, and children of his sister, the
wife of Halil Pacha. Little children die in all ways ; those of the
' much maligned ' Mahometan royal race perish by the bow-string.
Sultan Mahmoud (may he rest in glory ! ) strangled the one ; but,
having some spark of human feeling, was so moved by the
wretchedness and agony of the poor bereaved mother, his
daughter, that his royal heart relented towards her, and he
promised that should she ever have another child it should be
allowed to live. He died, and Abdul Medjid (may his name be
blessed ! ), the debauched young man whom we just saw riding to
the mosque, succeeded. The sister, whom he is said to have
loved, became again a mother, and had a son ; but she relied
upon her father's word and her august brother's love, and hoped
that this little one should be spared. The same accursed hand
tore this infant out of its mother's bosom and killed it. The
poor woman's heart broke outright ; at this second calamityshe
died. But on,her death-bed she sent for her brother, rebuked
him as a perjurer and an assassin, and expired, calling down the
Divine justice on his head. She lies now by the side of the two
little fezzes. . . . After the murder of that little child, it
seems to me one can never look with anything but horror upon
the butcherly Herod who ordered it. The death of the seventy

112 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA-

thousand Janissaries ascends to historic dignity, and takes rank
as war ; but a great prince and Light of the Universe, who
procures abortions, and throttles little babies, dwindles away
into such a frightful insignificance of crime, that those may respect
him who will, I pity their excellencies the ambassadors who are
obliged to smirk and cringe to such a rascal."

THE TJXSrEAKABLE TURK." 113

"THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK."

Of all the races who profess the Mahometan religion, the Turks are
the most ignorant, the most debased, and the most cruel and oppres-
sive. Even to men of their own race and religion they have often
acted with the utmost barbarity and injustice. When Paskiewitch
took one of the chief fortresses in Asia, Suleiman, the governor,
defended it with extraordinary valour ; but when it was taken, the
Grand Vizier sent him as usual the bowstring, and the life of this
brave man was only saved by the mingled entreaties and threats of
the magnanimous Russian General, whose interest it obviously was
that so formidable an adversary should be destroyed. Then,
again, there never was an act more perfidious and cruel than the
massacre of the Janissaries, and besides the original massacre,
thousands suspected of favouring them were executed daily for a
considerable time.

The Conservative historian, Alison, who cannot be suspected
of any bias against the Turks, says respecting Turkey, " In the
level country, where the horsemen of the Osmanlis have found it
easy to extend their ravages, and the Pashas their oppression, the
human race has in many places wholly disappeared ; and the
mournful traveller, after traversing for days together the richest
plains, studded with the ruins of ancient cities, now left without
a single inhabitant, has repeatedly expressed a dread of the entire
annihilation of the human species in the very garden of nature,
the places in the world best adapted for its reception.

" M. de Tchitchatchef mentions a rich plain in Asia Minor of
GOO square miles, and of which scarcely fifty are cultivated. The

Hi A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

Turkish Empire is perishing from want of inhabitants. The
Ottoman Empire now contains not a third of its population in
former times — not a fifth of what it is capable of maintaining.
Constantinople is fed from Alexandria, Odessa, and Galatz, not
from the lands possessed or directly ruled by Turks ; and at one
period these tyrants went so far as to prohibit the exportation of
grain from Moldavia or Wallachia to any other place than Con-
stantinople. . . . " Justice is venal in the Ottoman. . . . The
Turkish jurisprudence consists in a few maxims from the Koran,
and a few traditionary principles handed down in the courts.
Written statutes, collections of decisions, they have none. . . .
The defendant or culprit, if poor, is bastinadoed ; if rich or a
Frank, he is amerced in a pecuniary fine, called an 'avaria'; if
a thief or robber, he is hanged. . . . The situations of Vizier,
Cadi, and the like are sold to the highest bidder. . . . The
number of servants and retainers in the establishments of the
Pashas and the affluent amounts to 1,500,000, a burden nearly as
heavy as a standing army to the same amount would be, and far
more enervating to the state. ... A tax of 1 7 per cent, is levied
on incomes, and there is an export duty of 1 2 per cent. ... If
a hostile army reaches Constantinople, the conquest of the
capital is easy, and cannot be long averted. The ancient walls
still remain in imposing majesty, but they are in many places
mouldering; and by cutting off the aqueducts which supply the
city with water, it may easily be starved into submission."

In 1529, Soliman the Magnificent mass acred the garrison of
Buda, contrary to the capitulation, and at Altenburg all the
inhabitants were slaughtered.

Of Mahomet II. it is said that "he knew neither faith nor
law, cared nothing for integrity, and laughed at all religions, not
excepting that of the Prophet."

In 1683, says Lady Yerney, the Grand Vizier caused the Pasha of
Buda to be strangled in his presence because his soldiers refused to
fight, though he was a brave, honest, old man who had been wounded
before Vienna. As to the atrocities of the Turks to the Chris-
tians, a series of the English statutes or the "Encyclopaedia Britan-

"THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK." 115

nica," volumes as numerous as those of Hansard's Parliamentary
Debates, printed in diamond type, would not nearly suffice to con-
tain them.

I have already cited Mr. Baring's report on the massacre of Batak
and other evidence, and it would weary and disgust the reader to
give an abstract of the more prominent instances of Turkish cruelty
and barbarity ; and when one peruses the horrible details, one is
apt to think that the world consists of men and women who have
the ordinary feelings of humanity, and of Turks who are mere
beasts of prey. I will, however, quote a few more instances of
Turkish ferocity. When the Turks took Zbaras, in Poland, in 1672,
Ibrahim cut to pieces the whole population, except the women,
who were rescued for the seraglios, and the boys, who were retained
for that modern Sodom — Constantinople. The old and the chil-
dren perished in the flames or by the sword, and the Turks
moved on to other sieges where the same horrible cruelties were
exercised. The Philo-Turks may, therefore, take note that their
Ottoman allies have exercised far worse cruelties on their new-
found friends, the Poles, than any which can be alleged against
the Russians.

In the debate on 29th January, 1828, Lord John Russell said,
" We believe the battle • (ISTavarino) to have been a glorious vic-
tory and a necessary consequence of the Treaty of London, and,
moreover, as honest a victory as had ever been gained from the
beginning of the world. . . . Turkey was spoken of con-
stantly as our ancient ally. Xow the fact was, that there had
never been any alliance between Turkey and this country prior
to 1799, and it was not twenty years since Mr. Arbuthnot had
been compelled to fly privately from Constantinople from his fear
that his personal safety would be endangered by a violation of the
ordinary rights of ambassadors." It was then, I may add, the
custom of Turkey to imprison ambassadors who displeased them
in the Seven Towers, and the Turkish Government usually bribed
the dragoman to pretend, in translating the ambassador's speech,
that he was using the most obsequious and even slavish language
such as, '; Your vile slave lays at your feet the homage of your poor

i 2

116 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

dependent, the chief of the English infidels, and comes to present
his usual tribute, to implore your clemency, and to hear and obey
your commands ;" and he was told to explain the upright position
and bold mien of the Ambassador, by saying — in Turkish, of course
— that that was the most abject position for an Englishman, and
that kneeling and licking the dust would be a mark of contempt
and an assertion of equality with the Sultan.

In the same debate Lord Holland contended that the Turk
could not be termed, in any correct sense of the words, an ally of
this country at all, and much less an ancient ally. " The anti-
social race," said his lordship, " which now enjoys the throne of
the Constantines, considers itself naturally at war with every
nation with which it has not entered into a formal treaty of
peace. But can a treaty of peace be fairly considered as a treaty
of alliance ? The first treaty made between this country and Tur-
key, I have no doubt, was considered by the Turks as an act of
grace and concession, yielded by them, in the plenitude of their
power, to those dogs of Christians, the Nazarene nations. . . We
had no political relations with Turkey, in any sense of the word,
until the year 1699. In 1699, we offered our services to mediate
between the Emperor of Germany and the Turkish power, who
were then at war ; and we did so, in order to leave our ancient
ally, the House of Austria — for Austria was our ancient ally ;
and Russia, too, was our ancient ally — in a situation to direct her
arms, along with us, against the then colossal power of France.
And what was the result of that negotiation ? AVe were accused,
by French writers — I shall not stop to examine whether rightly
or wrongly — of having exercised our mediation with gross par-
tiality, and with having inflicted by it a severe injury on the
Ottoman power. One of the articles in the treaty into which the
Turks entered under our mediation was to this effect : that they
should surrender the whole of the Morea and of Greece into the
hands of the Venetians. So that the result of our first political
negotiation with Turkey was to wrest Greece from its dominion ;
though, unfortunately, not for ever. In the year 1718, we again
entered into a political negotiation with Turkey ; but under cir-

"THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK." 117

cumstances which, I contend, still preclude us from denominating
her our ' ancient ally.' It is right, however, to state that, by that
treaty, we recognised Turkey as the Sovereign of Greece, which a
fatal war had enabled her to recover from the Venetians. . . Mr.
Addison, too, who was not only a philosopher, but one of the
wisest and best men on the face of the earth, remarked upon the
bad effect of the numerous journalists in this country, and the
great spirit of writing and reading politics in the country, and
went on to say that, though there was no absurdity to which
people, by this itch for talking and writing politics, might not be
brought, he did not believe it possible that there could be persons in
England who coidd think that ive were interested in the prosperity of
the Ottoman empire / . . . Almost every man who had held
office, and had authority, stated that the opinion of Lord Chatham
was, tliat we should never have any kind of connection whatever with the
Ottoman Porte ! and that opinion was fortified during the seven
years' war by a similar opinion of the King of Prussia. In 1770,
our allies, the Russians, sent a great fleet into the Mediterranean, for
Hie purpose of overpowering the Turks. What was the policy of this
country 1 To assist the Russian navy. That fleet was refitted in
our harbours, and, with the munitions and implements which it
received from us, burnt a Turkish town and fleet, and continued
cruising in the Archipelago for no less than five or six years.
. . . Mr. Burke, too, spoke thus of our ' ancient and faithful
ally,' the Turk : ' I have never before heard it held forth tlmt the
Turkish Empire has ever been considered as any part of the balance of
| power in Europe. They despise and contemn all Christian princes as
infidels, and only toish to subdue and exterminate them ami their
people ! What have these worse than savages to do with the
powers of Europe, but to spread war, destruction, and pestilence
amongst them 1 < The ministers and the policy which sliall give these
people any weight in Europe will deserve all tlie bans and curses of
posterity.' Very strange language this in an English House of
Commons, regarding an ' ancient and faithful ally ! ' This
mighty master proceeds : ' All that is holy in religion, all that
is moral and humane, demands an abhorrence of everything which

118 A DEFENCE OE RUSSIA.

tends to extend the power of that cruel and wasteful Empire.
Any Christian power is to be, preferred to these destructive savages!'
In truth, the first alliance really made with Turkey by this
country was an alliance formed in the year 1798 or 1799, in con- '
sequence of the invasion of Egypt by the French, who have often
been reproached with being, though they never acknowledged
that they were, an ancient ally of the Ottoman Empire. When
they invaded Egypt, and not before, we entered into a treaty
of alliance with the Porte. My lords, I have looked into that
treaty this very evening, and I am surprised to find that, so far
from its being a treaty of alliance formed for the mutual interests
of Turkey and England as against the rest of the world, or as
connected with commerce — so far from being a treaty of alliance
formed for the protection of the Turkish Empire against its
immediate invaders — it is a treaty of alliance on the invitation of
an old and natural ally, the Emperor of Russia, to enter, for the first
time, into an alliance with the Turk. The words of the first
article are, ' His Britannic Majesty, connected already with His
Majesty the Emperor of Kussia by the ties of the strictest
alliance, accedes by the present treaty to the defensive alliance
which has just been concluded between His Majesty the Ottoman
Emperor, and the Emperor of Russia, as far as the stipulations
thereof are applicable to the local circumstances of his Empire
and that of the Sublime Porte.' Thus all the alliance which we
then made with Turkey, was made at the express request of
Russia. This treaty of alliance itself, too, Avas limited in its
duration to seven years ; and, strange to say, long before these seven
years had expired, Turkey had broken all the main articles of that treaty
which bound it to remain at peace with Russia. R broke them, too, in
so far as they related to ourselves."

In the debate on the 1st February, 1828, Mr. Hobhouse
(afterwards Lord Broughton) said that he spent some time in Tur-
key, and was in habits of intercourse with a number of very respect-
able Mussulmans, but he never met with one who had even heard
of the English House of Commons. " To me it seems," said he,
" very likely that the Grand Signior will be greatly exasperated

"the unspeakable TUHK." 11(J

when he finds himself called by the King of England ' his ancient
ally.' "What ! the brother of the sun and moon ! the lord of the
Black and White Seas ! the vicar of Mahomet ! — to class him with
a mere lord of merchants, with the master of inhdel slaves, who
are permitted to sell scissors and to buy raisins in the Levant ! "
Sir James Mackintosh, thecelebrated historian, said in the same
debate, "It was bare justice to Russia to say that her dealings
with the Ottoman power for the last seven years had been marked
with as great forbearance as the conduct of that power (Turkey)
had been distinguished by continued insolence and incorrigible
contumacy. If any one were disposed to deny this, let them look
to the history of the Servian deputies, and they must admit that
if Russia was to be blamed at all, it was rather for the long-
patience she had exercised than for any premature interferences.
. . . A body of Servian deputies appointed to carry the pro-
visions of the treaty of Bucharest into effect, went to Constanti-
nople for that purpose, and the Turks sent these deputies to the
Seven Towers and kept them in confinement for the space of
seven years, and all this Russia endured. The war against the
Greeks Avas Avaged against defenceless women and children,
with the superadded aggravation of the burning of villages, the
rooting up of trees, the destruction not only of works of art but of
the productions of nature herself as well as those of men."

On 24th March, 1828, Mr. Peel (afterwards Sir Robert) told
the House of Commons, " Previous to the signature of the Treaty
, (of July 6th) an intimation was given to His Majesty's Govern-
ment that it was the intention of Turkey to remove from the Morea the
female part of the population and the children for the purpose of selling
them in Egypt as slaves, &c. Distinct notification was given to
Ibrahim Pasha that so violent an exercise of rights — if rights they
could be called — that a proceeding so repugnant to the established
usage of civilized nations never would be permitted by His
Majesty, and that this country would certainly resist any attempt
to carry such an object into effect."

Lord Holland further stated, July lGth, 1828, " I hope I shall
never* see— God forbid that I should ever see — for the proposition

120 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

would be scouted from one end of England to another — any pre-
parations or any proposition or any attempt to defend this our
ancient ally (Turkey) from the attacks of its enemies. There was
no arrangement made in that treaty for preserving the crumbling
and hateful, or as Mr. Burke called it, the wasteful and disgusting
Empire of the Turks from dismemberment and destruction.

" If it was the intention of those who signed the treaty of peace
to sign it with a mental reservation . . . their conduct would
resemble that of some infidel Christian in Constantinople — some
d ig as he is there called — who would prostrate himself at the feet
of the Grand Signior and say, ' I shall be obliged to your sublime
highness to emancipate all the rebellious Greeks, to enable them
to buy and sell property, to enjoy perfect freedom in truth and
toleration in religion ; and if you do not consent to make these
concessions, why, I Avill go home with my tail between my legs
and take no ulterior measures to enforce my request.'

" I certainly was very much surprised to be told by the noble
viscount that there are traditional agreements between Turkey
and this country, and that Mussulmans were so superior to Chris-
tians in their adherence to their engagements that he would trust
the word of a Turk more than he would a Christian oath."

So late as 1816, the Barbary Pirates (subjects of Turkey) preyed
on the commerce of the world, and sold the Christians captured by
them into slavery ; yet we did not, as we ought to have done, force
the Porte to put down piracy and slavery, but tamely submitted,
until at last we could bear it no longer, and we sent Lord
Exmouth to batter down that nest of pirates, Algiers, and compel
them to give up Christian slavery and piracy.

Even when the British army was in Bulgaria, we were unable
to protect the Christians, as appears by the following letter from
Lord Raglan to the Secretary of State for War, dated Varna,
August 8th, 1854. Yet the Philo-Turkish party wish to persuade
us that the wrongs of the Christians can be redressed, not only
without liberating the Christians from Turkish rule, but without
even granting them the same constitution as the Principalities, or
even the local autonomy of Syria. He gives the reason " how it

"THE UK-SPEAKA15LE TURK." 121

arose that the Bulgarian peasantry manifest such reluctance to
bring supplies to our camp," as follows : —

" The reason is now obvious. These unfortunate people dare
not appear there. They are liable to be robbed on their return
home, and to be ill-used as soon as it is known that they are in
possession of any money, and they are fortunate if they are not
carried off, and, if not ransomed at the price demanded, murdered,
as the accompanying papers show to have been the case in more
than one instance. Hence it is that the Christian inhabitants of
the province hail any change as preferable to the yoke under
which they are now being crushed, and it may be relied upon
that, as long as the Turks are allowed to carry arms, and the
Bulgarians are not permitted to carry any, the existence of the
latter will be, to use the language of Colonel Gordon, little better
than that of slaves."

I am here reminded of a magnificent passage in Burke's speech
on the trial of Warren Hastings, which I will quote as nearly as I
can recollect it : " There, where that flag was flying which was
wont to cheer the oppressed and elevate the subdued heart of
misery, these interesting but unfortunate beings were doomed to
experience that there is something deeper than destruction — ■
something blacker than despair ! "

In reply to this, the Duke of Newcastle merely said that he
would " write to Lord Clarendon, with the view to a formal
application to the Porte through Lord Stratford," and of course
nothing was done ; and, having secured the integrity of the Porte
by obliging the Kussians to evacuate the Principalities, we then
proceeded to establish its independence by invading Russia, de-
stroying Sebastopol, and ultimately forcing Russia to abandon her
protection of the Turkish Christians, and debarring ourselves from
providing any equivalent substitute.

Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, on June 22nd, 1853, says in a
letter to M. Pisani, " You will communicate to Redschid Pasha
the several extracts of consular reports from Scutari, Monastir, and
Prevesa, annexed to this instruction. You will observe that they
relate in part to those acts of disorder, injustice, and corruption,

122 A DEFENCE OE RUSSIA.

sometimes of a very atrocious kind, which I have frequently brought
by your means to the knowledge of the Ottoman Porte."

In another letter he says, " The character of these disorderly
and brutal outrages may be said with truth to be in general that
of Mussulman fanaticism, excited by cupidity and hatred against
the Sultan's Christian subjects." Up to tbe end of 1853, no
Christian was allowed, even by the laws of Turkey, to give
evidence in a court of justice against a Mussulman, and to the
present day the law is a dead letter, except in the great cities.

The Turks establish their hospitals close to their batteries,
and then complain if the Eussians or Roumanians injure them, but
they themselves fire at the Russian hospitals, though they are
established at points far removed from the batteries. They also
have been laying waste the Dobrudscha, their own country, which
is a most barbarous and cruel proceeding. The Philo-Turks hope
that the Russians will lose a considerable number of men in the
Dobrudscha, but the fact is, it is not so unhealthy as they suppose.
A French army corps lost a large number of men from cholera
there during the Crimean War, but the cholera was equally de-
structive elsewhere, and the crew of au English man-of-war, in the
Black Sea, suffered nearly as much. The most formidable enemy
of the Russians in 1829 was not the Turks, but the plague, which
is chiefly caused by the abominable filth of the Turkish towns,
and getting rid of the Turks would probably stamp out the plague.

The Bashi-Bazouks, says the Times, near Mat chin, cut off the
noses and lips of Russian soldiers. These mutilated bodies were
seen by foreign correspondents.

Mr. Denton says, in the Times : — " Prince Nicholas of Monte-
negro was ready to maintain peace, but he would not purchase a
peace on the conditions insisted upon, which were the expulsion
of the Herzegovinian refugees — women, old men, and children,
for the most part — without a guarantee for their safety. Prince
Nicholas pleaded for their safety, and asked for a promise that
they should not suffer because they had fled in terror from the
Turk. This was refused. ..."

Mr. Gladstone at Birmingham made the following aide re-

"THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK." 123

marks on the Eastern Question : — " In the newspapers of Aus-
tralia you will find articles on the afflictions of the subject races
in Turkey as animated as any of those that have been written in our
own journals . . . and at Otago, in Xew Zealand, there was held
a public meeting, distinguished by as much enthusiasm as public
meetings in Birmingham, to describe the sorrow and indignation
with which they had heard of these horrors, and of the fact that no
remedy had been applied. . . . Colonel Baker's book on Turkey,
if you do read it, suppose you follow him in his reasoning, you
will be apt to come to the conclusion that, after all, Christianity
has been rather a calamity to the world, because Turks are
persons, on the whole, of superior virtue. He says, indeed, they
have certain vices, that they are extremely venal and corrupt, but
how do you think he accounts for it 1 He says they got inocu-
lated with these vices because, when they came into this country,
they found it completely possessed by venality and corruption,
and so the pure Mahometan virtue of the Turks gradually gave
way to venality and corruption, which they inherited from their
Christian predecessors in this country ; and so, when slavery was
abolished in the "West Indies, was it because English travellers,
going to the "West Indies for their pleasure, or their sport, or
their profit, brought back from thence those damning reports 1 No ;
almost the whole of them did as most of our travellers in Turkey
now do — they came back saying what fine fellows the planters
were, and how hospitable they were, how kind they were, how
upright and truthful they were, and what shabby, mean, lying,
pilfering fellows the negroes Avere. . . .

" The Government has made this excuse for the Turkish Govern-
ment, ' that they were really and in good faith afraid of Mahome-
tan opinion.' This was no novelty, no apology ; it was the truth,
but, being the truth, it was an aggravation of the case, for what
did it show ? . . . That the opinion of the Mahometan people,
and not merely of a few official men, as we are sometimes told,
demanded the massacres. . . . The Turks came in like other
conquerors by force, but, instead of amalgamating themselves with
the people, they stood apart from them like oil from water, and

124 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

claimed to use them for their purpose, to sell to them their own
lives, those lives to be held at their mercy, their property, their
liberty, their honour to be at the free disposal of the Turk at his
sole will and pleasure. . . . When the Turks disappear, what
will they leave behind ? Many bitter and unhappy homes, no laws,
no institutions, no public works. I read in a history of the little
state of Montenegro an account of a bridge which the late
sovereign of that small but noble territory had projected, or I be-
lieve I may say actually executed, over a mountain stream. The
historian said, small as this bridge might be, yet probably it is a
more considerable work, as a work of peace and utility, than has
ever been executed by the united force of the Ottoman Govern-
ment and people. . .

" We are told we are a school of sentiment. I ask how it
happens that every historian in this country is strongly on our
side — that men so widely differing in their accidents of character
and opinion as Mr. Freeman, Mr. Froude, and Mr. Carlyle, and
I believe I might add to them Mr. Stubbs, Mr. Green, and many
more of those gentlemen who represent the historical school of
England — share those opinions which have been expressed to us
on this platform to-night ? "

Lord Granville said, in the debate at the beginning of
the session, " There were 5,500 persons murdered in Lebanon,
and there were some 20,000 women and children wander-
ing about in a state of starvation. The Governor of Damascus
was executed. The Bulgarian massacres were crimes which Mr.
Baring justly describes as the most heinous that have stained the
history of the present century."

The Duke of Argyll said, " There are people who desire
' peace at any price,' but it is a price to be paid by others and not
by themselves. Anything for a quiet life ; but the quietness is to
be for themselves, and not for others. That is a feeling of utter
selfishness, and my belief is, that this policy will end in war.
I find a note from Sir H. Bulwer (in 1860) to the Grand Vizier,
in which he coolly lays down this principle to the Prime Minister
of Turkey — that all reforms which the Turks could not understand

' ' THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK. ' ' 125

must be carried into effect by Europeans, and then he proceeds
to say that the Turkish race is perfectly effete. There is not a
single judge in Turkey who is not venal. ... In the
Christian provinces of Turkey its Government is nothing better
than a Government of Bashi-Bazouks."

Lord Beaconsfield on this observed, "The noble duke has charged
us with laying it down as a principle that in no circumstances could
we advise coercion to be applied to Turkey. I listened in vain to
my noble friend (Lord Derby) if he gave expression to so un-
qualified a dogma."

Lord Hartington said : "In the speech in the Guildhall. Lord
Beaconsfield indulged in what I cannot help considering taunts
towards Bussia. I willingly admit that there were interspersed
here and there expressions of great civility to Bussia and her
Government, but I remember that something was said about
an ultimatum being an ugly word, when an ultimatum had just
been presented by Bussia to' the Borte, and something also
about an ultimatum being a proceeding like bringing an action
when the debt had been paid into court. . . If, for the

security of our Indian Empire it should be our fortune to
contend against the forces of nature, and against the laws of
human progress, then I say we shall have undertaken a task
which will prove beyond our powers of accomplishment. There
is no power which can restore the sap and vigour to the lifeless
trunk, and there is no power which can check the growth of .the
living, although struggling, tree. The Turkish domination is the life-
less trunk, the struggling nationalities are the living tree, and this
House is asked to-night to assert that with these nationalities, and
not with the remnant of a shameful past, are the sympathies of the
British nation."

The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated, " I cannot put the
smallest confidence in any Constitution of that kind affording a
remedy for the evil which you have to deal with."

Lord Derby said, "I do not lay much stress, anymore than the
noble earl opposite, upon the new Constitution of the Borte.
I frequently warned the Austrian Government as to the manner

126 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

in which Austrian volunteers were crossing the frontier and
entering Herzegovina. I was much impressed by a suggestion
thrown out by Midhat Pasha at the Conference that the Porte
should be allowed a reasonable time to consider what had
been suggested, and if within that reasonable time, what-
ever it might be, nothing was done, he considered that so far as
he was concerned the Powers would have a right to demand
guarantees." Even Midhat Pasha, therefore, admits that even-
tually the Powers would have a right to use coercion, but the
English Turcophile Government thinks that never so long as the
world lasts shall we be justified in using coercion.

Twelve years ago he made this telling statement, "I believe
the breaking up of the Turkish Empire to be only a question
of time, and probably not a very long time. The Turks have played
their part in histoiy ; they have had their day, and that day is over,
and I confess I do not understand, except it be from the influence of
old diplomatic traditions, the determination of your older statesmen
to stand by the Turkish rule, whether right or wrong. I think we
are making for ourselves enemies of races which will very soon
become, in Eastern countries, dominant races, and I think we are
keeping back countries by whose improvement we, as the great
traders of the world, would be the great gainers ; and that we are
doing this for no earthly advantage, present or prospective. I
admit that England has an interest, and a very strong one, in the
neutrality of Egypt, and some interest, also, though to a less extent,
in Constantinople not falling into the hands of a great European
Power ; but, these two points set aside, I can conceive no injury
arising to Great Britain from any transfer of power which might
affect the Turkish Empire."

The Earl of Dudley remarked, " I am one of those who, up to this
time, have had faith in what was declared to be the Imperial
policy at Moscow. Turkey is faithless and bankrupt, and no re-
lations should be held with her until the wrongs of her Christian
people are redressed. The peace of Europe is a secondary con-
sideration, so far as this country is concerned. The first and main
one is, that the Christian subjects of the Porte should be more

"THE TJXSPEAICABLE TURK." 127

fairly governed, and that the undertaking about to be given should
not pass on the bare promise that reforms will be carried out."

The Marquis of Bath said, " If peace can only be secured by
leaving the Christian populations of Turkey under that horrible
Government, and in that wretched condition in which we know
they are at present, I doubt much whether peace is worth pre-
serving at that price."

Mr. Forsyth said, " In Turkey no crop can be gathered until
the tax-gatherer has levied one-eighth of the value of the produce,
and in Nevesinge (Herzegovina) the tax-gatherer did not come
to exact the tithe until January, 1875. The peasants, to save
themselves from starvation, had in the meantime gathered in a
portion of their crops: There is no doubt that there was a strong
sympathy for the insurgents felt by the Slavonic population of
Russia and Austria ; but I defy any one to prove that this dispo-
sition has been fomented by Austrian or Russian intrigue. . . ."

Mr. Evans, in his " Tour through Bosnia," says, "In the heat of
summer men are stripped naked and tied to a tree, smeared over
with honey or other sweet stuff, and left to the tender mercies of
the insect world. For winter extortion it is found convenient to
bind people to stakes, and leave them barefooted to be frost-
bitten, or at other times they are shoved into a pig stye, and cold
water poured on them. A favourite plan is to draw a party of
Rayahs up a tree or into a chamber, and then smoke them with
green wood. . . . The Bosnians are of a temperament admirably
fitted for Parliamentary Government ; and what is more, owing
to their still preserving the relics of the free institutions of the
primitive Slavs, they are familiar with its machinery. In their
family communities, in their village councils, the first principles
of representative government are practised every day."

Lord E. Fitzmaurice said, " It has been said that the rebellion
was got up by foreign emissaries. Was there ever a rebellion of
which this has not been said 1 But assume — and I do not deny
that foreigners have entered these countries, men of the same re-
ligion and nationality, though owning a different political
allegiance — what stronger argument can be used against the

128 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

Turkish Government 1 Imagine foreign emissaries coming to stir
up a rebellion in England. They would speedily find their way
to the nearest horse-pond, but in Turkey they were welcomed."

Mr. Holms said, " Lord Aberdeen and Mr. Sidney Herbert
believed that the British forces and their ally were to take
Sebastopol in a few days. Lord Raglan and Admiral Dundas
were of the same opinion, and formed strange estimates of the
Russian forces — the one estimating them at 30,000, and the other
at 120,000 men. The commerce of Turkey had greatly diminished
in our case to the amount of 23 per cent., whilst Russia could
show a mile of railway for every £10,000 she had borrowed."

Sir H. Elliott wrote, " The Porte has never intimated an in-
tention of disarming the Christians." But notwithstanding this,
Her Majesty's Government, more Turkish than the Turks, rush
into the field, and say this is a thing we cannot hear of, for a
collision will be certain to ensue. They therefore proposed
that one side (the Christian) should be disarmed and that it
should then go into the presence of an armed (Mahometan)
population.

Sir W. Vernon Harcourt stated, "The Government of Turkey
is a Government tempered by assassination and maintained by
massacre. What a spectacle did those Sultans offer to the world
— a dynasty of worn-out and impotent debauchees, who let loose
on mankind a horde of uncontrollable wild beasts. They could
no longer accept complicity with such a detestable and detested
Government — an abominable and abominated race. The hand-
writing of Belshazzar was already flaming on their walls. They
had been weighed in the balance of European opinion and their
scale had kicked the beam. For four centuries they had been the
curse of Europe, Africa, and Asia. They had occupied the finest
portions of the globe — the famous cities of the East — the cradles
of genius and art ; but, where their hoofs had trodden, the grass
had never grown. Those famous spots, so dear to the memories
of mankind, were now the haunts of wild beasts, of which the
worst were those who bore a human form. What reason was
there to allege that in this matter the conduct of Russia had been

fromtAe Daily Graphic ofA'errtfr,

"THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK." 129

wanting in moderation % Indeed, considering her national sym-
pathies and the terrible nature of the provocation, it seemed to
him that her self-restraint had been astonishing."

Vice-Consul Dupuis wrote from Adrianople, " Judicial torture,
as your excellency is aware, is a common practice in connection
with judicial proceedings now going on against Bulgarian political
prisoners. . . . It is proved that in many cases they (the
Turks) fired from the train on inoffensive Bulgarian labourers, and
at Adakem two women and a man were wounded while attending
to their work in the fields. . . . The wife of Nicholas
Kozam, Avho had been confined, was killed with her four
children, an old woman, and a servant girl. Their bodies were,
I was told, .subsequently found in a well, that of the baby
horribly gashed. The wife of Christo Isantchoff was killed
as well as her two daughters, one of whom had not long
been confined of twins ; both babies, together with one of the
children of the second daughter, were cut into pieces. Pope
Peter Patcharatoff was put into the poluse — a sort of cupboard
where it is impossible to stretch one's limbs, and sleep is out
of the question — for five days."

With reference to the working of the ridiculous Turkish Con-
stitution, the Times writes as follows : —

" The issue has dissipated any hopes of equality or fraternity
formed by the Christians. . . . The crucial test was furnished
by the Bill on the Vilayets — that is, on the administration of the
provinces. That measure, of Ministerial origin, provided that the
local councils should consist half of Mahometans and half of non-
Mahometans, whatever the number of inhabitants in the district
represented. If only a tenth part were Mahometans, as is the
case in some places, that tenth would balance the other nine-tenths
in the council ; and if, through the divisions of its opponents, it
could bring oVer a single member, it would possess a majority.
Thus on the very brink of a war occasioned by the oppression of a
religious caste, and in the face of the positive enactment of the Con-
stitution, these incorrigible Turks deliberately re-asserted the
supremacy of their own people and the subjection of the Chris-

130 A DEFENCE OE EUSSIA.

tians in every province of the Empire. The Christian members
protested, but in vain. They were outvoted and silenced. The
Chamber is now practically as much a Mahometan assembly
as any delegation of the Softas themselves."

And it further gave, on April 6th, the following account of the
way in which this sham Constitution protects the rights and
liberties even of Mussulmans : —

" It is my painful duty to send you the report of a recent
atrocity perpetrated by the Turkish Government in the capital
itself. The young students of the Military School, as I informed
you, presented a petition to the Porte denouncing Midhat's banish-
ment as unconstitutional, and soliciting his recall. The students
were marshalled out into the school-yard and bidden to reveal the
author of the petition. One of them, Ali Nasmi, a most promis-
ing pupil, aged 22, stepped forward and avowed himself guilty of
the authorship. He was imprisoned and tried, and last week con-
demned to receive 200 blows with a stick on the soles of his feet.
He died under the infliction, after receiving 105 blows.

" Other equally sad consequence of Midhat's disgrace are worth
recording. Said Effendi, a writer in the Micssarak, is kept a
prisoner, with a chain round his body and fetters on his feet, for
denouncing the unconstitutionality of the Grand Vizier's exile.
With respect to Kemal Bey, it seems that the Palace insists on
his being condemned, and the sentence will soon be pronounced.
One wonders what becomes of the liberty of the person, of opinion,
of equal justice, and the trials with open doors. One wonders,
above all things, what has become of the abolition of all inhuman
bodily punishment, bastinado, &C, solemnly decreed in a hundred
Imperial Firmans.

" The interest which attaches to the way in which the Turks will
carry out their new Constitution gives importance to the elections
for the first Ottoman Parliament which are now being held.
These elections have just been finished in the vilayet of Adrian-
ople, and the results have been such as fully to justify the distrust
which the Bulgarians have felt for the Constitution from the very
beginning. According to the 65th Article of the Constitution,

"THE UNSPEAKABLE TUKK." 131

every 50,000 male inhabitants (noufoassi-zv.'kur) of Ottoman nation-
ality will return a member. As, however, it will be the duty of
the first Parliament to pass an electoral law for the present elec-
tions the Government have fixed the number of members each
vilayet has to return ; while as regards the mode of their election
they have decreed that the members of the Provincial Adminis-
trative and Judicial Councils should vote for them. Now,
according to the law of these Councils, half of their members are
Mussulmans, the other half being representatives of different
non-Mussulman communities — Bulgarians, Greeks, Armenians,
and Jews. They are summoned in this instance to vote on behalf
of the inhabitants of the vilayet of Adrianople for eight members
— four Mussulmans, and four non-Mussulmans. As the Turkish
members of these Councils, in face of the internecine divisions of
their non-Mussulman colleagues, could have it all their own way,
they have returned four Mussulmans, two Greeks, one Bulgarian,
and one Jew. There is one Bulgarian, be it remembered, for the
whole Bulgarian population of this vilayet, which, at the lowest
calculation, numbers more than 400,000 male inhabitants.
According to the 65th Article of the Constitution, therefore, these
400,000 male Bulgarian inhabitants ought to have returned eight
members instead of one. But this is not all. The Bulgarians,
unlike the Greeks, Arminians, and other non-Mussulman races' of
Turkey, are not scattered over many vilayets, but are grouped in
compact masses, in five only — in those of the Danube, Sophia,
Adrianople, Monastir, and Salonica. "We do not yet know the
result of the elections in the other vilayets, but nothing leads us
to suppose that a larger number of Bulgarian members will be sent
by them ; at the very utmost we may hope that two Bulgarians
will be returned by each of the first two vilayets, and one by each
of the last three. So it may be confidently predicted that the
number of Bulgarian members in the first Turkish Chamber of
Deputies will be between five and seven. Yet the Christian
Bulgarians of Turkey in Europe number, at least, 2,000,000
ntmfous (male inhabitants), and ought, therefore, according to the
Constitution, to have forty representatives in the Parliament.

k 2

132 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

It may be remarked that this will only be a temporary injustice,
lasting only so long as the first Parliament lasts, and that as re-
gards future elections, the Eeform Bill which will be passed by
the first Parliament will set the matter right. I doubt very much
whether a Chamber of Bepresentatives, elected under such con-
ditions, will ever pass a good electoral law. But, even assuming
that it Avill perform more than it promises, it may be observed
that it is just because this first Session will have so many impor-
tant matters to decide that the Bulgarians ought to have been
properly represented. Nor is it only the number but also the
quality of the men who are being returned that causes grave
misgivings as to the benefits which the country is to derive from
its Parliament. All the eight members for this vilayet, with one
exception, are natives of Adrianople, and not the most brilliant
natives either. The Greeks especially complain very much of the
utter incapacity of the two men who have been elected as their
representatives. The Turkish electors are now doing — possibly
by superior attractions — what the Turkish Government did in
1868. At that time Ali Pasha had hit upon the happy thought
of imposing upon the good faith of Europe by infusing as large a
non-Mussulman element into the Councils of State (Shvra'i Bcrfei)
as was consistent with the principle of Mahometan preponder-
ance. But to effect even this slight infusion with safety to the
intt rests of the dominant class it was essential that the non-Mus-
sulman members should be intellectually as insignificant as
possible : accordingly the four divisions of the Shurai Dcvlet were
filled with nonentities, who often contributed to the enlivenment,
if not to the enlightenment, of that most important assembly.

"This Constitution is the very opposite of a reform ; its whole
spirit is retrograde, and designed to consolidate the Moslem
pow r at the expense of the Christians. It declares the Chat
to 1 • the fundamental law of the empire, the Sultan to be the
Sacred Caliph, tha religion of the State Mahometan. It makes
no provision for securing a Christian Administration in the
Christian provinces; it makes provision for breaking up the
Christian primary schools and substituting the Turkish language

"THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK." 133

for the Christian languages ; it grants no religious liberty, but
simply toleration of recognised communities ; it does not open
the army to Christians. The Irade issued this week — we had
been informed that the era of Irades was over — opening the mili-
tary schools to Christians, is a simple repetition of a similar one
issued fifteen years ago, which was followed by the introduction
of half a dozen boys into the school, when it was found that the
plan would not work. This means no more, and was issued for
European consumption, like the other.

" The Christians certainly have nothing to hope from the Par-
liament. According to the Constitution, the 5,000,000 Bulgarians
ought to have fifty members in the new House ; in fact, they have
only four, and these practically appointed by Midhat Pasha. This
is equality under the Constitution. The Constitution does not even
promise any real improvement in general administration for the
benefit of Moslems.

" The Sultan, the Grand Vizier, and the Sheik-ul-Islam remain,
as before, the irresponsible, absolute rulers of the country, witli
all the real power in their hands. The Senate is to be made up of
old public functionaries — i.e., of the same ignorant, corrupt
officials who have been doing their best to ruin the Empire for the
last twenty years. The House of Deputies will be two-thirds
Moslem, and the members are chiefly petty officials, many of
whom can neither read nor write. To attempt to improve the
general condition of this country by the addition of the cumbrous
and expensive machinery of a Parliament to an Administration
which already suffers from the enormous development of the
official class is the greatest absurdity ever thought of. Even Oliver
Cromwell could not get a Parliament out of Puritan England
which was not a curse to the country. Will Midhat do better in
collecting together a herd of ignorant and fanatical Turkish
officials, with a few almost equally ignorant and fanatical
Christian sycophants 1 "

Truth says :— " The Turkish M.P.'s are freely called 'Esbek,' or
ass, by the President, and are told to hold their tongues."

In Crete there are about 220,000 Christians to 40,000 Mussul-

134 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

mans ; yet the Turks have as many representatives in the sham
Constitution. They were promised remission of taxes and that
some part of the revenue should he spent on local improvements,
hut this has not been done ; nor are Christians and Mussulmans
equal before the law.

Then again as to Turkish Finance, the World says, "If
the Turkish Government had shown a little more common
honesty in its dealings with its English creditors, it would
have been in every way better off at the present moment. . . .
Credit is as useful as capital any day, and the lack of it Turkey
is now destined to discover. Ludhi Effendi is said to be coming
over here on a borrowing expedition. "We cannot imagine
that anyone will be insane enough to lend him anything. . .
The bondholders of 1871 are even now trying hard to get
possession of funds which have actually been remitted from
Egypt (as part payment of its tribute to Turkey) on their
account, but which are withheld by the dishonesty of Turkish
financiers. "While such a piece of rascality as this is being com-
mitted at the expense of Englishmen, who have already lent their
money to the Porte, with what face cau an agent of that Govern-
ment make his appearance here and ask for a new loan 1 If Eng-
lish investors refused to lend a shilling to any foreign Government
for ten years to come ... we should not then see again
such an insolent mendicant at our doors as the Turkish Govern-
ment, clutching with one hand the money which belongs to its
creditors, and holding out the other to beg for more.

" The Turks, in order to obtain fresh money in the English
market, have since released the funds in the Bank of England of
the tribute loan, but only on levying £178,000 as black mail."

Mr. Gladstone thus sarcastically depicts the conduct of Turkey
to her creditors : —

''Turkey, in 1875, determined to pay her creditors only half the
interest due to them, and in 1876 a new minister of the most
enlightened type said that the edict which ordained that half
should be paid had offended the moral sense of the country,
and therefore it should be repealed. The effect of that was that

"THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK." 135

none was paid at all. I understand that what is called the
Turkish Parliament contemplates that the first rate of interest
to be paid, including sinking fund, would be 1 per cent, on the
capital received." . . .

Forty years ago Mr. Cobden thus wrote of the Turks : " Pro-
bably in nothing has this people been more unduly represented
than in the praises which have been bestowed on their unrestricted
principles of trade. The Turk knows nothing and cares as little
about freedom of commerce — he disdains trade himself, and
despises it in others ; and if he has failed to imitate more civilized
nations (though in this point of view not wiser) by fortifying his
■coasts with custom-houses, it is certainly from no wise principle
of taxation, but simply because such a circuitous method of fiscal
taxation would be far too complicated and wearisome for the minds
of Ottoman governors, who prefer the simple mode of raising a
revenue by the direct extortion of the Pasha or the Aga."

' Mehemet Kuprisli Pasha, an intelligent Turk, formerly Minister
at Berlin and London, acknowledged to Mr. Senior that Turkey
was without " a single real road, except a bit about five miles long
which the French made for us." How hopeless it is to expect a
population to grow in wealth and comfort under such a system of
government may be gathered from the following incidents : —

" Captain Ward, an Englishman, rented, at a distance of about
twelve miles from Constantinople, 4,000 acres of land ; the soil
was of the finest description ; the rent only £70 a year. Captain
Ward spent from £3,000 to £4,000 in cultivating and improving
the property, but the want of roads nullified all his efforts. He
was unable to bring his produce to market, for it was more costly
to move a quarter of grain from a distance of twenty miles in
the interior of Turkey to Constantinople than it was to convey it
from London to that port."

In the preface to an interesting little book, which has just been
issued, and the author of which (Mr. Barkley) is a civil engineer,
who was for gome years employed on the construction of a railway
between the Danube and the Black Sea — we find a statement
made which so strikingly illustrates the misery and misrule

136 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

which exists under this Turkish system of " commercial enlighten-
ment " that we cannot refrain from quoting it.

" About twelve miles from Varna, and not far off the route to
Shumla, is the flourishing village of Gebedji, which is partly-
Turkish, partly Bulgar. On entering it, one is at once struck by
the appearance of prosperity exhibited in the well-built houses
and large flocks of cattle. Between this village and the road is
a swamp with a narrow but deep brook running through it. To
assist in the construction of the line, which passed by the village,
I caused a road to be made across the marsh, and a wooden
bridge thrown over the brook. The first night after the
bridge was completed it was cut down ; and on making inquiries
about it, a Turk told me that rather than live with this easy
access to the road, the inhabitants, both Turks and Bulgars,
would burn their houses and migrate to some spot where Turkish
officials, Turkish troops, and, above all, Turkish Zaptiehs (police-
men) could not so easily get at them."

The government of Turkey is nothing but an organised system
of corruption and robbery. Intelligent Turks themselves know
and acknowledge this to be the case. Achmed Veofic Effendi,
Minister of Justice at Constantinople in 185 7, said to Mr. Senior,
" With us government is supposed to exist for the benefit, not of
the governed, but of the governors." Violence, extortion,
treachery, and fraud are the characteristic features of a modern
Turkish administration. The highest offices of the state are
bought and sold, and if by chance one Turkish statesman is found
occasionally to make an effort to resist the contagion of corruption,
the chances are that he is sacrificed at once by some political or
harem intrigue, and ends his days in poverty and obscurity.

Another of Mr. Senior's correspondents says : — " The Turk is
utterly unimprovable. He hates change, and he hates civiliza-
tion ; he hates Europeans — he hates and fears all that they pro-
pose. There is not a word in the Hatti Humayoon that does not
disgust, or irritate, or alarm him. Nothing but force will oblige
him to give to it the appearance of execution. And what is the
value of apparent reforms in a people without an aristocracy,

"THE UNSPEAKABLE TUKK." 137

without a middle-class, without a public opinion, without the
means of communication, without newspapers, without even a
post-office, accustomed for 400 years to plunder and oppress
Rayahs, and to be oppressed and plundered by sultans, pashas,
cadis, and janissaries 1 "

As to the capacity of Bulgaria and Bosnia for freedom,
writing from Adrianople in 1867, Vice-Consul Blunt said : —
" As far as my experience goes, I consider the Bulgarians to be,
on the whole, a shrewd, active, and industrious people, ranking in
capacity and intelligence with any other of the European races.
They require only the full development of their good qualities for
attaining a high accomplishment in modern civilisation. The
aspirations of the younger and more impartial generation have for
the present no other political purport than to place the Bulgarian
nationality on the same footing with the remainder of the Christian
communities of the Ottoman Empire."

Mr. Monson says, " I have been told to day that the body of a
man who was ransomed was handed over to the peasant who
went to fetch it and hacked to pieces, and that the Turks admit
that they tortured him for two days by tearing out his finger-nails,
an atrocity which is proved, it is said, by the condition of the
corpse, and they executed two Herzegovinian refugees whom
they employed to obtain provisions for their troops."

M. Bistich, Servian Minister for Foreign Affairs, said, " The
Ottoman army, though the Servian population has nowhere
opposed any resistance to the invasion, has burnt, pillaged, and
sacked everywhere on its passage. All the villages which it has
passed are reduced to ashes and the churches have been shelled.
The Tcherkesse and the Bashi Bazouks were organized into bands
of incendiaries. Each squad is composed of four armed men, and
a fifth who carries bottles of petroleum. In many instances they
have carried off women and girls, whose fate is unknown.
Among the prisoners taken by us at Widdin are twelve convicts
snatched from' the galleys for the army. After the combat of
Velike Tzvor, Colonel Leschianine ordered the Servian troops to
proceed to bury the dead. Osinan Pasha refused to receive the

138 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

flag of truce sent to arrange this. The corpses of both camps re-
main unburied."

Consul Reade says, " So slight was the cord with which one of
the insurgents was executed by the Turks that it broke three
times, and it did not break the fourth time solely from the unfor-
tunate man being in fact partly held up by several of the military ;
the intense suffering of the wretched man may be imagined. The
other two who suffered were most inhumanly treated by their
executioners, who appeared to be gloating over their revolting
task by making use of the most shocking expressions and gestures
to every Bulgarian Christian they met."

Consul Brophy says Chef ket Pasha massacred the Bulgarians of
Boyadjak, who, in the words of a Mussulman present, said they
allowed themselves to be slaughtered like sheep ; out of two thou-
sand men, women, and children only about fifty escaped."

Mr. Baring says there is only a train to Yamboli three times
a week, and that "the Turkish authorities purposely fostered
dissensions between them (the Bulgarians) and the Greeks ; that
the overcrowding of the prisons at Philippopolis was terrific.
250 men were confined for four days in a bath in which there was
not the smallest attempt at drainage, the stench becoming so fear-
ful that the guards could not even sit in the ante-room but had to
stay in the street ; that a priest declared to him that he was con-
fined for seven days in a privy, during three of which he had
neither food nor water, and for twenty-one days in the polizzi,
already alluded to, where it is impossible to sleep.

"At Peroustitza the number of killed was three hundred, and the
official report says most of those committed suicide (I suppose to
save themselves, like St. Patrick's frogs, from slaughter), the fact
being that one man did."

" There is no doubt that numbers of women were violated on
the road. Some of the women I saAV sitting on the ruins of their
houses singing the most melancholy sort of dirge, others wandered
about the churchyard among the corpses, while a few who seemed
more than half bereft of reason, rushed about tearing their hair,
beating their brows, and uttering piercing shrieks." These deeds

"THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK." 139

were committed not only by Bashi-Bazouks, but also by regulars,
the Arab soldiers in particular distinguishing themselves by their
licentiousness and cruelty.

Fasli Pasha arrested two men totally unconnected with the
revolution, he then indulged freely in drinking, and ordered the
prisoners to be hung immediately ; the Tabour Agace refused to
carry this order out unless the Pasha gave it in writing, upon
which he was placed under arrest, another officer was called up,
and the men were hung. The next morning, it is said, the Pasha
asked to have the prisoners brought before him.

The people of Bellova have now sixty oxen. A Government
order comes for eighty ; only half this number is forthcoming, and
the soldiers on their arrival beat the people. The Circassians
have lived by robbery ever since they have been in the country.
The " Soultans " have taken away the land of their neighbours.
They also impose forced labour on the rayahs, and otherwise
annoy them.

The Ulema, or ministers of religion and professors of law, pay
no taxes, their property is hereditary, their persons are sacred,
their blood may on no account be shed, nor can they be punished
legally in any way but by imprisonment and exile.

Consul Holmes reports that the firman directing the tax in lieu
of military service on non-Mussulman subjects of the Porte
should be levied between the ages of twenty and forty, has been
repealed, and henceforward it will be levied between the ages of
fifteen and seventy-five. He adds, " Sultan Hamid is supposed
by the Mussulmans to be of a firm and resolute disposition, averse
to any reforms in favour of the Christians of the Empire.

Another instance of Turkish inconsistency and oppression is
that the Sheik-ul-Islam * has proclaimed a holy war against the
infidel, whilst the Sultan has imposed compulsory service on the
Christians !

The Times says : — "Before the battle of the lGth inst., in which
the Russians were successful, a Turkish commander knew so little
of the neighbouring ground that he begged our correspondent to

* Since deposed.

140 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

make a sketch of an important pass ; and the army was so badly
posted and led that it was cut to pieces. The Turkish general
did not know what ' strategy ' meant, and in the right wing of the
army there was but one officer 'fit to command a corporal's
guard.' The Kurdish irregulars are said to be a cowardly, cruel,
and useless rabble. Mukhtar Pasha caused this morning two regi-
mental officers to be degraded and flogged in the citadel of Erze-
roum for want of gallantry."

There have been constant ministerial changes in Turkey in
recent years, the average term of service of the members of the
Divan not amounting to more than four months.

Whilst the Turcophiles pretend that the Sultan could not have
allowed reforms carried on under foreign auspices without sacri-
ficing the independence of the Empire and raising a storm of
indignation amongst the Mussulman population, Consul Calvert
writes (December 17th, 1876) : —

" I have now seen all the local ' Beys' or Turkish landowners.
They every one comment strongly on the wretched state to which
the population at large has been reduced through Ottoman mis-
government, and which has caused the discontent that has
brought the country to its present pass. One Bey, without any
leading question on my part, volunteered confidentially his
opinion on this subject as follows : —

" ' The best remedy,' he said, ' for these evils would be for the
foreign Powers to insist on the association of an experienced
European in the administration of the province, with power to
control all abuses.'

" He made this remark as an original idea of his own, and
apparently in ignorance that anything of the sort had been pro-
jected by the Western Powers.

" I must add that whilst all spoke strongly regarding the exist-
ing evils, they insisted that the Moslems are worse off than the
Christians, especially in that the latter are exempted from the
conscription. They added that they would gladly pay the mili-
tary exemption tax many times over to obtain the same privilege.

"The Beys, with hardly an exception, reside now in the pro-

" THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK." 141

vincial towns, only visiting their estates occasionally ; they have
no country seats. So far from asserting towards the Government
any will or opinion of their own, they even obsequiously watch
for the cue which is given them as occasion may require."

We all know the story of the drummer who was flogging a
soldier, who not unnaturally complained; upon which the-
drummer said to him, " There is no pleasing you, whether I flog
high or low ; you continually find fault ; " and so the Turks appear
to think the Christians most unreasonable. They diversify as
much as possible the tortures they inflict on them. They try
impaling, tearing out their eyes, ripping up women with child,
violation, and the most ingenious and novel forms of cruelty. But
the Christians are still not satisfied. Here is another specimen
from the dispatch of Consul Calvert : —

" The most general form of torture was as follows : The
prisoner was hung up with an iron collar round his neck, attached
to a chain passed through a ring let into one of the beams above.
The end of this chain was pulled by zaptiehs, and the prisoner
lifted up until one toe barely touched the ground. This treat-
ment was occasionally varied by keeping him suspended alto-
gether. The collar catching the sufferers under the chin, prevented
actual strangulation, and they were kept in these positions till
they swooned. These proceedings were conducted in person by
the Yuzbashi Suleiman Aga, who, during the process of hanging
up, kept beating the unfortunate men unmercifully, sometimes
with a stick of ordinary size, sometimes with a knotted cudgel as
thick as one's wrist, calling out at every blow, 'Speak, then,
speak ! ' The hands of the victims were sometimes manacled,
sometimes free ; but in all cases, whenever they raised them in
the attempt to ease the strain on their necks, they were struck
over the hands to make them desist. A certain Abdullah
Tchaousch, a zaptieh sergeant, is stated to have been, next to the
Yusbashi himself, the most zealous actor in these doings.

" The priests came in for an extra share of ill-usage. Four of
them were fastened by the neck to an iron hoop, and were made
to move round in a circle, and were flogged as they did so. They

142i A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

were left for a whole night fastened to this hoop, in which posi-
tion it was impossible for them to He clown. Among these priests
was Pop Petko, of Yeni-kioi, who appears to have been subjected
to greater cruelty and brutality than any of the others. In his
case and that of Pop Ivan, of Kravenick (who was one of those
attached to the hoop), an additional form of torture was employed.
The temples and jaws of these unfortunate men were pressed by
an iron instrument till their eyes almost started from their
heads, and their teeth were so loosened that in the case of Pop
Petko one of them fell out. During this process they were
repeatedly told to declare what they knew. On the last occasion,
when Pop Petko was hung up, the torture was prolonged to no
less than twenty-four hours, during which time he was altogether
lifted off the ground four times for spaces varying from half-an-
hour to one hour. The priests were plucked by the beard and
hair as they were hanging. One day the Yusbashi's son, a lad
fifteen or sixteen years old, fell upon Pop Petko most savagely,
knocking him down, garotting him till the blood came from his
throat, and plucking out the hairs of his beard and head by hand-
fulls. Again, being placed near the door, which opened upon the
courtyard, a person from outside one day dealt him so violent a
blow on the ear that it suppurated, and he was deaf for many
days afterwards. His legs, when they were released, were swollen
to twice their size, and his health was so shattered by all these
brutalities that he was confined to his bed for months after his
release."

" A zaptieh arrived in the village of Brankortsi, in Bulgaria, on
last Christmas Day. He wished to be quartered upon one Petko,
because that man had two young and pretty daughters who would
be obliged to wait upon him. But the and, the village
head-man, said this could not be, as two Albanians had been
already placed at Petko's bouse ; whereupon the zaptieh beat the
cmet, which was received as in the ordinary course of things. But
the zaptieh did not stop there. He stabled his horse, and
came out with bridle, saddle, and saddle-bags, and actually
bridled and harnessed and then mounted the terrified and unre-

" THE UNSPEAKABLE TUKK." 143

sisting cmet. The wretch rode his ' man-horse' up and down the
street, forcing him into puddles where the mud was deepest.
When they came to the house which the cmet had destined for
the zaptieh's residence, the rider pulled up, alighted, and was
soon surrounded by the villagers, all aghast at the sight of the
strange equestrian group, yet never daring to interfere or remonstrate.
The zaptieh bade the landlord bring out an armful of hay, and as
the man ventured to intercede for the poor cmet, the zaptieh
struck him in the face with so heavy a blow as to stretch him
almost senseless on the ground. The ' man-horse ' was brought
up, tied by his rider to a post outside the door, and, whip in
hand, bidden to eat the hay. The poor man, now thoroughly
unmanned, and bathing that forage "with his tears, tried to
comply with the brutal order, and took some of the hay between
his teeth."

Brigadier-General Williams, in a despatch addressed to Lord
Clarendon from Erzeroum on February 6th, 1855, says : — " The
buying and selling of slaves by the officers of the Kars army,
is as notorious as any other malpractices on their part. Boys
are preferred by those brutes, and the girls are sent to Con-
stantinople ; and until the allied consuls are authorised to demand
the restitution of these victims to Turkish sensuahty, and are
provided with funds to send them back to their families in
Georgia ; and until the Porte is bound by treaty to send the
culprits so detected to the galleys for a certain specified time, this
infamous traffic will flourish ; and all which has been said, or may
be written, about abolitionary firmans, simply adds mockery to
crime and woe. When I saw Mustapha Pacha quit the camp at
Kars, and fawn upon the soldiers drawn out in line to salute him
who had robbed and starved them, he was closely followed, and
that at noon-day, by two Georgian slaves under an escort of
regular cavalry. They had been bought the day previous to his
departure, and this traffic was notorious throughout the camp.
Your lordship may therefore infer that, had the Turks penetrated
into Georgia last campaign, very few youths of either sex would
have escaped pollution ; and I feel bound to tell your lordship my

144 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

opinion on this most interesting subject, which is, that if England
does not effectually repress this trade by stringent treaty, Russia
will accomplish it by her arms ; that is, if peace leave her in.
possession of Georgia."

The reader should remember that this was the testimony, not
of an anti-slavery emissary, or even of a subject Christian, but of
a commander who had fought gallantly for the Turks, and whose
name will be remembered by posterity as that of the " Hero of
Ears."

Vice-consul Brophy writes, " The murder of the shepherd of
Tellakem was perpetrated because he refused to give some Turks
sixty sheep or their value. His body was found with the jaw-
bone smashed and the teeth all knocked out. A knife had been
passed through the throat, not so as to cut it thoroughly, but to
stick him like a pig."

M. Eistich, Minister of Servia, says, " The country has been
systematically ravaged, the fields are laid waste, whole villages
delivered to the flames. . . During the battle of the 22nd of
August before Alexinatz. they fired on an ambulance until they
saw the red flag disappear. Some Turkish horsemen having met
the Secretary of the Red Cross Committee of Alexinatz ill the
exercise of his duty, rushed upon him. First, they cut off the
arm which bore the badge, then they cut the cross itself from this
unhappy man's arm, who expired in the most horrible torments."
In an enclosure, M. Eistich sends a declaration from seven
inhabitants of Bulgaria : " "We are forced to be present at the dis-
honour of our daughters, who are ravished under our eyes, and
who fall victims to the vile passions of the Turks. Our children
are carried off into slavery and forced to embrace the Mahometan
religion. Those who resist are mercilessly slaughtered ; our wives
are ripped up, and the children cut out of their bodies with the
sword ; our houses are set on fire, our cattle carried off, our
churches desecrated and destroyed."

Colonel Horvatovitch states, " Bodies have been thrown into

the wells, and wherever there was drinking water. In the streets

body was found, and the legs were entirely flayed from the thighs

"THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK." 145

to the feet. Govko Kaissia was tortured and killed in his house
by a red hot iron."

M. Durando tells us in the Italian Green Book : — " In relating
their griefs, the state of nudity and of privation of their families
wandering among the rocks, these men shed floods of tears."

Mr. W. E. Forster, M.P., told Sir H. Elliott, "Although there
was no rising here (in the Dobroudja) the Bashi Bazouks and the
Circassians have committed the same horrors as everywhere else.
As elsewhere they violated girls over ten years old and women ;
other children they cut in pieces and burnt in sight of the
mothers. . . These scenes, worthy of cannibals, were repeated
in other villages. . . At Silistria many bodies have been seen
in the Danube, and these bodies have been recognised to be those
of the poor Bulgarians who were arrested . . all these corpses had
their hands tied behind their backs. . . A Bulgarian peasant
being one day with his wife, his son, his daughter-in-law, and
some children in the field, the Turk, accompanied by some fellow-
countrymen all armed to the teeth, came upon them suddenly,
first killed the men by disembowelling them, afterwards violated
the women, and finally cut their throats as Avell as the children's.
To this day the assassins walk freely about and boast of their
exploit. The Ottoman authorities do not stir a finger. They
think this horrible atrocity appropriate, for it only affects
Ghiaours."

The atrocities of the Turks, to use the expression of a French
writer, are " crimes peut-etre inconnues aux enfers " ; they spare
neither men in their anger, nor women in their lust.

To show with what chivalrous magnanimity Prince Nicholas of
Montenegro carries on the war against the Turks, in spite of their
barbarous conduct to the Montenegrins, I quote what Mr. Monson
writes from Cettigne on October 5, 1876 : " Prince Nicholas is very
anxious to show by every means in his power that he knows how
to carry on the war with courtesy towards the enemy.

" The Grand Vizier having requested permission to send provi-
sions into Medun during the late war, His Highness replied that
he would do that himself on condition that he might be allowed

L

146 A DEFENCE OF EUSSIA.

to verify the number of the garrison, although he knew that the
fortress was reduced to such straits that it must soon surrender
from famine.

" Again, Osman Pasha having told Mr. Stillman that his health
was affected by the monotony of his life at Cettigne, the Prince at
once allowed him three weeks leave of absence to go to Eagusa
for change of air, and supplied him with a sum of money far more
than enough to pay his expenses handsomely."

As to Turkish slavery, I have to observe, in former times a " good
middling" Circassian girl was tvorth £100.

Mr. Joseph Cooper, hon. secretary of the Anti-Slavery Society,
in his recent pamphlet, "Turkey and Egypt, Past and Present, in
Eelation to Africa," estimates that the number of negroes annually
taken from Africa, chiefly for the supply of Turkey and Egypt, is
over 70,000, but that for every slave who reaches his destination
five die en route, or are killed in the savage warfare which takes
place in the effort to capture them.

" In mutilating the negroes for the harems, two out of three,"
says Major Millingen, " die under the operation."

A good female cook fetches £75 at Constantinople, and some-
times as much as £1,000 is given for a Circassian beauty.

Fuad Pasha, in a letter to Professor Lavelayo in 1868, said
that " the abolition of slavery was a principle to which the
Turkish Government adheres with its whole heart," yet Major
Millingen says, " a wife of Fuad Pasha, in common with other
great ladies of Stamboul, was well known as an extensive trader
in Circassian beauties."

At the beginning of the last century, as quoted by Mrs.
Millicent Garrett Fawcett, Lady Mary Wortley Montague
wrote : — " We crossed the deserts of Servia, almost quite
overgrown with wood in a country naturally fertile. The
inhabitants are industrious ; but the oppression of the peasants
is so great that they are forced to abandon their houses ant
neglect their tillage ; all they have being a prey to the janis-
saries whenever they jnease to seize upon it. We had a guard of
500 of them, and I was almost in tears to see their insolences to

"THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK." 147

the poor villages through which We passed. . . . Indeed the
janissaries had no mercy on their (the peasants') poverty, killing
all the poultry and sheep they could find, without asking to whom
they belonged. . . . When the pachas travel it is yet
worse."

More than twelve years ago, our ambassador at Constantinople,
a well-known Turcophile, Sir Henry Bulwer, recorded the fol-
lowing opinion of the permanent characteristics of Turkish rule :
— " Wherever the Turk is sufficiently predominant to be
implicitly obeyed, laziness, corruption, and extravagance mark
his rule ; and wherever he is too feeble to exert more than a
doubtful and nominal authority, the system of government which
prevails is that of the Arab robber and the lawless Highland
chieftain."

If there be one person in England likely to be a favourable
witness for Turkey, it is Mr. Layard ; and yet here is his descrip-
tion of what he himself saw of the treatment of the unfortunate
Nestorian Christians in Kurdistan : — " Their church was in ruins
— around were the charred remains of the burnt cottages, and
the neglected orchards overgrown with weeds. A body of
Turkish troops had lately visited the village, and had destroyed
the little that had been restored since the Kurdish invasion.
The same taxes had been collected three times, and even four
times over. The relations of those who had run away to escape
from the exactions had been compelled to pay for the fugitives.
The chief had been thrown, with his arms tied behind his back, on a
heap of burning straw, and compelled to disclose where a little money
that had been saved by the villagers had been buried. The priest had
been torn from the altar, and beaten before his congregation. Men
showed me the marks of torture on their body, and of iron fetters round
their limbs. For the sake of ringing a few piastres from this poverty-
stricken people, all these deeds of violence had been committed by officers
sent by the Porte to protect the Christian subjects of the Sultan, whom
they pretended to have released from the misrule of the Kurdish chiefs."
The Times correspondent with the Turkish army in Asia reluc-
tantly states : — " Arriving in the country a strong Philo-Turk,

148 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

deeply impressed with the necessity of preserving ' the integrity
of the Empire,' in order to uphold ' British interests/ I now fain
would cry with Mr. Freeman, ' Perish our Indian interests rather
than one English soldier should fall fighting for Turkey.' . . .
After accompanying a Turkish army in the field, after witnessing
the privations of the men owing to the criminally faulty commis-
sariat arrangements ; after seeing the miseries of the wounded
untended and uneared for ; after hearing of, as well as seeing the
oppression habitually exercised on Christians by all Mahomedans.
. . . . I cannot help feeling that she is past redemption,
and that any encouragement given her will only prolong the
present struggle, afford Russia a pretext for further aggression,
and make the blow, when it does come, fall harder upon the mis-
guided nation."

The editors and compositors of the Turkish newspapers
Selamet and Massavat have been exiled and the publication of these
journals suspended for articles urging the removal of Redif Pasha.
A forced loan of five millions has been voted to be obtained by
an anticipatory collection of double taxes and of ordinary revenue.
When the Chamber of Deputies demanded explanations from the
War Minister, he refused to appear.

With reference to the conduct of the Montenegrins to the
Turkish wounded and prisoners, I now append the following
portion of a dispatch from Prince Nicholas. The Prince of
Montenegro says : —

" I observe with pleasure that the Government of her Majesty
the Queen does justice to my personal feelings in this respect, and
this impression, sir, will certainly have been confirmed by your own
reports. You have yourself been able to see how our prisoners
are treated. In all we have had about a thousand, who have
been fed, cared for, even clothed, and afterwards set at liberty.
You have been in a position to compare our proceedings with
those of the Turks, who have made no prisoners, or have only kept
them a few days to behead them afterwards, as you will have been
informed by some of your fellow countrymen, eye-witnesses of
such deeds in Mouktar Pasha's camp.

"THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK." 149

" I regret to find in your letter nothing indicating the special
cases of cruelty which have been brought to the knowledge of
the English Ambassador at the Sublime Porte.

" In the absence of all information on this point, I must pre-
sume that certain wounded are referred to of whom mention has
been made in the papers, and who have been exhibited in the
hospitals of Constantinople, whither they had been conveyed
from Albania. Now these same men, to the number of seven,
have, at the request of the Vali, been inspected in the ambulances
at Scutari by the European Consuls, who have borne witness to
their noses having been mutilated ; but at that time there was
no question of prisoners being impaled and others cut to pieces
alive or slashed with knives ; all these horrors were added after
the wounded had been conveyed to the capital and exposed to
view there.

" Certainly, I was very indignant and angry upon learning'that
our auxiliaries the Kutchi had treated in such a way soldiers left
for dead on the field of battle, and I gave most strict orders that
such acts should not be repeated. From the commencement of
the war I have neglected no means to induce our people to
renounce the barbarous habits which they had been taught by
their adversaries themselves.

" In the late actions, the latter have not rendered this task an
easy one, for, from the first day of active hostilities, the heads of
twenty-two Montenegrins, beheaded alive, have been exposed by
them on the bridge of Podgoritza ; and the Turkish Commander-
in-Chief, personally, refused to give up these sinister trophies to
four of our women who had the courage to go to him and claim
them for interment.

"Besides this, the Orthodox Greek priest of one of our
villages has been subjected by them to one of the tortures which
they accuse us of having employed ; they have hacked him to
pieces alive with the sabre.

" Notwithstanding this, assisted by my officers, I have done all
I can to prevent reprisals. The many strangers, including the
Agents of various States, who have followed my head-quarters,

150 A DEFENCE OE RUSSIA.

can attest how for I have succeeded ; I leave myself in their
hands.

" In every case, even in the most terrible moments of a mortal
struggle of centuries, have the Montenegrins never allowed them-
selves to be carried away by the example of their enemies, so as
to commit upon them the horrible cruelties of which the papers
have spoken."

This statement is confirmed by the following dispatch from
Consul Monson : — " With reference to my dispatch of the 4th
instant, reporting a conversation which I had had with Prince
Nicholas respecting the multilations of Turkish soldiers by
Montenegrins, I have the honour to state that Colonel Thommel
informs me that he has addressed a full report to Count Andrassy
upon this subject, upon which his presence at the Prince's head-
quarters during most of the campaign, and his acquaintance with
the country for the last twenty years, enable him to speak with
more authority than I can pretend to claim.

" I have reason, however, to believe that the gist of his opinion,,
formed from personal observation and the information of trust-
worthy individuals, is to the effect that comparatively little reproach
on the score of inhumanity can fairly be made against the Mon-
tenegrins for their conduct in the recent combats ; and that he sub-
stantially confirms the Prince's statements as I have reported them."

The rascality of the Turks in fabricating atrocities which they
pretend were committed by the Montenegrins is shown by the
following dispatch from Consul Monson : — " With reference to
my dispatch of the 24th December last, inclosing copies of my
correspondence with Prince Nicholas respecting the alleged
mutilation of wounded Turks by Montenegrins, I have the honour
to state that the ' Glas Czrnagora ' of yesterday publishes a letter
addressed by an inhabitant of Podgoritza to a friend at Cettigne,
giving an account of the manner in which, by the order of Hussein
Pasha, the faces of some of the unburied dead (Turkish soldiers)
at Fundina had been recently mutilated and disfigured, in order
to prove to three English surgeons that the charges of atrocities,
made against the Montenegrins were not unfounded."

"THE TJXSPKAKABLE TURK." 151

Mr. Holms tells us that in 1S65 our trade with European
Turkey was £8,282,068 ; in 1875 it had fallen to £7,931,841 ;
and our exports of British produce fell from £4,961,731 in 1865
to £3,630,365 in 1875, a decrease of more than 25 per cent.

The estimated expenditure of Turkey for 1875-6 was
£23,143,000, exclusive of £9,500,000 for the insurrection in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, and to meet this the nominal revenue is
£19,106,000 ; but it was calculated that not more than £15,300,000
would he collected.

To show the financial effect of freeing a province from Turkish
tyranny, it suffices to say, that Boumania, which in 1861 only
took from us £196,000 worth of goods, in 1875 took from us
goods to the amount of £1,163,231.

The words which that eloquent writer, De Maistre, uses towards
an eminent sceptical writer, with a slight alteration, apply most
aptly to the " Unspeakable Turk " : — " He plunges into filth ;
he rolls himself in it, he saturates himself with it ; he invents
prodigies of horror — monstrosities which make the blood run cold ;
he abandons his imagination to the powers of darkness, which lend
him all their strength to carry him to the furthest limits of evil.
England applauds him, Sodom would have banished him."

A Times correspondent at Alexandria writes : — " Some three or
four days ago I had occasion to visit on a matter of business one
of the better class of Turkish officials, who has held at different
times the positions of Governor of Alexandria, Minister of
Foreign Affairs ad interim, and Minister of Justice. ... A
big map lay open before the Pasha, who pointed me out Kars
with considerable pride. ... A reference on my part to the
presence of Sir Fenwick "Williams at the former siege did not
meet with the success I had expected. ' Very likely, very likely;
there are Englishmen everywhere all over the place ; ' and another
Turk present borrowed from Scripture an uncomplimentary com-
parison for my countrymen, and told me that ' the English went
to and fro like Sheitan (Arabic for Satan) himself.' An unfor-
tunate reference to Besika Bay brought upon me a fire of good-
natured chaff (if it is not profane to apply such a term to the

152 A DEFENCE OF EUSSIA.

pleasantry of sober Osmanlis). ' Why was the fleet going there % r
repeated the Pasha. ' Because there was good shooting,' said one.
'Was it to protect the Christians'?' asked another. ' Because they
find we are getting on too well without them,' said a third. 'Because
you want us more than we want you,' said a fourth. An Arab of
the better fellah class said, ' Allah is great ; the Murki (Russians)
are damned ; the English are soon to be all Mussulmans. ' '

" The bearer of this paper (says the receipt for the tax) is a
Christian, who has paid the capitulary contribution. He is
permitted to wear his head on his shoulders during one year."
The Hatti Humayoun (which means ' august writing ') which was
published in 1827 by Sultan Mahmoud, begins with these words r
— •' All reasonable men know that the Mussulman is the mortal
enemy of infidels."

Major Russell, in his "Russian Wars with Turkey," quotes the
following absurd language which, according to him, was uttered
by Lord Palmerston : — " I much question that there is any process
of decay now going on in the Turkish Empire. . . . All that
we hear every day of the week about the decay of the Turkish
Empire, and its being a dead body and a sapless trunk and so forth,
is pure and unadulterated nonsense. I by no means think with
you (Sydney Herbert) that he (the Emperor of Russia) will have
an easy victory over the Turks. On the contrary, if the betting
is not even, I would lay odds on the Turks ! I do not believe in
the disaffection of the Turkish provinces ! "

The Times, writing from Shumla, says, " Every village is full of
loungers. . . In the whole of the village I speak of, there were
not, I should say, so many household utensils and comfort-giving
articles as would be found in the poorest cottage in a Suffolk
hamlet. Tables, chairs, cups, glasses, mugs are unknown. The
mess is brought on tp the ground in the cauldron it has been
cooked in, and host and guests snatch from it with their fingers.
Even an educated Turk writing a letter will take it off the table
and finish it on the back of a book, or even holding it in his hand.
It would be impossible to send the Turks out of Europe with bag
and baggage, for practically they have neither.

The Chivalrous Bashi-Bazouk.
From the Daily Graphic of New York.

"THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK." 153

" The spirit (of the Turks) is just what makes a soldier. They
leave family and friends seemingly without a regret ; the home
sickness which depresses the conscripts of Christian armies
appears to be unknown to them ; they serve with a strange mix-
ture of apathy and devotion, careless of their own lives, thoughtless
of those they have left behind."

We might have added that there is probably not a single tooth-
brush among the whole Ottoman population.

It seems never to occur to our thick-skulled and hard-hearted
Turcomaniac wiseacres that if we went off on a wild-goose chase
with our handful of soldiers to defend imaginary British interests
in the East, the Germans might take the opportunity of seizing
Holland, the French might annex Belgium, or another Indian
mutiny might take place ; but I suppose they think some 50,000
British troops are a match for any number of millions of the
soldiers of other countries, and that we can easily beat the world
in arms.

Suppose the Indian mutineers had had the " gumption " to rebel
when we were engaged in the Crimean war, what would have
become of our Indian Empire 1 While we were fighting with
Russia to protect the supposed outworks of our Indian citadel, at
the cost of the national disgrace of rivetting the chains of the
Turk on the oppressed Christians, the fortress itself would
probably have been irretrievably lost.

154 A DEFENCE OF B.USSIA.

POLAND FEOM A COMMON SENSE POINT OF VIEW.

A GREAT outcry is now raised by the Philo-Turkish party about the
real and imaginary wrongs of Poland, as a set-off to the Turkish
atrocities in Bulgaria and elsewhere ; but when Mr. Horsman,
and other Liberals, brought the wrongs of Poland before the
House of Commons, at the time when the Russian excesses were
committed, the Conservative party were silent and indifferent,
though it now suits their purpose to furbish up this blunt and
rusty weapon ; and some of the most violent partisans of Turkey
are probably holders of Turkish non-dividend-paying Stocks, while
I have never held a single bond, either of impecunious Turkey
or dividend-paying and honest Russia.

Perhaps few are aware that in a preceding century the
Poles invaded Russia, annexed great portions of that country,
and imposed a Polish prince on the Russian throne, and that
therefore there was a hostile feeling in Russia against Poland
on that account. In addition to this, there was a continual state
of anarchy in Poland ; and in the seventeenth century Sweden
conquered Poland, and held it in bondage for five years, and
when the partition of Poland took place, it was not a Russian
proposal at all ; but the Russian Government, seeing that
Prussia and Austria were determined to have a partition, decided
that the least evil was to have its own share of the plunder.

To show what was the state of Poland before its partition, it
suffices to quote the following account of it from Voltaire's
"Life of Charles XII." : — "This great country is very fertile;
but the people are, in consequence, so much the less industrious.

I

POLAND FROM A COMMON SENSE POINT OF VIEW. 155

The workmen and merchants one sees in Poland are Scotchmen,
Frenchmen, Jews especially. . . . This country remains poor,
in spite of its abundance, because its people is enslaved, and
because its nobility is proud and lazy. . . . Every gentle-
man has the right to give his vote in the election of a king, and
to be one himself. . . . The throne is almost always at
auction, and, as a Pole is seldom rich enough to buy it, it has
been often sold to foreigners. The nobility and the clergy defend
their liberty against their king, and take it away from the rest of
the .nation. All the people are slaves. . . . There the
peasant does not sow for himself, but for the lord to whom he,
his fi-ild, and the work of his hands belong, and who can sell him
and cut his throat with the beasts of the earth. Every one who
is a gentleman is his own master. It is necessary, to judge him
in a criminal affair, to have an assembly of the whole nation ; he
can only be arrested after being condemned, consequently he is
scarcely ever punished. . . . The nobility, jealous of its
liberty, often sell its suffrages and rarely its affections. Scarcely
have they elected a king when they fear his ambition, and oppose
to him their cabals. . . . Every gentleman enjoys the right
to oppose himself to the laws of the senate. A single gentleman
who says, ' I protest,' arrests by this word alone the unanimous
resolution of all the rest ; and if he leaves the place where the
Diet is held it must then separate."

Voltaire further tells us that there were about 100,000 of these
tyrannical, indolent, factious and turbulent nobles, and that they
did not even use their native language, but spoke Latin.

A few particulars of the dismal history of Poland may interest
their new-found friends, the Philo-Turks. In 1079, King Boleslaus
murdered St. Stanislaus, Bishop of Cracow, with his own hands.
In 1164, Casimir II. invaded and conquered Prussia, which he
placed under tribute. In 1296, King Premislas was assassinated.
In 1349, Casimir the Great conquered Little Russia and Silesia;
and in 1366 he took Red Russia from the Lithuanians. In 1498
the Wallachians invaded Poland, and carried off 100,000 Poles,
whom they sold to the Turks as slaves.

15G A DEFEXCE OF RUSSIA.

In 1648, Casimir V. invaded the Ukraine, and ravaged it with
fire and sword ; and in 1668 this same prince, tired of the ingrati-
tude and factiousness of the Poles, abdicated, in spite of their
entreaties that he would remain their sovereign, and retired to a
monastery in France, of which he became abbe, and where he
would never allow himself to be called king. On the occasion of
his abdication, he told the Polish Diet, more than a century before
the first partition : " I foresee the misfortunes which threaten our
country ; please God that T may be a false prophet. The Musco-
vite and the Cossack will join themselves to the people who speak
the same language as themselves, and will appropriate Lithuania ;
the boundaries of Great Poland will be open to Brandenburg ; and
Prussia herself will put forward treaties, or the right of conquest,
to invade our territory. In the midst of this dismemberment of
our states, the house of Austria will not let the opportunity escape
of fixing its views on Cracow."

Other nations besides the Russians have treated the Poles with
severity, and especially the Turks, whose cruelties to them I have
related in the chapter on " The Unspeakable Turk." For instance,
Voltaire tells us that the Swedes under Charles XII.. when in
Poland, in a certain district " seized all the peasants they could
find ; they obliged them to hang each other, and the last was
forced to pass the rope around his own neck, and to be his own
executioner. They burnt all their dwellings."

When the King of Poland himself foresaw and prophesied its
partition, and when he proved hj his abdication that it was im-
possible for the wisest, bravest, and best of princes to govern this
anarchical and ungrateful nation, the only wonder is that the
neighbouring states, who had been tormented for centuries by
cruel and aggressive wars levied on them by the Poles merely to
keep their turbulent nobility employed, did not extinguish the
Polish volcano sooner.

In the middle of the seventeenth century the Cossacks of the
Dnieper threw off their allegiance to Poland and became subjects
of the Czar, and in Lithuanian Poland serfdom was more oppres-
sive than in Russia.

POLAND FEOM A COMMON SEXSE POINT OF VIEW. 157

In 1815, the Emperor Alexander, who was considered a Re-
publican monarch, granted the Poles a more liberal constitution
than even England expected or desired ; and it worked extremely
well for fifteen years, during which period Poland made far greater
progress than in any former period of her eventful history.

The Poles have trumped up a story, without any adequate proof,
that the Emperor Nicholas intended to deprive them of their con-
stitution ; but as he ascended the throne on December 24th, 1825,
and faithfully performed his constitutional duties as sovereign of
Poland until after the unjustifiable revolution of 1830, this charge
falls to the ground. In fact, why should the Czar, who respected
the free constitution of Finland and Courland till the day of his
death, have broken faith with the Poles alone %

In 184G, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, finding that Cracow was
a nest of conspirators plotting against the peace and security of
their three countries, took possession of the republic, and it was
annexed, not to Russia, which is always accused of being so super-
eminently greedy, but to Austria, for whom England has never
any expressions but those of the most extravagant compliment.

Though England protested against the conduct of the three
Powers to Cracow, Lord Palmerston, the bitter enemy of
Russia in later life, approved of it, as may be seen by Lord
Dalling's life of that statesman (p. 248 : " Cracow ") : — " There
is something to be said for the three Courts, but then
they have spoiled their own case by not choosing to own
that they were afraid of disturbances at home." The grounds
put forward in their notes to the Cracow Senate are utterly
untenable; however, Lord Dalling adds : "It was considered that
Russia and Austria had a right to interfere with Cracow if
the persons who resided there menaced the tranquillity of their
dominions ; and no doubt this was the case. But the two Govern-
ments would not acknowledge that they could be menaced, and
this Lord Palmerston thought spoilt their case."

An additional illustration of the truculent character of the
Poles, and of the fact that other nations have treated them with
undue severity as well as Russia, is supplied by the circumstance

158 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

that in February, 1846, the peasantry of Gallicia, in Austrian
Poland, were incited to insurrection by the nobles and clergy.
The Austrians, to prevent this, excited in the peasantry a suspicion
of the motives of the nobles, and offered a reward for every noble
delivered up, alive or dead. A general massacre of the nobility in
the circle of Tarnow followed, and the sanguinary peasantry,
who are supposed to be such devout Catholics, completed their
abominable atrocities by gratuitously murdering the Roman
Catholic clergy also. If we really felt so strongly for the wrongs
of Poland as we and the French pretend, why did we not on the
occasion of the Crimean War fight for the independence, or at
least the autonomy, of Russian Poland, and demand as a sine qua
non of peace that Poland should have institutions as liberal
as those of another portion of the Russian empire, namely,
Finland 1 And if the Poles had possessed ordinary good sense
they would have revolted in 1854, when Russia was engaged in
the Crimean War. instead of waiting till years after the peace of
Paris, when the undivided strength of Russia could be used
against them.

The Polish legion which served under Napoleon obtained an
infamous notoriety for its surpassing cruelties, and one might
almost have supposed that the legion of devils whom Christ cast
out, and which entered into the herd of swine, had taken subse-
quent possession of these Poles.

As to the French, who are so full of verbal and lachrymose senti-
mentality at the wrongs of Poland, they did not restore their
kingdom when Napoleon wintered in their country on the occasion
of his Russian campaign ; and he remorselessly and ungratefully
left them, at the peace, in the power of Russia.

In 1862, the Emperor Alexander II. promised reform and the
re-establishment of Poland as a separate kingdom ; but, in conse-
quence of the incurable turbulence of the Polish nobles, who were
afraid of the emancipation of their miserable serfs and of the in-
habitants of some of the towns, the revolution broke out in that
year. In 1863, the Poles invaded Volhynia, and tried to raise
an insurrection, but they were wholly unsuccessful.

POLAND FROM A COMMON SENSE POINT OF VIEW. 159

On the occasion of this rebellion, Prince Gortschakoff, the
governor, at first acted with great forbearance ; and though
General Gerstenzweig, the military governor, was assassinated,
no very severe measures were adopted ; and the Eoman Catholic
Archbishop of Warsaw, Felinski, exhorted the Poles to submission.
In May, 1862, the Grand Duke Constantine was appointed
governor, and begun with a lenient policy, but his life was
attempted by Jaroszynski ; and Telkner, the chief of the police,
as well as many other Russians, were murdered, some of whom
were poisoned.

Upon this, deplorable measures of excessive rigour were adopted
to quell the rebellion and restore order ; but none of them were
so bad as the conduct of the French under General Pelissier, so
recently as the reign of Louis Philippe, who suffocated a large
number of men, women, and children in a cave in Algeria ; but
then ill-treatment of Roman Catholics by Greek heretics is a
much more heinous sin than infinitely worse treatment of mere
Arabs by orthodox Catholics.

After all, the severity of Russia was nothing in comparison
with the Turkish atrocities in Bulgaria and elsewhere ; and about
the worst thing which was alleged against Russia, namely, its
treatment of the Polish ladies, was precisely the same as that of
General Butler to the ladies of New Orleans during the War
of Secession in America. As to the innumerable Polish nobles,
Madame de Motteville said of their ostentatious appearance,
" Many diamonds and little linen."

As every one knows, the begging for Polish exiles was a
continual nuisance for a long succession of years, and a large pro-
portion of these exiles either possessed or fabricated the titles of
count or baron, which they could only have obtained from the
Russian, Austrian, or Prussian Governments, since there were no
titles whatever in Poland ; now it seems rather contemptible for
men to complain of tyranny, and to retain the titles given them by
the alleged tyrants ; and Sobieski, King of Poland, spoke bitterly
of " the insane ambition of a plebeian noblesse." It should be
observed, too, that torture was not abolished in Poland till 1770

160 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

We have imperative duties to the Christians of Turkey, because
by an aggressive "war we deprived them of the protection of
Russia, and because we can force the Turks to do them justice
by our fleet alone ; but we have no duties to the Poles, who have
never even been our allies, but were some of our most deter-
mined enemies when we fought with the French ; and, besides,
it is neither the right nor the duty of England to make military
promenades across the territories of friendly nations, and it would
be impossible for us to land an army in Russia and march it into
Poland.

My firm belief is that the true policy of the Poles as a Sclavonian
race in these days, when the principle of nationality is the only
link which can effectually and permanently bind men together, is
to throw in their lot frankry and cordially with Russia, in which
case the Czar would most certainly perforin the promise he made
in 18G1, and which he was prevented from fulfilling by their
•unwise revolution, of restoring to them a liberal constitution. The
Russian Emperor has been the very best friend whom the over-
whelming majority of the Polish nation have ever had, since he
has transformed them from slaves to freemen ; and the difference
in religion should be no bar to a complete union between two
kindred nations, each of whom has something to forgive the other,
since nowadays Protestants live happily in Belgium and else-
where under a Catholic sovereign, and the Pope has recently
declared that nowhere in the world have Roman Catholics such
freedom in the exercise of their religion as in England, where
the Protestants are in an overwhelming and permanent majority.

The Russians have been severely blamed for abolishing the
Polish Constitution after the rebellion, but it seems to be for-
gotten that, on the occasion of an infinitely less serious rebellion
in Jamaica, England adopted precisely the same course, and
abolished the Constitution of Jamaica.

Alison says : — " The cessation of the jealousy and hostility which
had so long subsisted between Russia and Poland, and the opening
of the vast market of Muscovy to Polish industry, was an immense
advantage. Warsaw, which in 1797 had only 66,572 inhabitants,

POLAND FRO^I A COMMON SENSE POINT OF VIEW.

161

rose to 140,000 in 1842. The revenue augmented before 1830
threefold ; and the entire kingdom, which in 1815 had only a
hundred weaving looms, had, in 1830, 6,000 looms ; whilst the
scholars, who were only a few hundreds in 1815, rose to 35,000
in 1830."

To show, in conclusion, that the Poles are not so anti-Eussian
as some pretend, the Times says of the present Diet of Gallicia :
" The leaders of the Polish nobility, rich proprietors, who possess
vast domains in Russia, carefully avoid all that could be construed
as a provocation by the Russian Government, and in regard to
this the governor, Count Potocki, has even gone the length of
disapproving the singing of Polish national airs."

M

162 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

IRELAND THE ENGLISH POLAND.

The exclusion of the great body of the natives from the benefit
of the English law continued for several centuries, from the reign
of Henry II. till that of Elizabeth, and its effect was " to deprive
the whole flrish nation (excepting the five tribes already men-
tioned, the descendants of the colonists, and the inhabitants of
the seaports) of all remedy at law for any injury done them, and
even of all power of suing for redress in any court of justice."

King John landed at Waterford in 1185. "He commenced
by offering personal insults to the Irish chieftains who came to
offer their respects to him as the son of their sovereign (Henry II.).
He and his courtiers plucked their beards, ridiculed their dress
and manners, mimicked their attitudes, and finally turned them
out of the presence."

The Statute of Kilkenny, passed in 1367, " forbade, under pain
of high treason, marriage, fosterage, or gossipred between persons
of English descent and the old Irish families. It also forbade all
persons of English descent to use the Irish language or to adopt
Irish names. ... It strictly forbade the King's subjects in
Ireland to entertain in their houses Irish minstrels, musicians, or
story tellers. It also forbade them to allow an Irish horse to
graze upon their lands."

Richard II. stipulated that MacMurrough, Prince of Leinster,
should quit Leinster by a certain day, having surrendered all the
territories there to His Majesty, his heirs and successors. " His
Majesty gave full licence and encouragement to MacMurrough to
seize upon all such territories belonging to the Irish septs in any
other part of the realm which he could grasp by violence. He
also undertook to pay MacMurrough a pension of eighty marks."

IRELAND THE ENGLISH POLAND. 163

In the reign of Henry V. a statute was passed in England
'•'forbidding all Irish adventurers whatsoever to come into Eng-
land, at the same time ordering all who had already come to
depart without delay. ... It also included the sons of the
Irish nobility, who were then studying in the English Inns of
Court and in the Universities."

" In the year 1463 a Parliament, held at Trim by Fitz-Eustace,
Lord Portchester made a law " that anybody may kill thieves or
robbers, or any person going to steal or rob, having no faithful men
of good name and in the English dress in their company."

After the battle of Knockton,Lord Gormanstown said toKildare,
*f We have beaten our enemies, but in order to finish the good
work we ought now to cut the throats of the Irish Avho have
helped us to do so."

Lord Grey, the English commander, "invited five uncles of
Lord Thomas (Fitzgerald) to a feast, in the midst of which he
treacherously seized them, and sent them in custody to England."
.... Henry VIII. " had them all hanged at Tyburn."

The Government (time of Henry VIII.) " transferred the tithes
to the Protestant clergy, and the greater portion of abbey lands
to powerful laymen, thus throwing on the Catholic people of Ire-
land the support of two Churches, their own and the new one.''

The Lord Lieutenant, Sir William Fitz- William (reign of Eliza-
beth), " marched into Monaghan, seized on the chief of the
McMahons, had him tried and convicted on a false charge of high
treason by a jury of common soldiers, by whom the hapless chief
was murdered on the spot."

By means of anonymous and false charges, and convictions by
packed juries, James I. " confiscated in Ulster 385,000 acres."
. . . . Afterwards he issued " a Commission for the discovery
of defective titles." Sir William Parsons's (the head of this Com-
mission) mode of proceeding was torture and subornation of per-
jury. In the celebrated case of the O'Byrnes of the Kanelaghs, "he
suborned witnesses to swear an accusation against these gentle-
men. . . . He had one witness, named Archer, placed on a
gridiron over a charcoal fire, burned in several parts of his body

M 2

164 A DEFENCE OE RUSSIA..

with hot irons, and barbarously flogged, in order to compel the
wretched man to swear against the two O'Byrnes. . . . When
he was tortured beyond his endurance he promised to swear all
that Parsons wished, and by this diabolical proceeding the pro-
prietors were robbed of their inheritance.''

In 1628 the Catholic, and some of the Protestant, nobility of
Ireland framed a petition to the King, Charles I., requesting the
concession of " certain privileges called the graces "... which
were " security of property, religious liberty, free trade, mitigation
of the severities practised by the Established clergy (Protestant),
abolition of the private prisons kept by that clergy for the incar-
ceration of persons condemned in the Church courts, a free pardon
for all past political offences." . . . For these they offered
him the sum — an enormous one for those days — of £100,000."
. . . Charles took the money, but did not grant the graces !

By means of the Commission to inquire into defective titles
the proprietors were (by Strafford) put upon their trial to show
title. The judges were bribed by four shillings in the pound .on,
the first year's rent of the estates, to be paid them in the event of
a verdict being found for the King. The jurors were also bribed,
and the people were overawed during the trials by the presence of
a strong military force. ... In one or two instances the
jurors stood but against both terror and corruption, for which they
were fined, pilloried, their ears cut off and their tongues bored
through, and their foreheads marked with hot irons " (vide " Jour-
nals of the Irish House of Commons," vol i. p. 307). . . .
" The proprietors were afforded the alternative of redeeming
their estates by the payment of a fine to the Crown for new titles.
. . . Strafford in this manner extorted £17,000 from the
O'Byrnes, and £70,000 from the London Companies to whom
James I. had granted lands in Ulster. ... It has
been asserted that there was a great massacre of the Pro-
testants committed by the Irish Catholics in 1641. No proof
whatever or mention is made of this in the Government docu-
ments or proclamations of the period. Milton says .600,000 were
massacred ; Burton and Temple say 300,000 ; Frankland, May,

IRELAND THE ENGLISH POLAND. 165

and Baker say 200,000; Eapin says 154,000; Warwick says
100,000; Clarendon says 40,000 or 50,000; David Hume says
40,000; Dr. Warner says 4,028." According to Sir William
Petty, tlie best statist of his day, the entire number of Irish
Protestants then only amounted to about 220,000. (So that
the Catholics killed, according to Milton, three times the whole
population and must have killed themselves also, but then one is
puzzled to understand how any Irishmen are still alive.) Dr.
Leland says (Book v. chap. 4.), " The favourite object of the Irish
governors and the English Parliament was the utter extermi-
nation of all the Catholic inhabitants of Ireland." Carter says
("Life of Ormonde," i. 330), " The Lords Justices (!) had set their
hearts on the extirpation, not only of the mere Irish, but likewise
of all the old English families that were Eoman Catholics." Lord
Clarendon (i. 215) says that the Parliamentary party "had
sworn to extirpate the whole Irish nation!" On the 10th
October, 1G48, Charles I. had written to Ormonde, "Be not
startled at my great concessions concerning Ireland, for they
will come to nothing." Charles II. began by confirming the
peace which Ormonde had signed with the confederate Catholics ;
but having landed in Scotland in 1650, he declared " that it was
null and void ; that he did detest and abhor Popery, super-
stition and idolatry, together with prelacy, resolving not to tolerate,
much less to allow those in any part of his dominions, and to
endeavour the extirpation thereof to the utmost of his power."
Cromwell, on taking possession of Drogheda, though he had
promised cpiarter, "massacred the inhabitants in cold blood."
For three days the slaughter continued, and Cromwell, in his
despatch to Parliament, thanked God for tlud great mercy, as he
called it. . . . At Wexford he massacred 300 women who
had assembled at the Cross. . . . The ancient possessions of
the men who had fought for the King were given over to the
hosts of Cromwellian adventurers, and all the loyal Irish who
survived the late war, and who could be collected, were driven
into the province of Connaught, and forbidden to recross the
Shannon under pain of death.

168 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

Charles II., at his restoration, ''confirmed the Cromwellian
party in the estates they had seized from his loyal suffering Irish
Catholic subjects." " The English zealots dragged him (Oliver
Plunket, Archbishop of Armagh) to London, to answer for his
alleged participation in a rebellious conspiracy. He offered to
bring witnesses from Ireland to establish his innocence, but was
refused the time necessary for that purpose. He was of course
found guilty and hanged, though not a tittle of credible evidence
was produced against him. . . ."

The Irish army at the time of the Treaty of Limerick was
15,000 strong. Of these about 12,500 resolved to depart from
Ireland and enter the service of France. They formed the com-
mencement of the Irish Brigade in France.

The English Parliament in 169S presented an address to
William III., praying him to discourage the woollen manufacture
of Ireland. William's answer was : " I shall do all that in me
lies to discourage the woollen manufacture of Ireland, and to
encourage the linen manufacture therein." He did the first and
not the second.

In the reign of Queen Anne an Act, generally known as the
Penal Code, was passed against the Irish. "The Catholics were
thereby rendered incapable of acquiring landed property in fee
or by lease, or for any term longer than thirty-one years; and even
for that limited time they were not permitted to possess an
interest in their land greater than one-third the amount of the
rent, on pain of forfeiting the entire to the good Protestant who
should discover the extent of such interest. ... If the child
of a Papist possessing an estate should conform to Protestantism,
the parent was debarred from disposing of his property by sale,
mortgage, or will, and the Court of Chancery was empowered
to order an annuity out of the estate for the use of such con-
forming child. . . . Catholics were declared incapable of
inheriting the estates of their Protestant relations. The estate of
a Catholic who had not a Protestant heir was to be divided in gavel
among all his children. All men were to be qualified for office,
or for voting at elections, by taking the oath of abjuration, and by

IRELAIST) THE ENGLISH POLANTD 167

receiving the sacrament of the Lord's Supper as administered in
the Established Protestant Church. A Catholic possessing a
horse, no matter of what value, was compelled to surrender the
horse to any Protestant on payment of £5. ... A grant of
£40 per annum was made to every Popish priest who should
embrace the Established religion."

In Gth George I., the English Parliament enacted a law de-
claring itself possessed of full power and authority to make laws
and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the people of
the kingdom of Ireland. The English Parliament also deprived
the Irish House of Lords of its final jurisdiction in cases ot
appeal. ... By the Irish Parliament a Bill was actually
passed by both Houses which decreed a personal penalty on every
Catholic ecclesiastic of so revoltingly indecent a nature, that i
it cannot be explicitly mentioned. . . . This bill did not
pass, being defeated in the English Privy Council.

In 1747 the Protestant Primate, Dr. Stone, "converted his
house into a brothel to win the support of the younger members of
Parliament to his measures, by pandering to their vices.

The Irish Commons in 1735, had granted the Minister new
taxes to the amount of £140,000, on the faith of his conceding to
Ireland certain commercial advantages known as the eleven
propositions. " The Minister took the taxes, but instead of con-
ceding the eleven propositions, he introduced a code of twenty
propositions injurious to Irish commerce, which had been
suggested by the leading English merchants. This code encoun-
tered a powerful, but at first fruitless resistance in the Irish
House of Commons, and the measure was ultimately withdrawn,
an event which the people signalized by an illumination."

In 1795-6 " A persecution, accompanied with all the circum-
stances of ferocious cruelty, then raged in the country. Neither
age nor sex, nor even acknowledged innocence, could excite mercy.
The only crime with which the wretched objects were charged
was the profession of the Roman Catholic faith. A lawless ban-
ditti constituted themselves judges of this new delinquency, and
the sentence they pronounced was equally concise and terrible. It

168 A DEFENCE OF KTJSSIA.

was nothing less than confiscation of property and immediate
banishment " (Lord Gosford's address to the Magistracy of
Armagh, Dublin Journal, 5th January, 1796). Lord Gosford
added, " These horrors are now acting with impunity."

Lord Moira, in his speech in the British House of Lords,
22nd November, 1797, says : —

" I have known a man, in order to extort confession of a sup-
posed crime, or of that of some neighbour, picketed till he actually
fainted ; picketed a second time till he fainted again ; and when
he came to himself, a third time picketed till he once more
fainted, and all this on mere suspicion." " Men had been taken
and hung up till they were half dead, and afterwards threatened
with a repetition of this treatment unless they made a confession
of their imputed guilt. . . . These were not particular acts
of cruelty, but part of a system."

The venial rebellions in Scotland in favour of the Stuart
dynasty were stamped out by England with the most merciless
severity, and Smollett, the poet, novelist, and historian, thus
pathetically describes the barbarities committed in the Highlands
by order of the butcher Cumberland after the battle of Culloden,
in 1746, in the noble verses which he called " The Tears of
Scotland."

THE TEARS OF SCOTLAND.*

By Tobias Smollett (1721—1771).

Mourn, hapless Caledonia! mourn
Thy banished peace, thy laurels torn !
Thy sons, for valour long renowned,
Lie slaughtered on their native ground ;
Thy hospitable roofs no more
Invite the stranger to the door.
In smoky ruins sunk they lie,
The monuments of cruelty.

* This poem was originally written in six stanzas, but on some one repre-
senting to Smollett that such a diatribe against Government would injure his
prospects, he sat down and added the seventh stanza, which is a still stronger
invective.

IRELAND THE ENGLISH POLAND. 169

The wretched owner sees afar
His all become the prey of war,
Bethinks him of his babes and wife,
Then smites his breast and curses life !
Thy swains are famished on the rocks
Where once they fed their wanton flocks ;
Thy ravished virgins shriek in vain,
Thy infants perish on the plain !

What boots it then, in every clime,
Through the wide-spreading waste of time,
Thy martial glory, drowned with praise,
Still shone with undiminished blaze ?
Thy towering spiiit now is broke,
Thy neck is bended to the yoke.
What foreign arms could never quell,
By civil rage and rancour fell.

The rural pipe and merry lay
No more shall cheer the happy day ;
No social scenes of gay delight
Beguile the dreary winter night.
No strains but those of sorrow flow,
And naught be heard but sounds of woe,
While the pale phantoms of the slain
Glide nightly o'er the silent plain.

Oh, baneful cause ! oh, fatal morn !
Accursed to ages yet unborn !
The sons against their father stood,
The parent shed his children's blood.
Yet when the rage of battle ceased
The victor's soul was not appeased :
The naked and forlorn must feel
Devouring flames and murdering steel !

The pious mother, doomed to death,
Forsaken wanders o'er the heath ;
The bleak wind whistles round her head,
Her helpless orphans cry for bread.
Bereft of shelter, food, and friend,
She views the shades of night descend,
And, stretched beneath the inclement skies,
Weeps o'er her tender babes and dies.

170 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

"While the warm blood bedews my vein?,
And unimpaired remembrance reigns,
Resentment of my country's fate
"Within my filial breast shall beat.
And, spite of her insulting foe,
My sympathising verse shall flow.
Mourn, hapless Caledonia, mourn
Thy banished peace, thy laurels torn !

BENEVOLENT DESPOTISM. 171

A BENEVOLENT DESPOTISM BETTER THAN
OPPRESSIVE PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT.

Mr. Freeman, in his valuable work on the Ottoman Govern-
ment, writes as follows : —

"A king who rules despotically over several nations will often
rule them better than if he ruled with a common Parliament for
all of them ; for a well-disposed despot may deal equal justice to
all the nations under his rule, and may not rule in the interest of
any one nation in particular. But in a common Parliament of
two or more nations which have .a mutual dislike, that nation
which has the greatest numbers will outvote the others, and all
legislation will be done in the interest of the dominant nation
only. To take one instance only. The Germans who were
under the rule of the Danish kings, complained much less while
the Danish kings ruled despotically, than they did after Denmark
had a free Constitution. And now that things are turned about,
now that some Danes are under German rule, they have still less
chance of being heard than the Germans had who were under
Danish rule."

After the Revolution, the course of taking the law into
their own hands (and being thus prosecutors, judge, and jury),
appears to have been resorted to by the House of Commons ;
and the journals from that period to the year 1768 are full of
cases, to the number of several hundreds, in which the House of
Commons, who cannot examine witnesses on oath, entertained
complaints of breach of privilege by members in respect of matters

172 A- DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

having no soi't of connection with, their public character. The
following are a few of the instances in which such complaints
were referred to a Committee of Privileges — bringing actions
against them, proceeding in Chancery against them, delivering
declarations in ejectment, driving away their cattle, digging
their coals, cutting their woods, breaking down their fences,
ploughing up their lands, killing their rabbits, fishing in their
ponds, breaking open their gates and driving over their fields,
distraining upon their lands, taking goods which they had pre-
viously distrained, erecting buildings on their wastes, distraining
upon their tenants and arresting or suing their servants. Some
of the instances of privilege are sufficiently ludicrous. Picking
a member's pocket and delivering an exorbitant bill of costs were
held breaches of privilege ; whilst on the other hand Dr. Steward's
servant, who had unluckily been "committed to prison for getting
a woman Avith child," claimed and was allowed his privilege. In
the greater number of these cases questions of private right were
in controversy which ought to have been tried at law, and with
which privilege had nothing whatever to do. Yet under this
colour they were brought under the jurisdiction of the House,
and the parties complained of were frequently ordered into cus-
tody without being even heard in their defence. The consequences
may be easily imagined. In general, the unfortunate individuals
abandoned their claims, and made satisfaction to the members ;
in others, where they were more obstinate, they were chiefly
committed to prison.

One of these cases is thus stated by Lord Brougham in Mr.
Long "Wellesley's case, Euss. and My, 659 : "In the year 17.VJ
an action of trespass for breaking and entering a fishery was tried
in the House of Commons, to the lasting opprobrium of Parlia-
mentary privilege, to the scandal and disgrace of the House of
Parliament that tried it, and to the astonishment and alarm of
all good men, whether lawyers or laymen. Admiral Griffin made
complaint to the House, whereof he was a member, that three
men, whose names were stated, had broken into and entered his
fishery at Plymouth, had taken the fish therefrom, and destroyed

BENEVOLENT DESroTISM. 173

the nets therein ; and the House forthwith, instead of indignantly
and in mockery of such a pretension, dismissing the charge, and
censuring him who made it, ordered the defendants in the tres-
pass, for so they must be called, to be committed into the custody
of the Sergeant-at-arms. They were committed into that custody
accordingly. They were brought to the bar of the House of
Commons, and there on their knees they confessed their fault.
They promised never again to offend the admiral by interfering
with his alleged right of fishery, and upon this confession and
promise they were discharged on paying their fees. So that, by
way of privilege, a trespass was actually tried by the plaintiff
himself, sitting in judgment against his adversary the defendant,
and the judge (for in this case the House and the complaining
party must be considered as identical) was pleased to decide in
his own favour."

From the manner in which the case is stated by Lord Brougham,
it might be supposed that he considered it as a solitary instance
in times so recent of so gross an abuse of privilege. But this is
not so. There are several subsequent cases, and one so lately as
1768, of a precisely similar character (Commons' Journals,
vol. xxxi. p. 540).

In 1667 the right of fishing at Coton, on the River Thame, was
in dispute between Mr. Luttrell, a member of the House, and a
gentleman of the name of Adderley. On the 1st December, 1767,
Mr. Luttrell complained to the House "that in breach of the
privilege of this House, Henry Fidler, John Baker, and Matthew
Barrow had, by the instigation of Charles Bowyer Adderley, Esq.,
forcibly entered upon his fishery and taken fish thereout." The
matter was referred to the Committee of Privileges. The com-
mittee heard witnesses to prove the title of Mr. Luttrell and
the fact of trespass on the one hand, and to prove the title of
Mr. Adderley on the other. The witnesses, of course, were not
examined upon oath (the House not having power to administer
an oath) ; the evidence received was, as may be imagined, for the
most part inadmissible at law ; and upon the whole matter the
committee came to the following resolution (which was adopted

174 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

by the House) : — " Resolved, that it is the opinion of this com-
mittee that Henry Fidler hath not, by the instigation of Charles
Adderley, Esq., forcibly entered upon a fishery at Coton, on the
River Thame, the property of and in possession of Simon Lut-
trell, Esq., a member of this House, and taken fish thereout in
breach of the privilege of this House." Similar resolutions were
passed with respect to Baker and Barrow.

Whether the committee meant to decide that no forcible entry
had been made, or that it had not been done by the instigation
of Adderley, or that the fishery was not the property of Mr.
Luttrell, or that he was not in possession of it, or that the tres-
pass was not a breach of the privilege of the House, it is difficult,
and, indeed, not very important, to understand.

"In 1G41 it was ordered by the Commons that no member
shall either give a copy, or publish or print anything relating t-o
the proceedings of the House ; and that all members of the House
are enjoined to deliver out no copy or notes of anything that is
brought into the House, or propounded or agitated in the House ;
and that it is a breach of the privilege of this House for any
person whatsoever to print or publish in print anything relating
to the proceedings of the House, without the leave of the House.
Formerly persons brought to the bar of either House of
Parliament had to kneel, but the practice is now discontinued
since the refusal of Mr. Murray to kneel when brought up at the
bar of the House of Commons in 1750. For this refusal he was
declared guilty of ' a high and most dangerous contempt of the
authority and privilege of this House,' and was committed close
prisoner to Newgate, and was not allowed the use of pen, ink,
and paper."

I conclude this chapter by quoting Macaulay's opinion of the
House of Commons, which shows that he, though a most success-
ful debater as well as a brilliant writer, had a very contemptuous
opinion of its judgment as regards oratory : —

" A place in which I would not promise success to any man. I
have great doubts even about Jeffrey. It is the most peculiar
audience in the world. I should say that a man's being a good

BENEVOLENT DESPOTISM. 175

■writer, a good orator at the bar, a good mob orator, or a good
orator in debating clubs, was rather a reason for expecting him to
fail than for expecting hini to succeed in the House of Commons.
A place where Walpoie succeeded and Addison failed, where
Dundas succeeded and Burke failed, where Peel now succeeds
and where Mackintosh fails, where Erskine and Scarlett were
dinner bells, where Laurence and Jekyll, the two wittiest men, or
nearly so, of their time, were thought bores, is surely a very
strange place."

Mr. Parnell had the audacity to say of the House of Commons : —
" We have only been at work two months, and they, the English
members, would be glad to be rid of us. But I don't know what
state of mind they wall be in when the end of the session comes.
Nor can they devise a plan to stop us. If we had only ten men
we could put a stop to all their work. If we can't meet them in
the field with cold steel, we have yet a weapon left to us. Ireland
knows that it would be futile to resort to arms for the restitution
of her rights, and that the lives of her sons would be thrown
away. But we must use the weapon we have until England learns
sense, by inflicting inconvenience' upon her, by paying her back
measure for measure, returning insult for insult, and thus have
vengeance upon her.

"If he were to tell them that the Speaker was a man of great
ability, but that he looked upon Home Rule members much as a
trapper would look upon vermin, he would, in all probability, incur
his displeasure and the consequences of that displeasure. There
was an innate feeling of snobbery among the English consti-
tuencies which compelled the members to become snobs them-
selves, and to bow to the House. Mr. Biggar and himself had
shown them that it was not necessary to take their tone from the
House."

Mr. Egerton, in " Sybil," says in 1839, as to speeches in the
House — " Fishy is down, Boshy is up."

The House of Commons is about the clumsiest and most ill-
contrived machine for the transaction of business which coidd
possibly be imagined. It sits usually from four in the afternoon

i

1 76 A DEFENCE OF 11USSIA.

till an indefinite hour in the morning, fifty embryo Acts of
Parliament being sometimes on the paper for discussion on a.
single day, and it is absolutely impossible that the affairs of the
nation can be efficiently discussed and settled after dinner in
the dog days, when the majority of members, wearied out with
the fatigues of the day, are half asleep. The House of Lords does
not condemn itself to any such late hours, and neither the courts of
law, vestry, parochial, county, or other meetings take place in the
middle of the night; but, if this post prandial system is a good one,
all other business meetings should be made equally nocturnal, and
the dull lees of the human intellect must be esteemed better than
its sparkling wine ; but, perhaps, with our English dislike of logic,
we have invented this system, which is not followed by any other
country, or even by our own colonies, in order to avoid the
insupportable evil of being consistent and like other nations who
are idiotic enough to be logical. This owlish system of legisla-
tion injures the health and shortens the lives of most members,
but, like the Medes and Persians, English legislators, afraid of their
own shadow, have always been apt to answer as the Barons did,
when it was proposed to establish the just and humane Scotch
law of legitimacy for the Draconian and wicked English system
which still exists of visiting on children the frailties of their
parents, and preventing the latter, however willing, from doing
them justice, " Nolumus mutari legum Anglic1,''

Every session, at the massacre of the innocents, we sacrifice
that largo and sometimes greater portion of the session which has
been spent in introducing and advancing measures up to, it may
be, the third and last reading, instead of, as common sense (which
is the most uncommon commodity in the world) would prescribe,
resuming measures in the next session at the point at which they
were left in the preceding session.

Another illustration of the folly and imbecility of Parliament
is, that it allowed a minority of only five members, whose sole
object was killing time by useless and mischievous adjournments,
on a recent occasion to trot the other members round the treadmill
of the division lobbies till about six the following afternoon in

BENEVOLENT DESPOTISM. 177

eighteen successive divisions ; but on a former occasion victory
remained with the five, who compelled the House to beat an igno-
minious retreat ; just as you may see a little one chasing a whole
flock of sheep, any one of which, if it had only the necessary
courage and sense, could cut short its existence in a single
moment ; and tolerating from them, with a patience they seldom
display to modest members, interminable speeches like bags of
wind with nothing in them, which might be stopped by limiting
the duration of speeches, as in the French and other assemblies,
and the compulsory closing of the debate, which no minority com-
plains of in any other country.

Again, when a Scotch Bill, for instance, is under discussion, you
will hardly see a single English or Irish member present in the
House, as they do not understand Scotch laws and customs, yet
all the other business of the country is suspended during the pro-
gress of Scotch business, which might be avoided by the simple
expedient (recommended by the liighest living authority on this
subject) of Grand Committees which could elaborate Scotch and
Irish legislation, like existing Committees on Private Bills, and
then the Bills could come before the full House on the report or
third reading, after the garrulous members had talked themselves
hoarse. It would almost seem as if we might do well to take a
lesson from even the Ottoman Parliament as to the best means of
conducting business, or we could teach them the secret of doing
the minimum of work with the maximum of fatigue and the
greatest possible expenditure of time. I may add that the
English system of starving juries into a spurious unanimity and
of restricting their verdict, even in trials for murder, to guilty or
not guilty, is a reproach to the age ; and in Scotland, juries decide
by a majority, as common sense prescribes ; and when the evidence
of guilt is, as in the trial of Madeleine Smith (which I attended),
very strong but insufficient to justify conviction, their verdict by a
majority was " not proven," thus branding her with a well-merited
stigma, rather than hang a possibly innocent, but probably guilty
person.

As a sample of the intelligence and political ability of the

N

178 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

country party, as they call themselves, I subjoin the following
extract from the World : —

" Should a member of any one of those foreign nationalities,
which are so often and so fervently admonished to take a lesson
in the art of constitutional government from this country, happen
to have made a personal study of the House of Commons towards
the close of last Session, or of the progress of the contested elec-
tion recently held in North Northamptonshire, he may be pardoned
if he has failed to discern the peculiar excellences of the British
representative system. Lord Burghley naively said to the electors,
' You know all about who I am ; you have read my address ; you
know what my principles are, and whether you agree with them
or whether you don't, don't much matter.' This is perfectly true;
and with this frank statement of facts, his lordship's constituents
ought to have been content. The sequel shows either that Lord
Burghley, in a spirit of military gallantry, volunteered to under-
take a task for which he was not equal, or that his agents were
culpably negligent in repressing inconvenient inquiries. One
elector wanted to know what his future representative thought
about County Boards. Lord Burghley, with great acumen,
detected what is commonly called a ' sell ' in the inquiry. ' You
are trying,' he said, ' to catch me. You tell me your opinion,
and I will then tell you mine.' The answer came at last. His
lordship perceived that he Avas not the victim of any hoaxing or
disingenuous conundrum, and with much readiness said, ''Why,
with reference to County Boards — I have not read of them
before.' The following elegant extract from a report of the
Wellingborough Neics will convey the best notion of the lively and
edifying scene :

" ' Mr. Thomas Watts wished to know why a man living in
a town was more entitled to vote than a man living in the country.
(Hear, hear.)

" ' Lord Burghley : I suppose if you live in a borough, as I
apprehend you do, you are a better man than if you lived in
the country.

" ' Mr. Watts : I want your opinion, not mine

BENEVOLENT DESPOTISM. 179

" 'Lord Burghley : My opinion is much the same — (laughter) —
knowing little of politics as I do. (Laughter.) I suppose you
wish to hear a little more, although my lungs are cracking. I
really can't last out much longer. I have got two ears, but only
one mouth. (Roars of laughter.)

" ' Mr. Watts : Were you afraid the army was going out to the
East, and was that the reason you left it %

" ' Lord Burghley : " Sir, I am an Englishman ; you are an
Englishman ; and I am almost ashamed, and I think it rather an
insult for one Englishman to say to another Englishman, in so
many words, that he ran away. (Loud cheers.)

" i Mr. Thos. Watts (excitedly) : I have read in the history of
my country of ears being slit and of noses being cut off. Who
did it %

" ' Lord Burghley : Well now, gentlemen, I can't talk to you
much longer, because I shall bu'st if I do. (Loud laughter.) '

" Not the slightest political significance can be attached to the
immense majority by which Lord Burghley defeated Captain
Wyatt-Edgell. The Liberal candidate was indeed ostensibly sup-
ported by the great Whig families who are influential in North-
amptonshire. As a matter of fact this support was thoroughly
insincere and practically worthless. Captain Edgell, to judge
from his speeches and his conduct throughout the election, is a
sensible sort of person, and he ought to have known from the first
that he was not the man to whom the Whigs would give their
personal service or influence. He is not connected with any one
of the great Whig houses ; he is not within the charmed circles ;
he has not even gone through the show of initiation into the exclu-
sive mysteries. Had a Spencer, a Cavendish, or a Gordon been
forthcoming, it is likely enough that the election would have had
a different result. But if Captain Wyatt-Edgell really expected
that his Whig friends would give him the slightest assistance as
against Lord Burghley, he can know very little either of English
politics in general or of local politics in particular."
I

2 N

180 A XEFENOE OF RT'SSEA.

REFUTATION OF COLONEL MANSFIELD.

Colonel Mansfield's report, instead of being original and the
result of enquiries made by him on tbe spot, is merely a repro-
duction of tbe correspondence in tbe foreign Polish gazettes, such
as the Gazette Narodoica and the Dziennik Polshi of Lemberg. It,
therefore, is a document of no sort of authority or value.

Colonel Mansfield reports, on 21st September, 1871, that an
Imperial ordinance had been issued, in virtue of which the hetero-
dox Churches in Poland had been placed under the authority of
the Holy Synod, and he adds that its evident object was the
forced entrance of the United Greeks into the fold of the ortho-
dox Church. The fact is, however, not only that no such ordi-
nance exists, but that the authority of the Holy Synod cannot
possibly extend beyond its own fold, and that never at any time
has any one of the heterodox Churches been even temporarily
placed under its superintendence ; and why, one wonders, did not
Colonel Mansfield forward a copy of this supposed ordinance, if a
forged one has been palmed on his credulity 1 After the insurrec-
tion of 1863-4, the administration of the United Greek diocese of
Chelm, recognising the danger which menaced the United Greek
Church, and with it Russian or Ruthenian nationality from the
Latin Church and Polonism, took in hand to purify the United
Greek rite from all foreign admixture, and amongst other things
the use of organs in churches, and on the 2nd October, 1873, the
Consistory of the United Greeks of Chelm ordered by circular that
from the 1st January, 1874, the Oriental rite should be strictly
observed in all the churches of the diocese, without, however,

REFUTATION OF COLONEL MANSFIELD. 18 1

separating from the Catholic Church. This ordinance had so much
the more authority since it was based on the very act of the
Union several times confirmed by the Popes in the course of cen
turies, and it was accepted by nearly all those interested.

However, in several places, such as Horodyszeze and othei
parishes of the Government of Seidlce, the peasants seized the
keys of the church, or penetrating with violence into the
churches during the celebration of divine service, began vociferat-
ing and insulting the priests, to force them to officiate accord-
ins; to the half Latinised rite. The local administration being:
unable to quell these tumults, a military force had to be employed,
and after several soldiers and officers had been wounded by stones
from the mob, and barricades had been constructed to prevent
entrance into a church, the soldiers had to fire in self-defence,
and in all ten men were killed and fourteen wounded in the whole
of the united Greek insurrection, whilst no one was flogged, as
was asserted.

In February, 1874, order was re-established everywhere but
in a few isolated parishes, where the peasants did not attend the
churches or seek the services of the priests for their religious
wants ; but, on some of the ringleaders being arrested, and on
fines never exceeding £60 being imposed on some of the Com-
munes, these disturbances ceased.

On May 23rd, 1874, a Papal Bull was issued by Pius IX. in
i tpposition to the decisions of his predecessors, blaming the before-
mentioned circular of the diocesan administration of Cholm,
and exhorting the Uniats not to submit to it. The agitation on
the publication of this Bull was received and spread over thirty-
three parishes of Seidlce. The peasants directed their hostility
principally against the priests, who had strictly obeyed the cir-
cular ; and in many places, not content with forcing from them
the keys of the churches, they drove them and their families from
their houses. The military had then again to be sent for, and
were quartered in the disturbed parishes until tranquillity was re-
established, but no physical force was used.

A curious circumstance is that the Circular of October 2, 1873,

182 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

was received without any opposition by the United Greek popu-
lation of Lublin, where it is more numerous, and only met with a
twice repeated resistance from the Uniats of Siedlce. The Papal
Bull, too, failed in its effect at Lublin, the reason being that at
Lublin the Uniats are established in large and compact masses, while
in Siedlce they are isolated from each other by numerous Roman
Catholic communes, contrary to what Colonel Mansfield asserts.

Fatigued at last by the pressure undergone from their Roman
Catholic neighbours, and wishing to get rid for the future of these
lamentable results, several United Greek communes — in the first
place six — spontaneously formed the idea to re-enter the circle of
the orthodox Church. This initiative produced a great effect,
and the example was speedily followed by forty-five parishes in
Siedlce, who addressed a petition to the Governor demanding
authority to pass over to orthodoxy.

The Government decided to proceed with the utmost circum-
spection, and only to accede to the demands which were the free
expression of a general desire of those interested, and it demanded
that the petitions in question should be accompanied by communal
decisions with reference to this matter, besides which individuals
were sent to investigate on the spot if these acts were really
spontaneous.

After these precautions had been satisfactorily adopted, forty-
five parishes were admitted into the orthodox Church on the 12th
of January, 1875, and on forty-four other parishes petitioning for
the same favour, seven of them were refused because the demand
had not been general and spontaneous.

In April and May this example was followed by the United
Greeks of Souwalki and Lublin, and in the same way, after the
disruption of the Church of Scotland in 1843, large numbers of
Presbyterians, tired of the squabbles between the Free Church
and the Establishment, sought and obtained admission into the
fold of the Episcopal Church of Scotland.

I have to remark, in conclusion, on this subject is, that it can
hardly be a matter of importance to Russia, which contains
60,120,996 orthodox Greeks, to force even the whole 246,485

KEFTJTATTON OF COLONEL MANSFIELD. 183

United Greeks in Poland into the orthodox fold, still less the
minority, which has, after all this fuss, actually joined it ; and one
does not understand, if these eighty-two congregations of United
Greeks were forced to return to the orthodox fold, why the greater
number who still remain outside it are not equally compelled to
enter, and why, too, they do not attempt to compel the four-and-
a-half millions of Polish Catholics to rejoin the Greek Church,
as the ferocious Catholics of France tried to force the Huguenots
into the Eomanish faith hy persecution, exile, and massacres.
Mr. Gladstone informs us that so far from the Russians being prone
to proselytise, "Russia has paid to the Mahometan religion a respect
so profound that missionary efforts are actually put down, a course
we do not adopt, even in India;" and, as I have already stated, they
rejected seven parishes which they might have secured because the
desire for union was not sufficiently spontaneous and general.

It is quite evident that in proportion as the temporal power of
the Pope has become weaker, his spiritual rule has become more
exacting, and it is absolutely despotic since the whole temporal
power has vanished. Formerly, in cases of mixed marriages of
Protestants and Catholics, the boys were brought up in the religion
of the father, and the girls in that of the mother ; now the Pope
cruelly refuses to permit any Catholic to marry a Protestant,
unless the Protestant will promise to educate all the children in the
Romish superstition. Then again, the unparalleled absurdity of the
doctrine of the infallibilty of the Pope has been forced down the
reluctant throats of the Catholics all over the world by the
present tyrannical Pope, and in the case of these Uniats he has
illegally deprived them of the liberty of their reforming rite secured
by the article of the union with the Catholic Church.

Yet so inconsistent and unscrupulous is the Roman Catholic
Church, that they allow the priests of the United Greeks to marry
and to preserve other distinctive features of their former creed, so
that in two adjoining communes in Poland, for instance, there
are often two priests who might each have a foot in the territory
of the other, and one of these, a United Greek, is allowed by the
Pope to marry, whilst, if the Roman Catholic priest, his neighbour,

184 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

married, he would be driven with ignominy from his Church —
excommunicated like Luther — and if he died unrepentant, and
without repudiating his wife, he would be adjudged to have gone
to the region of eternal punishment ; in fact, it seems as if in
case Luther had been a United Greek, he might possibly not have
instituted the Reformation.

Sydney Smith wittily characterises Popery as posture and
imposture, flections and genuflections, bowing to the right, curt-
seying to the left, and an immense amount of man millinery.

I may add, as the Roman Catholics are so addicted to trumping
up false charges against Russia, with reference to its conduct to
their co-religionists, and the United Greeks in Poland, that Count
Valerian Krasinski, a Protestant Pole, whom I personally knew,
says in his " Historical Sketch of the Rise, Progress, and Decline of
the Reformation in Poland " (published by Murray in 2 vols, in
1838), " The Protestant cause attained in that country (Poland)
in the course of half a century such a degree of strength that its
final triumph over Romanism seemed to be quite certain. Yet,
notwithstanding this advantageous position, it was overthrown,
and nearly destroyed in the course of another half century. TJiis
extraordinary reaction was not effected by the strong hand of a lerjedly
constituted authority, as was the case in Italy, Spain, and some
other countries, hit by a bigoted and unprincipled faction, acting not
with the assistance, but in opposition to the laics of the country. . .
The Jesuits,*' who defended in that country the interests of Rome,
being unable to combat their antagonists with fire and sword,
adopted other measures, which inflicted on Poland calamities more
severe than those which might have been produced by bloody con-
flicts between religious parties. . . the odious maxim that no
faith should be kept with heretics was continually advocated by them.
. . The public schools were for a long time almost exclusively
conducted by them. This measure produced its natural conse-
quences ; science and literature were almost annihilated ; and
Poland, which had made rapidstrides in every kind of improve-
ment during the sixteenth century instead of advancing, retro-
* Qui cum Jesu non itis Jesuitis.

REFUTATION OF COLONEL MANSFIELD. 185

graded with equal rapidity. The celebrated Jesuit Skarga, who
lived at the end of the sixteenth, and beginning of the seventeenth
century, complains that more than 2,000 Eomanist Churches were
made into Protestant ones, but there are now only 327,S15
Protestants in Poland.

The Eoman Catholic Church of all others should be the most
chary of bandying reproaches, since its cruelties and absurdities
are infinitely greater than those of all the other Churches put
together ; and, within the last few weeks, Cardinal Antonelli, the
favourite minister and confidant of Pio Xono, who died in the
odour of sanctity, is proved to have been a hypocrite, a thoroughly
immoral man, and that he expended no less a sum than .£80,000
in bringing up and educating one of his illegitimate children, the
Countess Lambertini.

The Tablet is evidently totally unable to reply to my facts and
arguments on the treatment of the Polish Uniats, for in an article
in reply to what I wrote in the Press and St. James's Chronicle on
that subject, in which I had inadvertently and incorrectly stated
that Colonel Mansfield was married to a Polish lady, instead
of, as is the fact, that she is an Ultramontane pervert, they said
that this mistake alone invalidated all that I had said.

I will wind up this chapter by quoting the appalling picture
which Sir James Stephen drasvs of the crimes of the Papacy,
which certainly cannot be paralleled in the history of the
Patriarchs of the Greek Church, who have been usually men of the
highest character : —

" Except in the annals of Eastern despotisms, no parallel can be
found for the disasters of the Papacy during the century and a
half which followed the extinction of the Carlovingian dynasty.
Of the twenty-four Popes who during that period ascended the
apostolic throne, two were murdered, five were driven into exile,
four were deposed, and three resigned their hazardous dignity.
Some of these Vicars of Christ were raised to that awful pre-
eminence by arms and some by money. Two received it from the
hands of princely courtesans. One was self-appointed. A well-
filled purse purchased one papal abdication ; the promise of a fair

186 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

bride another. One of these holy fathers pillaged the treasury,
fled with the spoil, returned to Borne, ejected his substitute, and
mutilated him in a manner too revolting for description. In one
page of this dismal history we read of the disinterred corpse of a
former Pope brought before his successor to receive a retrospective
sentence of deposition, and in the next we find the judge himself
undergoing the same posthumous condemnation, though without
the same filtlry ceremonial. Of these heirs of St. Peter, one entered
on his infallibility in his eighteenth year, and one before he had
seen his twelfth summer. One, again, took to himself a coadjutor
that he might command, in person, such legions as Rome then
sent into the field. Another, Judas-like, agreed for certain pieces
of silver to recognize the Patriarch of Constantinople as universal
Bishop. All sacred things had become venal ; crime and de-
bauchery held revel in the Vatican, while the afflicted Church,
wedded at once to three husbands (such was the language of the
times), witnessed the celebration of as many rival masses in the
metropolis of Christendom." — Edinburgh Review, No. 164.

Here is Truth's account of Saint Antonelli : — " Paying the other
day a visit, I found two young ladies, with arms round each
other's waist, deep in the ' Peerage.' A delicate forefinger of one
of the fair creatures ran along the printed lines of the volume,
stopping at short intervals. At each pause she said, ' It can't be
this one.' I did not wish to eavesdrop ; but so charming was the
unconsciously formed tableau vivant, that it went against me to
disturb it. I do not know how long I might have remained
listening and admiring, if the girl who was not pointing had not
cast her eyes towards a pier-glass. Seeing me reflected there, she
turned round and said, with the artless grace of her age, ' How
nice of you to drop in just as we're trying to find out what
duchess married when Cardinal Antonelli's daughter was a very
little baby. Of course, you know all about the scandal. Were
you not in Borne in 1855 1 Can you remember what English
girls of very high rank used to ride that year on the Campagna.
and which of them was most intimate at the Borghese' palace ? '
I could have told, but I held my tongue.

REFUTATION OP COLONEL MANSFIELD. 187

" I am not surprised at the Countess Lambertini's claim to the
37,000,000 fr. at which Antonelli's fortune is estimated. What
I wonder at is, that there are not a great many other claimants.
The Cardinal ever evinced a repugnance for holy orders. To be a
deacon, he was obliged to take a vow of celibacy ; but he knew
himself too well to become a priest, and in all his life never
confessed a penitent. Numerous were the young Romans whom
he brought up and settled. The daughter of a Portuguese singer
was watched by him with paternal fondness from her cradle up-
wards. A boy now in the Papal Guard often visited him in his
rooms in the Vatican, and never left him without a handsome
present. The Cardinal bought an estate near Terracina for this
youth, who was the son of a Sicilian Abbess. His Eminence was
lavish in his generosity to the daughter of a diplomatic Count and
Countess from Munich.

"In his will, Antonelli repudiated with virtuous indignation the
reports wicked men had spread about the immensity of his fortune
and its origin. He derived, he said, the best part of it from his
respectable father, who was a farmer at Sonnina. In England
this was believed ; in Rome it was not.

" The respectable father left eight children, and unless a loaves
and fishes miracle was performed at the cutting up of his estate,
what fell to each inheritor could not have been a fat portion.
There were five sons and three daughters ; and Jacopo was the
fifth child. An excellent family man was this Prince of the
Church. His relations were shrewd, avaricious contadini, but
close-mouthed and reliable. He was not ashamed of them ;
and they served him faithfully in transacting financial business.

" Cardinal Antonelli was concerned with the financialists of
Louis Napoleon. His brother Angelo, under the pretext of being
sent to Paris to surve'dler Sacconi, the Nuncio, went there to
operate with Mires — the patron, by-the-bye, of Louis Veuillot.
Angelo, on the downfall of that financialist, got hold of a
Viennese clerk of Rothschild's, a handsome, impudent fellow,
gifted with a florid kind of eloquence. He advised him to be
converted and to enter orders, and he secretly pushed him on at

188 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

the Tuileries, where the Hebrew priest, who was at once raised to
red stockings, became a prodigious favourite of the ladies, the
confessor of the Empress, and cut out the beau, Xigra.

" Filippe Antonelli, another brother, was also a financialist.
He was the Cardinal's man of straw at the Roman Bank, of which
he was the manager. Filippe is counted the most miserly man in
Rome. He lives in a small house at Santa Agata alia Suburra,
and bears the title of Count.

" G-regcrio, the eldest brother, is the gentleman of the family.
His special function was to look after the Cardinal's children, and
to negotiate hush-money payments. His son Agostino was the
uncle's favourite, and was obliged by him to marry a daughter
of the Countess Garcia. It was stipulated, however, that this
marriage was only to be a Platonic partnership. The niece-in-
law was given a royal dower, and was bequeathed the Cardinal's
silver-gilt breakfast-service, which he prayed her not 'to lock up,
but use freely.' Since his death she has gone to live in Paris.

" Signora Marconi, who adopted the girl Loreta, was a fine-
looking Roman lady, without an avowable income. She kept a
political salon, received a mixed company, was well with the
Monsignori, went to the Borghese receptions, and was suspected
of taking secret-service money from three great Empires. Since
1870 she has professed herself a Garibaldian."

Pope Pius IX., who has for years ignored King Victor
Emanuel, and repulsed his advances, has now, it is said, written
an autograph letter urging his Majesty to bulk the inquiry.

XHE INDIAN NIGHTMARE. 189

THE INDIAN NIGHTMAEE.

Me. Laing, formerly Finance Minister in India, in his
thoughtful speech on the Eastern Question in the recent debate,
though labouring under the unusual disadvantage of thoroughly
understanding the subject which he discussed, has shown us as
clearly as any proposition in Euclid, that it is impossible for
Eussia successfully to invade India, as an army of only 50,000
Eussians would require 100,000 camels, 75,000 horses, and half
a million of camp followers if they operated on the side of
Afghanistan ; while even if they acquired the Euphrates Valley
as far as the Persian Gulf and forced on us, in spite of our
strenuous opposition, the enormous benefit of a railway to that
point, at a ruinous loss to themselves (as the French compelled
our reluctant acceptance of the inestimable benefits of the Suez
Canal), the British Fleet could prevent a Eussian army even from
embarking on the Persian Gulf to invade India on that side.

He further quoted Lord Hardinge's statement: — "As to a
Eussian invasion of India, depend upon it, it is a political night-
mare; " and the Duke of Wellington's opinion : " Lord Hardinge
is quite right. Eely upon it you have nothing to apprehend
from Eussia in that quarter." In fact, the Eussians could more
easily conquer China, with which it is already conterminous, and
which contains treble the population of India.

Mr. Mackenzie Wallace, after an exhaustive study of Eussia
during six years, in his recent work, which has been most favour-
ably noticed by all the most influential organs of the Press, says
respecting this Indian Scare : — " If we could not repel the inva-
sion of Eussia, we have no right to hold India. ... If the
l

"90 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

native populations are so disaffected, it follows that our vaunted
civilizing influence is merely a fine name for rule by terrorism."
The great majority of the Eussophobists at the " west-end,"
however, in spite of any amount of incontrovertible facts and
xmanswerable arguments from such pre-eminent authorities as
the Duke of "Wellington and Lord Hardinge, are determined to
believe in the Indian Scare, as it suits their wild and unpatriotic
purpose of driving the nation into a war with our old and faithful
ally Eussia, to rivet the chains of the " unspeakable Turk " on
the wretched Christians of that effete empire, on the specious
pretext of British interests, and they are, or affect to be, as
credulous on this subject as the "west-end " generally is about the
ghost which is supposed to haunt one of the houses in Berkeley -
square ; and if the facts are against their favourite theories they
simply say, " So much the worse for the facts."

Though it is self-evident that Eussia cannot conquer India, it
is quite possible that the people of India, after another mutiny,
might obtain their independence ; and I purpose, therefore, now
to show what is the pecuniary value of India to us.

The very idea of such a supposed misfortune as the loss of
India is enough to take away the breath of most Englishmen,
who very erroneously suppose that India is, as it were, the key-
stone of the arch on which the whole fabric of British prosperity
rests, and that if such an event happened we must prepare for
national bankruptcy and ruin, and for the speedy appearance of
Macaulay's New Zealander, to contemplate the ruins of what was
once a great country from a broken arch of London Bridge.

Mr. Bright, however, and many other men of eminence, so far
from being anxious to retain India at any cost, are in favour of our
educating the various peoples of India to self-government, and
that, as soon as this can be effected, we should then leave the
country to govern itself, just as we gave up our rule over the
Ionian Islands ; and it seems strange that when even the
Sultan has given a Constitution to Turkey, we should not give
one considerably more liberal and effective to India.

So far from the possession of India being an unalloyed benefit

THE INDIAN NIGHTMARE. 191

to us or to them, it involves very considerablo drawbacks. It is
an appalling consideration for England to have the responsibility
for the happiness and well-being of nearly 200,000,000 of people
resting on its shoulders, and to have no certanty that we govern
them with their free consent, and that if a plebiscite were taken
we should not be bound in honour to leave the country.

It is now a settled maxim of English policy that if Canada,
Australia, or any other colony wished to separate from us and
become independent, we should say, as General Scott and a larg9
minority of the Americans said on the occasion of the Secession,
11 Wayward sisters, go in peace;" but the British trade with
Canada and Australia alone is £61,678,583, or about 10 percent,
more than that of India ; and how could we consistently reimpose
our sway on India if another mutiny drove us out, and a stable
government was formed, or if we granted India a free Constitu-
tion and an overwhelming majority voted against the continuance
of our rule ?

The possession of India, in the opinion of most statesmen,
compels the retention of the abominable and disgraceful opium
traffic, which produced £8,556,629, out of a total Indian revenue
of £50,570,171 in 1873-74, or more than a sixth ; and this trade
involves us in periodical wars with China, to force the Govern-
ment of that country to allow their people, at the point of tho
bayonet, to receive this deleterious drug, which has more than
anything else demoralized a nation numbering about half tho
human race. Again, we have to keep up a force of about 70,000
British troops in India, the result being that, in case of an in-
vasion of England or an European war, our military resources
arc greatly diminished.

An Indian engineer, too, wrote some very able letters in the
Times, some years ago, in which he held the distressing opinion
that the very excellence of our rule was its greatest fault, since,
without famine, pestilence, and the sword, the population was
rapidly outgrowing its means of subsistence. It is also the
opinion of most missionaries that the influence of our bad
example is the great obstacle to the spread of Christianity in

192 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

India, on the belief in which, according to the Athanasiau
Creed, which is generally swallowed by the "west-end,"
the eternal salvation of 190,000,000 of human beings depends.
If, as is so often and so recklessly asserted, our rule in India is
equally beneficial to England and to our Indian subjects, it fol-
lows that on the occasion of the Crimean War, and at any future
time when we conceive we are obliged to fight for India, half
the cost of the war should be defrayed out of Indian resources,
and the other half partly out of British and partly out of colonial
resources, since we are such grand signors as, apparently, to con-
sider it ungentlemanly and mean to make our defeated enemy pay
the costs of the war, as the Germans did in the case of the
Franco-German War.

It appears from the annual statement of the trade of the
United Kingdom, presented to Parliament for 1875, that the total
amount of the imports from India in that year was £30,137,295,
and of the exports to India, not only of British but also of foreign
and colonial produce, £25,595,115, together, £55,732,410, while
the total export and import trade of Great Britain was
£655,551,900 ; so that, after all, our Indian trade is only about
8 per cent, of the whole. Our trade with India amounts to about
6s. T>er head of population, as against a trade of about 7s. 5d.
per head, or nearly 25 per cent, more, with Protectionist and
much-abused Russia, while our commerce with that model of
perfection, Pree-trade Turkey, is only about 9s. per head, or
about 20 per cent, more than that with Russia.

I will assume that the profits of our trade with India are 10
per cent., which I am informed on good authority is a high
average, and this would give about 5^ millions sterling as the
real profit which we derive from it. Now, as Messrs. Jones,
Lloyd, and Co.'s bank was sold about 12 years ago to the London
and Westminster bank for five years' purchase of the net profit,
I think I am over stating the case in placing a similar value on
the profits of our trade with India, especially with the imminent
danger which we run, according to the " west-end," of being
deprived by Russia, to say nothing about the chances of our

XHK INDIAN NIGHTMARE. 193

being driven out of it by another mutiny, or voted out, if we give
them a Constitution.

This would give £27,500,000 as the present value of our trade
with India, or about one-third of what the Crimean War cost us
to preserve this very trade, of which we should not have lost a
farthing if there had been no Crimean War.

But even if we lost India, how can it be shown that our trade
with it would diminish? The new Government would have every
motive for increasing rather than curtailing their exports to
England, while as to the imports into India, of English produce,
a considerable portion of which consists of foreign and colonial
goods, it seems to be forgotten that no advantage is now given
in India to British produce more than to that of any other
country, and that a considerable protective duty is levied by us,
though professing free traders, on British cotton goods imported
into India. Why should India, if independent, take dearer and
inferior produce from other countries in preference to better and
cheaper articles from Britain?

In addition, however, to our trade with India, it may be said
that we have other important interests, and these are — The
Indian Debt, amounting to £107,368,949 ; Capital Stock of the
Eastlndia Company, £l2,000-,000; Eailway Stock, £95,119,119
total, £214,488,068. And two more Crimean wars, and another
Afghan war would cost us as much, with the wars for India
which preceded it, as the whole value of our stock in India of
every description But a very considerable portion of this
sum is held in India or by foreigners, and there is the house,
land, and other property owned by Englishmen. There are,
again, the claims of officers of the civil and military services in
India to compensations — pensions and retiring allowances, but
clearly if Mr. Bright's plan were carried out, and if in a few
years the peoplo of India were sufficiently educated to undertake
the sole charge of governing themselves, wo could and would
stipulate that all these obligations should be honourably and
faithfully fulfilled; and as Japan, Egypt, and other States of
similar character to that of India, punctually pay the interest on

194 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

their debts, there is no reason why the people of India, grateful
to us for our paternal government, and remembering that,
unlike Holland, we exacted no tribute from them, should not
regularly and honestly perform promises, on the faith of which
we had made them independent.

A signal instance of the folly and wickedness of going to war
for supposed or inadequate " British interests" without previously
calculating their real value, is furnished by the American War
of Independence, which we undertook in order to extort from our
colonies a paltry tea duty of 3d. per pound, which at the same
rate per head of population as the produce of the present
English duty would havo produced £150,000 a year gross, but
which, as tea was then enormously dear, and our colonists were
then poorer and less luxurious than we now arc, would probably,
after deducting the cost of collection, not have realized more than
£50,000 a year. Lord Chatham, and most of our greatest
statesmen, held that we were not entitled to tax the colonies for
our benefit, and we do not now attempt to do so in the case of
any of them. Yet, we fought for nearly ten 3'ears for this
wretched stake, and even let loose the Red Indian savages to scalp,
mutilate, and massacre them ; and in the end, though our popula-
tion was 7,227,586, against a colonial population of 2,614,300,
with a little assistance from the French (which was greater odds
than those of the Russians against the Turks, besides our having
the command of the sea, which the Russians have not), our
armies were compelled to surrender, and we were obliged to
make peace (little more than 90 years ago), after an outlay on the
war of £124,000,000, which would have been a ridiculous price
to pay for even the gross produce of the tea tax at the present
English rate of consumption ; for at the usual present rate of
interest on American securities this £150,000 a year would be
only worth £3,000,000, while we spent more than 40 times as
much in attempting to secure this tea duty, and failed to get if,
to say nothing of the thousands of priceless lives sacrificed on
both sides, and the permanent alienation of as loyal and attached
Englishmen as anv in the world.

THE INDIAN NIGHTMAEE. 195

With reference to the trade of the Black Sea, supposing that
Russia not only obtained the whole of it, but even annexed
European Turkey, which has a population of 8,315,000, and if
the Russian tariff were established, the loss of trade to us, being
the difference between 7s. 5d. in Russia per head and 9s. in
Turkey (supposing the Russian tariff to be established), would
be only £656,600 a year ; and on the profits of this trade only
£65,000 a year would be lost to us, while we should gain
enormously in the long run, since the best authorities are agreed
that Turkey does not contain more than one-fifth part of the
population which it could maintain, or than it formerly possessed,
and at this rate we lose a trade of nearly £50,000,000, which we
should enjoy if Turkey were adequately populated, even if the
Russian tariff were not reduced, as it most probably will be. Mr.
Mackenzie Wallace justly observes, as to the Black Sea question,
" The possession of the Dardanelles gives naval supremacy in
the Black Sea and not in the Mediterranean, and in the event of
a war it can matter little to us whether the Russian fleet is shut
up in the Black Sea or in the harbour of Sebastopol ; in either
case it is quite harmless so far as the Mediterranean and our
communication with India are concerned."

Lord Derby has recently intimated to Russia that if she
presumed to exercise her full belligerent right by blockading
the Suez Canal, we should consider it a "menace to India."
As we have given a similar notice to Turkey, we have
committed another breach of the Treaty of Paris, and another
infringement of the independence of Turkey. But how can it be
shown that if Russia, exercising her legitimate right of conquest,
annexed Egypt, our empire in India would be menaced ? It
would be the interest of Russia to keep open the Suez Canal
when at peace with England, and if we were at war with her we
should have command of the sea, and we should be no worse off
than we were before the opening of the Suez Canal. Russia
could not menace India though it possessed Egypt, because our
fleet would effectually prevent any force ever being embarked
from Egypt for the invasion of India. We should never have

o 2

196 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

dared to treat the United States as we are now treating Russia
during the War of Secession, when the Northern States illegally
blockaded the Southern States without recognizing them as
belligerents, though the consequences to us were infinitely more
serious than the occupation of Egypt by Russia, since it pro-
duced a cotton famine and threw our factory hands into a state
of destitution and misery, besides enormously diminishing our
exports.

It appears that Count Schouvaloff has arrived in London with
a letter to Lord Derby, stating that Russia does not intend to
blockade or otherwise interfere with the Suez Canal ; and as
Turkey has the command of the sea as against Russia, it is
obvious that the threatening and insulting communication of
Lord Derby was altogether unnecessary.

The Times judiciously observes : — " The real interests of
England being those of general peace and freedom, the commu-
nity of states tends to find its interests identical with hers. As
her commerce is connected with that of the whole world, it is
protected by the natural advantages of international trade. As
she does not seek conquest she does not invite aggression. Such
is the answer to those who say that a naval power like Italy or
Erance might attack our communications with the East. It
would never do so lightly, because its own interests lie in the
same line with ours. If it were at war with this country, its
naval stations in the Mediterranean Sea would no doubt arm it
with a powerful weapon. But to declare war rather than permit
such stations to be constructed would be wasteful folly, since it
might involve an expenditure of a hundred millions directly,
to ward off a danger which might never appi-oach. The wiser
course would be to increase our navy in the Mediterranean.
By paying a somewhat higher premium on our naval insurance
policy, in the shape of a slight addition to the estimates, we
could neutralise the possibilities of clanger. It is cheaper to
pay a million a year for a time than to fling two or three
hundred millions awav at once in a rash war."

" WE .MUST REC0XSTRT7CT THE GREEK EiiriRE." 197

WE MUST RECONSTRUCT THE GREEK EMPIRE."—

Duke of Wellington, 1829.

This momentous sentence from one of the greatest of English
heroes, who had been previously one of the staunchest supporters
of the integrity of Turkey, and one of the greatest opponents
of the independence of Greece, ought to have the strongest
possible weight with all Englishmen, and more especially with
the Conservative party, of which he was the consistent and
powerful champion. Now, however, the Philo-Turkish party
are so obstinately wedded to their prejudices in favour of
Mahometan tyranny, that even -the great name of the Duke of
"Wellington is no talisman against their attacks ; and since I
stated in my speech in the House of Commons that the Iron
Duke bad expressed his regret that the Russians had made peace
at Adrianople, instead of taking Constantinople (which he
positively states they might have done) and dissolving the
Turkish Empire, some of the strongest partisans of Turkey say
that after all the Duke was not a great statesman.

I am astonished and ashamed to have to defend the reputation
of the Great Duke as a statesman against the attacks of Conser-
vatives ; but I shall do so, not in my own insignificant language,
but in the words of one of the most eminent statesmen of modern
times, M. Thiers, who, as a Frenchman who made an idol of
Napoleon, can hardly be suspected of any undue prejudice in
favour of the great British general who destroyed the power of
Napoleon at Waterloo, and marched triumphantly to Paris.

198 A DEFENCE OF EUSSIA.

M. Thiers says truly and candidly, but reluctantly : " There is
no use denying it — every circumstance considered, the Duke of
Wellington was the greatest general whom the late wars have
offered for contemplation. His mind was so equally poised, not-
withstanding the vivacity of his genius, that he was always ready
and equally prompt on every occasion. He united the power-
ful combination of Napoleon to the steady judgment of
Moreau. No man can deny to him the most equable judgment
that was ever met with in a great soldier."

The Duke was by education and temperament a Conservative,
and as such his naturally excellent judgment was sometimes warped
by the prejudices of his party, and more especially on the Greek
and Turkish questions. But the force of his intellect, and the
reach and acuteness of his vision, is shown by the fact that he
was the first great statesman to prophecy the dissolution of the
Ottoman Power, and to see that the only effectual and legitimate
.solution of the Eastern Question is the re-establishment of the
Greek Empire.

It is equally strange and humiliating to an Englishman to
reflect that after all the immeasurable obligations under which
the whole civilized world lie to the Greek race — by far the noblest
,=ind greatest which has ever existed — we should not only have
refused their entreaties for assistance when they struggled for
their independence, but should also have persistently and
uniformly for six long years, with the other powers of Europe,
refrained from taking up their cause.

The Greeks may be said to have invented European civilization,
the only civilization worthy of the name. Thousands of years
ago the immortal poems of Homer, the tragedies of Sophocles,
the wisdom of Socrates and of Plato, the science of Euclid, the
sculpture of Phidias, sprang into existence almost from nothing.
In every department of literature, philosophy, and taste, the
Greeks sprung, as it were, at a bound, not only to the highest
eminence, but to an elevation which after thousands of years,
with all the advantages of their labours, we have never suc-
ceeded in rivalling:.

"we must reconstruct the greek empire." ^199

If the Greeks had never existed, we might probably have been
now roaming as savages in the woods and wastes of Britain, for it
is wildly improbable that that divine spark which animated the
Greeks would ever have been illumined in any other race. Not
only in every walk of literature, in science, in philosophy, in
architecture, in painting, in sculpture and in music, did the
Greeks excel, but their bravery in the field was something almost
more than mortal, and their heroic conduct at Marathon and
Salamis has never been surpassed since the world began ; and the
victories of the Greeks against the Persians repelled the barbaric
hordes from Europe, which would have overwhelmed our civilization.
There are those, however, who are too dull and matter-of-fact to be
alive to our indelible and immeasurable obligations to that race of
demigods — the ancient Greeks ; and who, moreover, say that even
if they possessed all the qualities claimed for them by their grateful
admirers, the present race of Greeks is degenerate and unworthy.
But I shall now prove by historical facts which cannot be denied
that the Greeks are still worthy of our highest esteem and regard,
and that in their War of Independence they developed an amount
of bravery in no respect inferior to that of the heroes of Marathon
and Salamis ; and the glories of the renaissance, and of the revival of
learning from the darkness of the Middle Ages, were the result of
Greek literature and taste introduced by the refugees on the con-
quest of Constantinople. It should be borne in mind that before
the war of independence the Greeks had been enslaved by the over-
whelming masses of the Turkish hordes for nearly 400 years, during
the whole of which period they had been deprived of the use of
arms, and that the strongest and most promising of their male
children were annually taken from them as tribute children,
by an unprecedented refinement of cruelty brought up as
Mahometans, enrolled among the janissaries, and sent, ignorant
of their birth and lineage, to oppress their own kindred ; whilst
the ancient Greeks had been always free, and trained from
their youth to the use of arms.

Odysseus, one of the Greek chiefs, thus explained to Mahomet
Pacha why the Greeks took up arms : — " It was the injustice of

200 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

the viziers, waywodes, cadis, and Baloukbashis, each of whom
closed the book of Mahomed and opened a book of his own. Any
virgin that pleased them they took by force ; any merchant in
Negroponte who was making money they beheaded and seized his
goods ; any proprietor of a good estate they slew and occupied his
property ; and every drunken vagabond in the streets would
murder respectable Greeks, and was not punished for it." The
whole of the Christian or Infidel dogs had to purchase their lives
annually by the capitation tax called " redemption of the price
of heads ; " and no one, not even the Turks, could have an here-
ditary right to an estate, and if the proprietor died without a
male child, the property went to the Sultan, to the exclusion of
the daughters ; whilst if there were sons, their right of succession
was restored by a payment of one-tenth of the value, so that if a
similar system was established iu England, a man succeeding to
an estate of £1,000 a year, which might be saleable at thirty
years' purchase, would pay £3,000 immediately, whereas in
England it would only be about £250, payable by instalments
spread over a long time. The only way in which property can
be settled in perpetuity is by leaving it in trust to a mosque,
and about three-fourths of the surface of Turkey is thus in
the hands of the mosques, who release it to the owners for a
ransom ; and no Christian can become a landed proprietor, — whilst
the situations of vizier, cadi, pasha, and the like, are sold to the
highest bidder.

The Greek revolution was preceded by a very melancholy event,
which awakened the sympathy of Europe, and showed in the most
convincing manner the fearful oppression under which the Greeks
had so long groaned, and the ardent patriotism of that un-
fortunate nation.

The town of Parga, which is on the seacoast of the mainland
opposite the Ionian Islands, was transferred from the French to
Great Britain in 1814 ; but the treaty of 1815 did not mention it,
and the Turks claimed it, as all the mainland was by that treaty
awarded to them. The inhabitants took the alarm, and the
English governor promised that the place should not be delivered

" We MUST RECONSTRUCT THE GREEK EMPIRE." 201

up till the property of those who might choose to emigrate should
be paid for, and they themselves be transferred to the Ionian
Islands ; and they unanimously " resolved to abandon their
country rather than stay in it with dishonour, and that they
would disinter and burn the bones of their forefathers."
The property of the people was estimated at £500,000, but the
Turks would not pay more than one-third of the real value. In
June, 1819, every family marched solemnly out of its dwelling j.
and the men, preceded by their priests, proceeded to the sepulchres
of their fathers, and silently unearthed and collected their remains,
which they put upon a huge pile of wood, to which they set fire,,
and stood motionless and silent till all was consumed. The Turks
became impatient to get into the town, but the citizens told the
governor that if a single Mussulman was admitted before the re-
mains of their ancestors were secured from profanation, and them-
selves with their families safely embarked, they would instantly
put to death their wives and children, and die with arms in their
hands, after having taken a bloody revenge on those who had
bought and sold their country. The remonstrance was successful ;
the march of the Mussulmans was arrested, the pile burnt out, and
the people embarked in silence. with their wives and children.
The Mussulmans soon after entered, and they found only on&
single inhabitant in the place, and he was drunk, and lying near
the yet smoking pile !

Parga was taken possession of by the British in 1814, upon a.
specific engagement with the heroic people of that town (who had
a few months previously repulsed 20,000 Turks from its walls) that,
it was to follow the fate of the Ionian Islands. Parga was a free
state. For three or four centuries it had cherished the spirit of
liberty, while the countries around had been enslaved ; yet we, by
design or by culpable carelessness, surrendered this magnanimous
people to the " unspeakable Turk." In the debate in 1819 Mr..
Scarlett (afterwards Lord Abinger) said, " I look upon the sur-
render of Parga as an act as treacherous and perfidious as has
ever disgraced modern diplomacy ; " and Sir James Mackintosh
called it "as perfidious a transfer as could ever disgrace any free

202 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

country. . . . The cession of Parga would be, I maintain, the most
abominable that ever was made of or by a free people. There
was no example among nations where faith was kept of giving
up a free and Christian people to a Mahometan tyrant."

I have already briefly narrated in another part of this woi'k
the statistics of the massacre of Chios, and other Turkish atroci-
ties ; and I might now advert to the massacre at Adrianople of
many thousand Greeks — which was so atrocious that even the
European diplomatists interfered, and obtained the dismissal of
the Grand Vizier who had instigated it — and the massacre at
Smyrna of a still larger number of Christians and the forced exile
of 15,000; but the reader will already, not only have supped full
of horrors, but have dined and breakfasted on so many, that I
will for a while spare him, and proceed to the case of Cyprus,
which had a population in ancient times of above a million,
which had sunk in 1826 to about 70,000, of whom half were
Christians and half Mahometans ; and of the 35,000 Christians a
large portion were now massacred, and their wives and daughters
violated, or sold to Turkish harems.

After the defeat at Armoughi in 1823, 600 women and children
who had taken refuge in the grotto of Stonorambella were, " after
being blockaded for a month, inhumanly smoked to death like
bees by the Turks."

In 1824 the greatest of modern poets, Lord Byron, threw in his
lot, impaired his fortune, and sacrificed his invaluable life, in the
glorious cause of Greek independence. Yet Europe for three years
longer cynically and ungratefully looked on at this heroic struggle,
and the Austrian Avisos gave information, obtainable only by a
neutral, to the Turks, as to the position, numbers, and movements
of the Greek fleets and armies.

In the same year (1824) the garrison of Ipsara, hopeless of relief,
and having lost two-thirds of their number, determined to perish
like the Three Hundred at Thermopylae. They sent a soldier with a
lighted torch to fire a powder-magazine outside the walls ; and as
he fell, pierced by several balls, before reaching it, five others were
sent on a similar errand, and all shared the same fate. Upon this

" WE MUST RECONSTRUCT THE GREEK EMPIRE." 203

the Greeks resolved to blow themselves up with the powder they
had within the monastery, but in such a way as to involve their
enemies in their ruin. They ceased firing, accordingly, for some
time ; and the Turks, thinking the defenders had all fallen, after a
pause rushed tumultuously forward to the assault of the walls,
which were scaled on every side. Suddenly the Hellenic flag was
lowered, a white flag bearing the words " Liberty or Death "
waved in the air, a signal gun was discharged, and, immediately
after, a rumbling noise, followed by a loud explosion, was heard,
and the monastery, with the whole of its defenders and thousands
of its assailants, was blown into the air. The Turks after their
victory sent 500 heads and 1,000 ears to Constantinople, whicli
were displayed in ghastly rows at the gate of the Seraglio. Ten
females only were made slaves, for the Psarriotte women, in an
heroic spirit, drowned themselves, with their infants, to avoid be-
coming the spoil of the victors, and forty years later, in 1867, a
similar holocaust was offered up by the Cretan insurgents at the
monastery of Arkali.

Thus had the Greeks, in the fourth year of the war, with a
population of only five hundred thousand souls — or, say one
hundred and twenty-five thousand fighting-men, repelled the
forces of an empire of thirty-five millions of men, or seventy
times their number, — a feat quite as heroic as that of the ancient
Greeks in resisting Xerxes.

In 1825 the Turks, after ravaging the plains of theMorea, and
burning the houses, drove away the inhabitants as slaves without
mercy. A market was opened at Modon for the sale of captives
of both sexes, who were crowded in dungeons loaded with irons,
unmercifully beaten by their guards, and often murdered in pure
wanton cruelty during the night. Such, indeed, was the severity
with which they were treated, that, in comparison with it, the old
Turkish system of beheading or blowing from the mouth of a
gun every male person above sixteen might be considered as
merciful.

At the siege of Missolonghi, in 1826, the Turks impaled alive
in front of their lines a priest, two women, and several children ;

204 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

yet the brave garrison, in spite of want of ammunition and food,
refused to surrender.

In 182G the Greek Government was in such miserable financial
straits that the treasury contained only sixteen piastres, or about-
live shillings ; yet they continued the war, and on the 7th of
October in that year the heroic Greeks, with a fleet of only
1 l small vessels, drove 40 sail of large Turkish vessels igno-
miuiously before them to Constantinople. The result of the
bravery of the Greeks was that all the Turkish corps wliich were
marched overland into Greece melted away by desertion. Such
was the horror at the Greek war which pervaded all classes of the
Ottomans.

At last the lethargic conscience and the dormant sympathy of
Europe was awakened, and some faint and half-hearted efforts
were made to intervene in favour of Greece ; but it was by accident,
and not by design, that the Battle of Navarino was fought, by
which the successful issue of the struggle was at last made certain.

The very insignificant share of credit which devolved on
England for its conduct during the Greek war of independence
and the cynical disregard of the British Government for the most
ordinary feelings of humanity, will appear from the following
extract from Bulwer's Life of Lord Palmerston : — ■

" When first came the account that the fleet of 40 sail, which
left Navarino in December, after Codrington's boasted annihilation
of the Turkish fleet, and which consisted of 17 sail that had
actually got into Navarino after the battle, although Codrington
was ordered to prevent any sea movement, — when accounts
came that this fleet had carried away five or six thousand Greek
slaves, I called the attention of the Cabinet to this circumstance,
and urged that it would be a stain on our national character if
we did not make an effort to recover these wretches. The Duke
received the proposition coldly ; Aberdeen treated it as a thing tee
had no right to interfere with ; Bathurst as the exercise of a hgitimate
right on the part of the Turks, and Lllenborough as rather
a laudable action. Peel showed me a despatch by which it
appeared that the practice of the Egyptians had been, from

" WE MUST RECONSTRUCT THE GREEK EMTI11E." 20 J

the time they first entered the Morea, to consider the Greek
population as a preserve of slaves. . . . The total number
thus seized, first and last, was from fifteen to twenty thousand.
. . . Pozzo said that 640 slaves had been redeemed by the
French Government, and he believed (though I do not) that the
English Government had contributed something towards the
expense of this redemption."

The opinion which Lord Palmerston entertained on the Greek
question is further shown by the following extract : —

" Memorandum on Greek affairs sent by Lord Palmers/on to Lord
Goderich, Dec. 6th, 1827. — Persuasion, reasoning, and threat
having failed to sway the Porte, actual coercion must be resorted
to ; and it only remains to be considered what shall be the action
and extent of that coercion, and where it can be the most effectually
applied. We have at present in Portugal 5,000 men. Why
•should not that force, instead of coming home, be sent to the
Ionian Islands ] We have already 5,000 men at Malta and the
Ionian Islands. From these and from Sir W. Clinton's division, and
landing detachments of marines and sailors from the fleet, it would
be easy to land at least 8,000 men upon the Morea. If, however,
it were thought that any force which we might thus be able to
bring would be too small to secure a rapid and easy success, would
it not be possible to persuade France to detach for that purpose
.some part of her troops in Spain *? . . . and thus give in a short
space of time the double example of England and France fighting
side by side, both by land and sea.' This proposal was renewed
by Lord Palmerston to the Duke of Wellington, when the Duke
became head of the Cabinet, and the only objections which the
Duke put forward were that less than 15,000 men would be too
few, and that was more than we could conveniently send. These
objections vanished in six months time, and the English Cabinet
consented in July to what Lord Palmerston had proposed in
December. The delay in enforcing the Treaty of London produced
the very war which that treaty was intended to avert. The
result to Turkey was much bloodshed and the conditions of the
treaty of Adrianople; while the Greeks were the gainers, because

20G A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

they obtained complete independence, instead of only that
autonomy which was all that was originally contemplated by the
allies."

And the discreditable course pursued by England is justly and
severely censured in the following passage from Lord Palmerston's
speech in 1829 : —

Lord Palmerston said : "The Morea, I say, has indeed been
cleared. I wish the arms of England had had a more direct and
prominent share in that honourable exploit. But why were the
arms of France checked at the Isthmus of Corinth 1 Was it that
France herself shrank back with alarm at the consequences of a
further advance 1 or was it that the narrow policy of England
stepped in and arrested her progress 1 Shall I be told — that the
Morea and the Cyclades are to be liberated Greece, and that
the Isthmus of Corinth is its northern boundary 1 I say that will
not be — that cannot be; it is impossible that it should be.
A larger and wider limit, extending at least to the line drawn
from Volo to Arta, is indispensably necessary for Greece.
. . . But in this, as in clearing the Morea, France will hold
the first and England the second place. The merit of giving this
extended limit will, in public opinion, be accorded to the enlight-
ened liberality of France. France will have the credit of being
supposed to have dragged England reluctantly after her. England
will bear the odium of having vainly attempted to clog the pro-
gress of France. ... I have seen that it has been said elsewhere that
the allies are negotiating with Turkey. I should have thought
that the allies had had enough of negotiating with Turkey about
Greece, and that they had by this time discovered that even Twrkey
herself would rather that on this suhject they should dictate. . . . I said
that the delay in executing the treaty of July, 1827, had brought
upon them that very evil of war in the east of Europe which that
treaty was calculated to prevent. Have the Government laboured
honil fide and in good earnest to bring about peace in the only
way in which it can be accomplished 1 If they have not, and if by
any want of resolution and decision they shall ultimately have
endangered the tranquillity of all Europe ; if, balancing between

"we must reconstruct the greek empire." 207

a wish to assist Turkey and an inability to find any pretence for
doing so, they have, by the ambiguity and mixed character of
their language to Turkey, allowed her to be deceived by what
she is to expect from England, and have thereby been instrumental
in encouraging her resistance to a just accommodation ; then,
indeed, they will have incurred a responsibility which I should be
sorry to share. ... It is thus that they (Europe) see in the delay
in executing the treaty of July, not so much fear of Turkish
resistance as invincible repugnance to Grecian freedom."

The most distinguished hero of the Greek War of Independence
(Canaris) still lives, and quite recently, though he has attained
the age of ninety years, he has been chosen Premier of Greece by
the unanimous voice of his countrymen.

" Fifty-six years ago he was the captain of a small vessel
trading peacefully between Constantinople and Odessa. He
had taken no part in the intrigues which produced the
insurrection, and his personal safety was secure. He was no
adventurer, but a law-abiding citizen, with wife and children ;
no glory hunter, but a man content to live a quiet and humble
life. For more than a year after the rising of his country-
men he remained in obscurity, and not until the massacre of the
innocent Chians had sent a thrill of horror through the length and
breadth of Christendom was his name heard. Then he per-
formed those wonderful feats of daring with his fire ships against
the ferocious Turks which so powerfully contributed to the estab-
lishment of Greek independence, and he struck such terror into
the officers and crews of the Turkish fleet that, with only fourteen
small vessels, he chased forty large Turkish men-of-war to Constan-
tinople, where they were laid up. It is hard to find, in the history
of Greece, a parallel to the heroism of Canaris. Cincinnatus, re-
tiring to his farm from the Dictatorship of Eome and. returning to
power at the importunities of his fellow citizens, seems to have been
such a man as Canaris. He was raised to the rank of Admiral and
made a Senator, but he lives at a little hamlet — an oasis in the
desert that stretches around Athens. He spends the autumn of
life in gardening, carpentering, and feeding the chickens.

208 A DEFENCE OF EUSSIA.

His chamber, destitute of the most ordinary luxuries, seemed a
fitting shrine for the honest soul within it, for he voluntarily ends
his life surrounded by the homeliness and frugality with which it
began. " — Times.

So acute, energetic, and business-like is the modern Greek, that
he has driven the merchants of all other nations from various
branches of trade, especially that in corn, of which the Greeks
have almost a monopoly ; and in Odessa, Marseilles, Manchester,
and even London, the Greek merchants beat the Russians, the
Frenchmen, and the Englishmen, on their own soil.

Historians have calculated that between those who were
massacred, those who were killed in battle, and those who were
sold into a slavery worse than death, one-half of the population
of Greece had perished in the struggle for freedom and in-
dependence, and yet there are ignorant and prejudiced people who
affect to undervalue this heroic struggle !

In the Franco-German War the French submitted to a peace
dictated by the Germans, by which they surrendered two pro-
vinces, and were compelled to pay an indemnity of £200,000,000,
after an estimated loss of less than 100,000 men killed, and
about 300,000 prisoners led into a humane and temporary cap-
tivity ; but, to enable them to rank with the heroic Greeks, they
would have had to resist till no less than 20,000,000 had either
been killed or taken prisoners — though the fate of the latter would
have been immeasurably superior to that of the Greeks who were
sold as slaves.

Russia has now a unique and unrivalled opportunity of proving
her magnanimity, disinterestedness, and regard for the general
interests of humanity by restoring the Greek Empire.

The Times of June 9th, states: "The defect of our policy in
relation to Russia — a defect inevitably fatal to its ultimate success
— is that it demands the permanent barbarism, desolation, and
inaccessibility of all the countries from the Adriatic to the
Chinese Empire — a large part of the Eastern Hemisphere. Be-
cause we have ' interests ' in India, and the increase of Russian
power might at some remote time, and under certain improbable

" WE ilUST HECOXSTRUCT THE GREEK EMPIRE." 209

circumstances, iacommode us on our way thither, therefore no
change can be permitted on any portion of the globe contiguous
to the Russian Empire. The lands most blessed by Nature, the
most famous in history, must remain for ever the abode of sloth
and barbarianism, most sealed to the traveller, the population
perishing, the villages falling into ruin, the desert advancing.
This is said to be British policy."

Anything more inhuman and utterly abominable than such a
policy cannot well be imagined, and a people who avowed they
were actuated by it would deserve to be treated, like pirates, as
enemies to the human race.

Let Russia set us and the world a grand and almost unparalleled
example of magnanimity by restoring the Greek Empire. Eussia
has now two gates to its commerce : the key of the one (the
Sound) is safely intrusted to Denmark ; surely it would be far
better to intrust the other to their co-religionists, the enterprising
and civilized Greeks, who would be eternally grateful for this
magnificent gift, than to leave it with the effete, barbarous, and
hostile Turks.

To put the matter on a lower ground : Russia would obviously
be in a stronger position relatively to the Greek Empire,
supposing it to extend to the Balkans, which would include a
population of only about seven millions, which would be largely
diminished by an emigration of Turks to Asia, — than if the key of
their Southern commerce remained in the hands of the forty -eight
millions who inhabit the present Turkish Empire. There is plenty
of room for any Sclavonians who now live south of the Balkans
in the territory north of that range, which has not a quarter of
the population that it formerly possessed, and the Greeks would
buy out the Sclavonians and Turks as they formerly did in
Greece.

As long as the Turks remain at Constantinople there can be no per-
manent peace ; and if the Greek Empire had been established in
1829, as the Duke of Wellington desired, Russia would have been
saved the enormous cost in human life and in money of the Crimean
war, of that in which they are now engaged against Turkey, and of

P

210 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

the future wars which they will have yet to wage against that
barbarous country — and possibly against some of the other
European Powers — if this war has any other result than the re-estab-
lishment of the Greek Empire ; whilst if they once proclaimed
this intention, the sympathies of the civilized world would be in
their favour, and, not only the kingdom of Greece, but all the
Greeks throughout European Turkey, would rise to a man in their
favour, and the Turkish Empire would be instantly dissolved.

By altering one or two words, a remarkable sentence which De
Tocqueville applies to the jealousy of aristocracy among American
democrats applies accurately to the idiotic, suicidal, and dog-in-the-
manger mutual jealousies between the Greeks and the Slavonians :
" I think that the Slavonians have a natural taste for liberty.
Left to themselves, they seek after it. They love it, and they see
with pain that they are deprived of it. But they have against the
Greeks an ardent, insatiable, eternal, invincible jealousy. They
wish liberty, with the possession of a large portion of the ancient
limits of Greece, and if they cannot obtain it, they wish it still in
slavery. They will suffer poverty, serfdom, barbarism, but
they will not suffer a Greek Empire." The mutual jealousies of
Greek and Slav have retained them both under the oppressive
rule of the barbarous Turk for centuries, and if it goes on,
hundreds of years more may elapse before they are free and
independent. The whole world, except the Slavonians, is utterly
opposed to the acquisition of ancient Macedonia and Thrace, or
any part of them, by any other race than the Greeks, to whom
they originally belonged ; and, though they may keep the Greeks
out by maintaining the Ottoman Empire, they never can possess
any territory south of the Balkans, the ancient Mount Hcemus of
Greece. Panslavism is a chimera as much as Pan-Latinism
would be for the purpose of uniting France, Spain, Portugal,
and Italy into one Latin confederation. Pan-Gallicanism,
which would be opposed to the death by the Belgians, the
Swiss, the French Canadians, and the people of the Channel
Islands, or Pan Anglo- Saxonism, which has not yet been even
heard of \ and even Pan-Scandinavianism, though there is much

"WE MUST RECONSTRUCT THE GREEK EMPIRE." 211

more similarity between the Swedes, Norwegians, and Danes
than among the Slavonians, has been abandoned as an imprac-
ticable scheme.

It appears that at the Slavonian Congress, held in 1866, at
Moscow, the German language was chosen as the only possible
medium of intercommunication between the different Slav
deputies, whose various idioms were incomprehensible to each
other. See Revue des Deux Moncles, 1st September, 1867.

I may add that these leaky Pans are usually covered with a
poisonous moral verdigris, and that no amount of tin will ever
make them safe and watertight.

The reader will find in the complete edition of my work on
the Eastern Question an ethnological map, which is indispensable
to anyone who wishes to discover a just and permanent solution
to the Eastern Question, and I would strongly recommend its
study to all who wish to understand the Eastern Question.
The numbers and influence of the Greek race in European Turkey
have been very much underrated not only by Slavonic writers
but by the Germans, who seek to hold a supremacy over the
non-Russian Slavonians through the Hungarians who dominate
the Slavonic races of Austria.

Besides the prevailing fallacy as to the prevalence of the
Slavonian element south of the Balkans, especially in Macedonia
and Thrace, from which it is utterly incredible that the prevail-
ing and ancient Greek element should have been eradicated any
more than in Greece proper, the fact is that there are, both in
Turkey in Europe and Asia Minor, Christian peoples who, although
in their religious rites, their schools, and their official relations, they
use the Greek tongue, are mistaken for Turks because they, have
been obliged to adopt the Turkish vernacular ; and that they are
not Turks in race is certain, because there is no instance of any
Mahometan people embracing Christianity, and if they did
they would have used the Turkish language as the Russians use
Russian in their religious rites ; besides, death is the punishment
of all Mussulmans who abandon their religion. It is only the ,
European Turks who are permitted to be called Osmanlis ; they

p 2

212 A DEFEXCE OF ETTSSIA.

look upon the Asiatic Turks as an inferior race, since the Osmanlis
in Europe perform no manual labour, whereas in Asiatic Turkey
they do. The Osmanlis have even a proverb, " Bin Turk bir toorp
yazek toorp ! " a thousand Turks for a radish. Poor radish ! at being
valued so cheap " (Adolphus Slade's " Record of Travel "). The
Bosnian and Herzegovinian Mahometans, the Pomak in Bulgaria,
and the Balaades, or true believers, in Macedonia, and the Toshks
and Ghegs in Albania, and a large population in Crete, who are
all, by way of being Mahometans, use exclusively the Greek
language, and you may hear them saying, " By the Holy Virgin, I
am a Mahometan."

Before the Greek war of independence 50,000 Turks were
settled in Greece, but with the exception of a small Mussulman
community in the south of Eubcea, all have emigrated. Mr.
Eton, in his "Survey of the Turkish Empire," says of the
Albanian Mahometans, " They look on the Turks with the utmost
contempt. . . . They know little of their religion, and pay
little regard to it. Their women are not veiled ; they drink wine,
and intermarry with the Christians. It is true, indeed, that they
will not eat pork, but if the husband and wife are of different
religions they make no scruple of boiling in the same pot apiec e
of pork and a piece of mutton."

Mr. Thornton says, in his "Present State of Turkey," "Pro-
fessed Mahometans have even related to me the miracles of Chris-
tian saints on behalf of the independence of their country." . . .
Greek characters are used in writing Albanian, and Mathieu says
in " La Turquie et ses Differents Peuples," " The Albanian Mussul-
mans are still more hostile to the Turks than their Christian
brethren, and it is from them that those revolts have come which
have so often enfeebled the Ottoman Power, and a change of cir-
cumstances would probably cause a new change of religion."

The difference in language between the Ghegs and the Toshks
in Albania is so great that common intercourse through one of
their special idioms is impossible, and there are few Albanians Avho
do not speak Greek, that being their only medium for intellectual
and commercial communion. Indeed, the Bible was not trans-

"WE MUST RECONSTRUCT THE GREEK EMPIRE." 21 6

lated into the Albanian dialect of Greek till 1830. Mathieu
says, " Numerous Albanian villages occupy Macedonia and Thrace,
or Greece, and never does the least dissension arise between them
and the Greeks. The famous tribe of the Suliotes, who took so
active and glorious a part in the struggle for Greek emancipation,
is even of pure Albanian race. . . . The Albanians of the
south tend to become amalgamated with Greece." The Bulgarians
themselves are not a pure Slavonic race, but are chiefly of Tartar
origin. South of the Balkans there are many villages with Bul-
garian names, but all the towns have remained Greek, and most
of the so-called Bulgarians south of the Balkans are of Hellenic
descent, and may be called Bulgarophone Greeks, for they are of
the Greek type, and their character, manners, customs, and dress
are Greek, whilst those north of the Balkans have the Mongolian
type, and dress in the pootoor (breeches, large and full to the knee,
and tight round the leg to the ankle) and the characteristic cylindri-
eal-shaped cap or calpak of sheepskin, whilst the language of the
Bulgarophone Greek contains an immense admixture of Greek
words, totally unintelligible to northern Bulgarians.

M. Cousiniery, for many years French Consul, says in his
"Voyage dans le Macedoine," "-The Bulgarians pride themselves
on being Greeks ; " and Ubicini says, " This supremacy of the
Greeks lasts still at the present day; the best schools are possessed
and directed by Greeks, and it is the general opinion that where
their influence ceases to manifest itself barbarism commences."
Many of the Bulgarians south of the Balkans remain faithful to the
Church of Constantinople, whereas those north of the Balkans
have an independent Church of their own. Mr. McFarlane, in
" Kismet," says, " In Thrace there are Bulgarian shepherds and
farm labourers, but these do not bring their families with them,
and they generally come down in the spring and return in the
autumn to their own country. Mr. Layard confidently affirmed
that the Greek population in all European Turkey was only
1,750,000. I believe that if you multiplied his figures by two you
would get nearer the amount." In Macedonia the Sandjaks of
♦Salonica, Cassandra, Berria, and Serres, numbering in all 250,000

214 A DEFENCE OP RUSSIA.

souls, are almost purely Greek. In Thessaly, the only other race,
the Turks, are daily being Hellenized, indeed, all the Turks of
Larissa now speak Greek, and almost all the Southern Albanians
have adopted the Greek language. M. Mathieu, in his work
already quoted, "La Turquie et ses Differents Peuples, 1857,"
gives the number of Greeks in European Turkey at 2,540,000,
and the Albanians at 850,000; and if we add those Albanians
who are Greek in religion and in language, we shall arrive at a
total of about 3,000,000, whilst he estimates the Bulgarians at
2,800,000, most of whom are north of the Balkans.

It is difficult to mention with too much commendation the
admirable ethnological and statistical Avork by M. Bianconi,
the French ex-engineer-in-chief of the Turkish railways from
1872 to 1876, Member of the Geographical Society of France,
published in May, 1877, by Lassailly, of 61, Rue Richelieu, Paris.

The same intelligent and well informed author has also pub-
lished another more detailed work called "La Verite sur la
Turquie." M. Bianconi has possessed unrivalled opportunities of
studying the geography and ethnology of Turkey, from having
been, for upwards of four years, not only resident like a consul,
but specially occupied in surveying the country for railways.

His work is characterised by the most absolute and laudable
impartiality as between the rival claims of the Slavonian, Greek,
and other races, and while he unsparingly denounces the oppres-
sion of the Turkish Government, he holds the scales equally and
without bias between Greek and Slav, speaking in kindly and
sympathising language of both races, and of none more than the
Bulgarians, who are, he says, " indefatigable labourers, gentle,
peaceful in general, very poor, good fathers of families, and most
obliging."

It is extremely satisfactory to me to find that the very valuable
map appended to his work differs but slightly from mine, which
is the same of which he speaks as Stanford's map. The difference
between my map and his will be approximately understood by my
readers, if they will look for Mangolia, on the Black Sea, which is
M. Bianconi's northern land of the Greek race, and then proceed

"WE MUST RECONSTRUCT THE GREEK EMPIRE." 215

westward to Dobrol, East Saghra, Tatar Bazardjik, Kouprala, and
thence to Ergent on the Adriatic Sea, on the east coast of Albania.
These limits can also be roughly traced in the ordinary map
attached to the cheap edition of my work, and I have had a dotted
line traced thereon, in accordance with M. Bianconi's views. It
will be seen that M. Bianconi's boundary line between the Greeks
and Bulgarians is slightly more favourable to the latter than that
given in my Ethnological or Stanford map as regards the east
and centre, but on the east mine is somewhat less favourable to
the Greeks than that of M. Bianconi.

The map which was used at the Conference at Constantinople,
in the absence of those of Stanford and M. Bianconi, which were
not then published, was that of Kiepert, of which M. Bianconi
speaks as follows : —

" The German geographer has not completed his work even in
a topographical point of view ; numerous errors appear in it as in
that of others. In the centre of Turkey we have in our surveys
proved considerable inaccuracies, found localities, water-courses,
mountains even, which do not figure in the map of this famous
geographer. ... I must, however, avow here with regret that
I, a French engineer, have had very often to show how much our
maps are inferior to those of the Germans and Austrians, at least
so far as Turkey is concerned." He thus shows that he has little
or none of that national vanity which is so characteristic of the
French.

M. Bianconi has, however, no prejudice in favour of the Stan-
ford map, or the statistics which accompany it, while agreeing
with it in the main, and regarding it as the best which had
Appeared prior to his own work, and he has freely pointed
out what he conceives to be the faults of both ; for instance,
he inquires how it is that Stanford states that while there are
2,900,000 Mussulmans, there are only 1,120,000 Turks, but the
difference is accounted for by the author by those Slavs, Greeks,
and other races which have embraced, however reluctantly,
Mahometanism. I myself am inclined to think that Stanford's
statistics are in this instance inaccurate, and that M. Bianconi is

216 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

right iu estimating the whole of the Mussulman race in Turkey
at 1,410,000, of whom only 650,000 are Turks, the rest being
Bosnians, Bulgarians, Albanians, and Greeks, who at heart are not
Mussulmans, and would readily return to the faith of their
fathers; so that if all the Turks had to leave Europe, there would
only be about 150,000 families to dispose of in the rich and un-
occupied lands of Asia Minor. "Whilst the Bulgarians in Turkey
are estimated by M. Bianconi at 3,100,000, of whom only about
600,000 are settled on the south side of the Balkans, against a
Greek population in Turkey and Greece of 7,800,000, whereof
about 60,000 live north of the Balkans, the Greek Christians
in Turkey in Europe are in number 3,700,000, and, if we add the
Albanians, 4,070,000, whilst the entire Greek race, including the
Greek kingdom, number 7,800,000, and at no distant period, if
the Greek Empire was re-established, it might become a first-rate
power, with a population equal to what that of England was when
she overthrew Napoleon.

M. Bianconi points out that while Western Europe believe
that Turkey is as homogeneous an empire as it appears on the
map, Egypt is only connected with Turkey by tribute ; the pro-
vinces of Hedjaz and Yemen are no longer part of the Empire, and
the immense countries which separate Bagdad from the country of
Irani, for they provide no soldiers, and pay no taxes. The tribes
of the Mirdites, the Dobri, the Koutchi, the Klementi, the Bamam,
the Pulati, and the Mati, and the Isle of Samos, have never ad-
mitted on their territory Ottoman functionaries, and only pay a
small tribute.

In Turkey, no part of the revenue is devoted to education, but
there are still iu Macedonia 34 Hellenic, 126 Primary, 57 Rudi-
mentary, and 22 girls' schools, all Greek, with 10,918 scholars;
and in Thrace 32 Hellenic, 102 Primary, 42 Rudimentary, and 15
girls' schools, also all Greek, with 13,564 pupils.

I think that these facts and figures sufficiently prove that if the
Turkish Empire, as I believe and hope, is now to be dissolved,
the Greek race are fairly entitled to the whole of Turkey to the
line of the Balkans and to the southern half of Albania ; but to

""WE MUST RECONSTRUCT THE GREEK EMPIRE." 217

preserve the free navigation from the Black Sea to the Medi-
terranean, all the forts of the Dardanelles should be destroyed,
and the reconstructed Greek Empire should be prohibited from
ever rebuilding them, whilst Russia may fairly claim maritime
outlets for her commerce by annexing a port on the Syrian coast
of the Mediterranean and another on the Persian Gulf.

The Greeks were about to attack Turkey in aid of Russia during
the Crimean War, but were prevented by the English and French
fleets. Why should they not join Russia now, in which case, even
if the Turks are allowed to retain Constantinople, Macedonia, and
Thrace, they will, at least, make sure of Thessaly and Epirus, as
well as probably Crete, and the other Greek islands. Surely half
a loaf is better than no bread ; and if they secure this first instal-
ment of their right, they will the more readily afterwards obtain
the remainder.

It is quite clear that in no country in the world are the Jews
better treated in every respect than in Greece, as appears by the
following letter published in the Daily News of Monday, October
30, 187G:—

" Honoured Sir, — Being informed, to our great astonishment,
that in your enlightened country there are some who erroneously
imagine that the aliens in race and religion dwelling in Greece do
not obtain at the hands of the Greek Government those rights
winch the laws confer upon Greek citizens, nor at the hands of
the Greek people that fellow feeling winch is an indispensable
condition for the association in life of equal citizens, we consider
it a duty imposed upon us by justice to declare before you, that
heing settled here from old, and forming a community of nearly
five thousand, we live in perfect peace and in close friendliness with
our fellow citizens and brethren the Greeks, obtaining the fullest
liberty of conscience, possessing our own places of worship, enjoy-
ing equal political and civil rights, finding a full and impartial
dispensation of justice at the Greek Courts of Law, and from all
the other authorities, being in no way hindered in the exercise of
our religion, and in no way disqualified among the rest of our

218 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

fellow-citizens with whom we serve in the army, and exercise in
full liberty and perfect equality the same political rights, freely
taking part in the parliamentary and municipal elections, by virtue
of which some of us, having obtained the lawful majority, attained
to the posts of communal councillors and aldermen, while others
of us have exercised and still exercise the calling of lawyers and
notaries at the law courts ; finally, that we are not liable to any
taxes heavier than those borne by the rest of the Hellenes, and
that under the Hellenic Government we live in prosperity and
happiness.

"We feel it our bounden duty to make these facts known ; and
expressing to you, Mr. Editor, and to the magnanimous British
nation, our thanks for the wishes you have expressed in favour of
an amelioration of the lot of the subjugated Greeks, we undersign
ourselves,

"(Signed) Samuel B. Biett,

A. L. de Semos,
Baphael D. Jeshua,
J. Theophilus de Maedo,
The Elders of the Jews in Corcyra."

" The Chief Babbi of Corfu confirms the contents of the above
document, and certifies to the authenticity of the foregoing signa-
tures of Messieurs the Elders of the Jews in Corcyra.
"(Signed), Joseph E. Levi,

" Corfu, Oct. 8 (20), 1876." The Chief Babbi."

" I hereby certify to the authenticity of the foregoing signature
of the Chief Babbi of the Jewish community at Corcyra, Monsieur
E. Levi. " (Signed), X . Makings, the Xomarch."

"Corfu, Oct. 11(23), 1876."

"I hereby certify that the above signature of the Xomarch of
this Island, X. Marinos, is genuine and authentic.

"(Signed), Charles Sebright,

" British Consulate, Corfu, Oct. 23, 1S7C H.M.'s Consul.''

"WE ilCST EECOXSTEUCT THE GREEK EMPIEE." 219

Mr. Gladstone, in his article on the Hellenic Factor on the
Eastern Problem, says : — " Probably for the first time during two
thousand years, the silence of the Pnyx at Athens was broken a few
weeks ago by the stir of an assembly comprising, as we are told,
about ten thousand persons.* The meeting was first addressed by
the Professor of History in the University at Athens, who advanced
this among his claims to speak on the occasion — that he had seen
his brother and his brother-in-law beheaded, and his father and his
uncle hung.

" The first stage of the descent of the Greeks was when they
came under the Eoman dominion. But Grcecia capta ferum
xktorem cepit. This first reverse Avas mitigated by the majesty of
the Power to which they succumbed, and by a continuous
intellectual reign ; such that, when Christianity went forth into
the world, no sooner had it moved outwards from its cradle in
Jerusalem, than it assumed the aspect of a Greek religion. That
aspect it bore for centuries. In the Greek tongue, and by minds
in which the Greek element predominated, was moulded that
creed which still remains the intellectual basis of the Christian
system. In the second century, it was still the ruling Christian
tongue in Eome, where Pope Victor was the first who wrote in
Latin on the business of the Church. f But even political jealousy
was not so keen and sharp-eyed an enemy to Greek indepen-
dence as ecclesiastical ambition. Of this we have the most ex-
traordinary proof in the letter addressed by Pope Pius II. to
Mahomet II. shortly after the capture of Constantinople. The
Pontiff exhorts the victorious Sultan (14G1) to embrace Chris-
tianity, and not only promises, upon that condition, to confer on
liim, by virtue of his own apostolical authority, the legitimate
sovereignty of all the countries he had conquered from the
Greeks, but engages to use him for the re-establishment over
those countries of the supremacy of the Papal Chair. ' Twain,
fo'achium,' he says, ' in eos imploraremus, qui jura Eccleske Romance

* Compte Rendu de l'Assemblee, &c. Athenes, 1876.
t Dollinger, "Ilippolytus und Kallistus," chap. i. p. 28. Plummer' 8 Trans-
lation, p. 25.

220 A DEFENCE OF ETTSSIA.

.nonnunquam uswpant, et contra matrem suam cormia erigunt.'* Such
was the consolation administered, on the Christian side and from
the highest quarter, to those crushed under the calamity of
Ottoman domination. It was their peculiar fate to be smitten on
one cheek because they were Christians, and on the other because
they were not Latin Christians. Had it not been, says Dr. Pichler,
the learned historian of the Schism, for the religious division of
East and West, the Turks never could have established their
dominion in Europe, f

" Before Mr. Canning took office in 1822, the British Govern-
ment viewed the Greek rebellion with an evil eye, from jealousy
of Bussia. According to Finlay,| its aversion was greater than
that of " any other Christian Government." Its nearest represen-
tative, Sir Thomas Maitland, well known in the Ionian Islands as
King Tom, after breaking faith with the people there by the
establishment of a government virtually absolute in his own
hands, endeavoured (but in vain) to detect by the low use of
espionage the plans, yet in embryo, of the revolution.

" But to the Emperor Nicholas and to his country, aided by the
good offices of Prussia, redounded the final honour of including
in the Bussian Treaty of Peace the provisions of July 1827.
The tenth article of the Treaty of Adrianople is the international
charter of the independent existence of Greece. § Though the
Sultan had vaguely agreed to the concession before the Treaty, at
the instance of England and France, yet his willingness to comply
may be set down, in the main, to the formidable nearness of the
Jiussian army.

"Brigandage had long since been occasional and limited, at the

* Pichler, i. 501. t Ibid. i. 49S.

% Greek Eevolulitn, ii. 161 ; Gordon i. 31o. Also compare Tricoupi, Hel-
lenike Epanastasis, i. 339, se^q. ; ii. 219 ; iii. 2G7. On the change in the
English policy, and its effect, see Tricoupi, 191 — 194. The majority of Mr.
Canning's Cabinet did not sympathize with him ; but he had the advantage of
s. thoroughly loyal chief in Lord Liverpool.

§ Finlay, Greek Eevolution, ii. 222 ; La Eussie et la Turquie,pp. 102—113.

"we must reconstruct the greek empire. " 221

time when England was shocked and harrowed by a deplorable
but single outrage, of a kind from which Italy has been but
lately purged, and Sicily, we must fear, is not yet purged
altogether. The venality, unblushing and almost universal, among
public men at Constantinople, hides its head in Athens, much as
it did in England under Sir Robert Walpole. Recently detected
in the gross transactions between certain ministers and certain
bishops, it was brought to trial, and severely punished by the
regular unbiassed action of the Courts. In this small and almost
municipal State, the independence of the Judiciary appears to be
placed beyond cmestion ; of itself an inestimable advantage. The
higher clergy live in harmony with the State, the lower with the
people ; and the correspondence of our Foreign Office would show
instances of their liberal feeling, such as are likely to exercise a
beneficial influence upon Eastern Christendom at large. Their
union with the people at large makes them an important element
of strength to the social fabric. It was indeed an union cemented
by suffering. On Easter Day, in April 1821, the Patriarch Gre-
gorios * was arrested in his robes, after divine service, and hanged
at the gate of his own palace in Constantinople. After three days
he was cut down, and his body delivered to a rabble of low Jews,,
who dragged it through the streets, and threw it into the sea.
Gordon enumerates about twenty Bishops, who were massacred or
executed by the Turks in the early stages of the Revolution.! As
for the priests, they suffered everywhere, and first of all. J

" The statistical record, moreover, of the progress of Greece,
drawn from public sources, is far from being wholly unsatis-
factory.

"The population, which stood in 1834 at 650,000, had risen
in 1870 to 1,238,000 ; that is to say, it had nearly doubled in
thirty-six years ; a more rapid rate of increase than that of Great

* Gordon, i. 187. Finlay, i. 230. Tricoupi, Hellenike Epanastasis, vol.
j. pp. 102—107, chap. vi.

t Gordon, i. 187, 183, 190, 194, 306.
X Ibid. i. 192.

222 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

Britain, and far beyond the ordinary European rate. With the
Ionian Islands, Greece must now contain a number of souls con-
siderably beyond a million and a half.

"In 1830, Greece had 110 schools, with 9,249 scholars. In
1SG0, it had 752 schools, with 52,860 scholars. The University
of Athens, which in 1837 had 52 students, in 1866 eould show
1,182.

"The revenue, which was £275,000 in 1833, was £518,000 in
1845, and £1,283,000 in 1873 ; or probably about a million, after
allowing for the Ionian Islands.

" For the shipping and trade of Greece, the figures, though
imperfect, are not unsatisfactory. The number of Greek seamen,
augmented by the addition of the Ionian Islands, was in 1871 no
less than 35,000. But before that annexation they were 24,000 ;
or almost three times as many, in proportion to population, as
those of the United Kingdom. The tonnage is over 400,000 for
1871. Before the union with the Ionian Islands, the imports and
exports averaged for 1853-7, £1,546,000; but for 1858-62
£2,885,000. For 1867-71 they had risen to £4,662,000. That
portion of Greek trade which is carried on with the United
Kingdom, and which was in 1861 £923,000, had risen in 1871 to
£2,332,000.

" Mr. Finlay speaks of the strong leaning of the Ionian popula-
tion to Russia. This may have been true, and with very good
reason for it, in the time of Sir Thomas Maitland ; or in the
Island which, according to Gordon,1" "groaned for years under
the iron rod of a wretch, whose odious tyranny would have dis-
graced a Turkish Pasha." Of that people who still fondle in
their memories the names of Canning and of Byron, there are in
the Levant, we may safely say, four millions on whose affections
we may take a standing hold, by giving a little friendly care at
this juncture to the case of the Hellenic provinces.

" An Athenian " says, as to the schism between the Greek and
Bulgarian Churches : — " The whole of Servia and the Northern

•Vol i. p. 318.

""WE MUST RECONSTRUCT TIIE GREEK EMPIRE." 223

Provinces had always a clergy of their own, and a large propor-
tion of both the priests and bishops of Bulgaria were natives
educated in the seminary of Chalki. If the proportion was not
greater it was owing to the natural inaptitude and disinclination
of the Bulgarians for intellectual occupations. This is so positive
that even the present Bulgarian Exarch Anthimos, of Widin,
the prelate whom they choose to hold first that post of national
trust, is a Greek by birth and education, and was, until his defec-
tion, one of the Constantinopolitan Synod. The same was the
case with Panaretos, the Bulgarian Bishop of Philippopolis, and
with most of their ablest priests and bishops who are now the
mainstay of the Exarchate. It so happens, however, that the
Exarch is now elected in the same manner as the Patriarch, the
Porte having in each case the casting vote, and the Bulgarian
Bishops are nominated by precisely the same process as the Greek
prelates.

" Still, what difficulties had these men to contend with in
a State where, far from receiving any remuneration for their
ministry, they had, like every other Giaour, to purchase the very
privilege of life ! The ministers of the Church had to pay for
their posts — as every other office is paid for in Turkey — to the
Governors, and they had, consequently, to recoup themselves as
best they could. But how has it fared with the new Exarchate 1
Why, it has hardly been in existence for four years as a brand
new national establishment, and already two Bishops have been
expelled from their sees by their own Bulgarian flocks for un-
merciful fleecing.

" The Greeks, notwithstanding systematic, and barbarous perse-
cution, had, with characteristic ability and perseverance, secured
the control of all the trade of the Black Sea, and of the mouths
of the Danube, and the sole object in life of most of those devoted
men was, by stinting themselves of the commonest necessities, to
amass a fortune, which they bequeathed for the establishment of
schools, hospitals, and orphanages, and for the publication of
books propagating useful knowledge among their countrymen.
Those savings were almost universally invested in landed estates

224 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

in the Danubian Principalities, then under Greek Hospodars, and
in Bessarabia, equally safe from Turkish depredations, and the
deeds of ownership were made over to one of three great
national institutions, namely, the Patriarchate, of Constantinople,
the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, and the Brotherhood of the
Monks of Mount Athos. Thus, in the course of time, immense sums
of money accumulated in the hands of the Greek clergy, who, what-
ever their shortcomings, made so effectual a use of their trust that
the revival of Greek learning and the consequent awakening of
the people are clearly traceable to that agency. Prince Couza of
Roumania was prevailed upon to sequestrate by one stroke of the
pen the whole of the Danubian estates, which, yielding several mil-
lions of yearly income, were not the property of the Church of the
Principalities, but the bequest of aliens to alien institutions. A more
glaring case of unscrupulous spoliation has never been recorded.

" The Patriarchate soon discovered these tactics, and obviously
deriving no advantage from the allegiance of a people given
over to agitation, offered to recognize a separate head, not of a
Bulgarian Orthodox Church, but of an Orthodox Church in
Bulgaria, and to concede to it the same privileges of administering
its internal affairs which the Synods of Greece and Servia already
enjoy, provided the Bulgarian Committee fixed territorial limits to
this new organization.

" Aali Pasha issued a firman in 1870, by virtue of which a
separate Bulgarian Exarchate was established, having power to
appoint a Bulgarian Bishop in whatever locality a part of the
population, however insignificant, was pronounced to be Bulgarian.

" The manner in which this firman worked is as follows : ' In
most of the towns and villages on the tract of land between
Bulgaria proper, Thrace, and Macedonia, the population is un-
fortunately mixed. The Greek schools, hospitals, and churches,
supported out of the Danubian Estates Income, were rapidly being
closed for want of funds. But the Bulgarian agitators, feeling
themselves well backed and encouraged, took by actual assault
school-houses and churches which had been erected with Greek
funds, and had always been recognized as Greek institutions.'

'• WE MUST RECONSTRUCT TIIH GREEK EMPIRE." 225

" In these circumstances, it was impossible for the Greek
Patriarchate to allow this movement to extend unchecked. A
Synod of all the Oriental Churches was convened at Constanti-
nople, and on the Exarch refusing to lay down territorial limits
to his jurisdiction, a schism between the Greek and the Bulgarian
Churches was proclaimed in October, 1872."

" An Athenian " also says, as to Greek brigandage : — " It may be
asked, What right has Greece to question at all the measures adopted
by a neighbouring State with regard to its territory 1 The right
of the Greek Government is a three-fold one — it refers to the
.security of its frontiers, to the existing international relations,
and to the inalienable and irrefragable bonds which unite all the
members of the Greek nation together. It appears to me
unnecessary to dilate upon the nature and mode of existence
of the Circassians stationed in colonies near the frontier.
When they do not actually burn and butcher, as they
have lately done in Bulgaria, they subsist by child-stealing,
cattle-lifting, and systematic brigandage. They have no trade
except depredation, and no acknowledged pursuit except the
commerce of human flesh, beginning with their own children.
They accept no fixed locality as their abode, and a ' settlement '
with them simply means a provisional centre of operations, which
they shift as soon as the country around has ceased to afford any
attraction in the way of available plunder. Consequently, even
a distant approach of these marauders is a continual source of
danger and apprehension.

" I am at a loss to offer a precedent adequately illustrative
of the present case, for the simple reason that no European
Government ever attempted so flagrant a breach of all inter-
national obligations and so shameless a disregard of the dictate-,
of decency. To say nothing of the premiums offered by civilized
Governments for the destruction of locusts and for the strict
circumscription of the cattle plague — and these are less severe
visitations than an incursion of Circassians — I must remind
English readers that the people of Hampstead protested against
the establishment of a fever hospital in their vicinity, and

Q

226 A DEFEXCE OF RUSSIA.

that your Australian colonists refused to receive convicts and
ticket-of-leave men, all of whom are under proper restraint
and quite harmless as compared with Circassians. I will also add
that Prince Bismarck's protest against the employment of the
savage Turcos by France against Germany was accepted in
England as a just condemnation of an inadmissible mode of carry-
ing on civilized warfare.

" Greece is not at war with Turkey — the relations between the
two countries had never been so friendly as of late — the more
reason why Greece should expect to be treated in perfect loyalty
and unreserved confidence. We have been bitterly reproached
with the existence of brigandage on the Greco-Turkish border.
We protested that the evil was fomented in Turkey and thence
let loose upon us ; that it was impossible to adequately guard our
frontiers — such as the Protecting Powers, in their wisdom, had
decided to mark out — against daily incursions, and that Greece
was as little responsible for these periodical irruptions of
brigandage from the other sides as Canada lias ever been deemed for
the Fenian raids. So long as Turkey made it a practice to line
the frontiers with irregular Albanians and Bashi-Bazouks, who
were only an organized and officially recognized body of brigands,
and who allowed bands to cross over into Greece on the under-
standing that the spoil was to be divided on their return, it was
impossible to answer even for the safety of Attica itself, which is
only a day's march from the frontier. Thanks to the intervention
of the British Ambassador at Constantinople, the Porte was at
last prevailed upon to substitute in 1874 regular troops at the
frontier, and at Sir Henry Elliott's* suggestion General Ali Pasha,
a renegade Pole, but an honest man and an able officer, was placed
in command in Thessaly. Brigandage had since then disappeared,
and it was only on the removal of Ali Pasha to the seat of war and
the return of irregulars to Thessaly that trouble again began, thus
proving to demonstration, on the one hand, the injustice of

* Poor Sir Henry (Elliott) is a good worthy sort of upper clerk. He is
snubbed now by every one.

"we must reconstruct the greek empire." 227

imputing to Greece the evil of brigandage, and on the other, the
complete control which Turkey has always possessed over our own
internal security."

In an article in the Revue des Deux Mondes, M. Leroy-Beaulieu
says : " The Greece of 1830 is by its configuration even deprived
of internal equilibrium. Composed exclusively of the Hellenic pro-
vinces of the South, it is quite southern by the character of its
inhabitants as well as by latitude, and wants the counterpoise
which the provinces of the North Epirus and Thessaly would have
given it. Existing Greece is like a France confined to Pro-
vencals and Gascons, the most lively perhaps, the best speakers,
the most intelligent even of all the French ; but assuredly, neither
the wisest nor the quietest.

" The Greece of 1830 resembles also an Italy reduced to
Naples and Sicily, all meridional, all maritime. The heavy
Boeotians and the wild Etolians do not suffice to give to the
kingdom the interior balance which it wants, it would have
required the steadfast populations of Thessaly and Epirus. As
the alloy of a grosser metal gives to gold or silver more strength,
the heavier blood of the Albanians would have happily corrected
in the northern provinces Greek ductility. Within the actual
limits of Greece on a restricted and impoverished soil with 'such a
predominance of the element which is naturally the most
turbulent of them, the circumstance as to which one must
be astonished is not the faults of the Greeks as to their
revolutions, their bankruptcies, it is their wisdom, their
relative prosperity, their progress. Though the Greeks of the
kingdom may, perhaps, have often been inferior to their brethren
outside, they have performed the miracle of living in conditions
where existence seemed impossible, and of preserving liberty
under conditions where absolutism seemed their only chance of
safety. . . . Primary instruction is more general among the
Greeks than among many western nations — than, for instance, in
England and Belgium. . . . The principal article of com
merce of Greece with the foreigner is currants. The produce of
the kingdom is thus at the caprice of the English plum pudding

Q 2

228 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

and cookery. . . . The Greek fleet is equal to that of Russia,
of which the European territory is a hundred times larger than
that of Greece, and very much greater than that of the Ottoman
Empire, of which most of the vessels are manned by Greeks. . .
In contesting with each other the possession of Thrace and
Macedonia, in presence of their common master, Greeks and Slavs
seem, according to the popular expresssion, to fight for the skin of
the bear before they have killed it. . . It is the ethnological
map of Kiepert, which has served, they say, as a basis for the
studies of the Conference. The Bulgarians accept usually the
results of these labours, the Greeks reject them. I ought to say
that a professor of the Lyceum of Galita Serai, M. A. Synvet,
has just presented, with the aid of information supplied him by
the Patriarchate of Constantinople, facts in a more favourable
light for the Greek claims. . . .

" In the dioceses (Eparchies) of which they took possession, the
Bulgarians, yesterday under the yoke of the Phanarcotes, have
sometimes used their power to oppress in their turn their former
masters, shutting the Greek churches and schools, and desiring to
impose the use of Slavonian on those whom they reproached with
having wished to compel them to speak Greek. The two rival
nationalities, led away by the ambitious views, for the future seem
thus to have given themselves the mission to maintain themselves
reciprocally in servitude. ' To divide to reign ' is a maxim of which
the practice is so much the more easy to the Mussulman master,
since the Christian subjects take upon themselves to apply it for
them. The Greeks and the Slavs, who have so often revolted
against the Turks, take care usually not to do so at the sain;-
time ; they wait to rise until the Porte has done with their rivals.
If the territory to which the Greeks may aspire to possess them-
selves is limited, the Greek mind will always possess a much
vaster field. Their dispersion over two or three continents only
neutralizes the grandeur and the political strength of the Greeks,
by increasing their moral influence. Thanks to it, the language
of Athens will extend far beyond the land of the kingdom, and
Hellenism will remain grander and more powerful than Greece."

""WE MUST RECONSTRUCT TnE GREEK EMTTRE." 229

Mr. Holms, M.P., says that Athens, which had in 1830 only 7,000
inhabitants, now has 50,000 ; and the revenue of Greece, which was
£612,600 in 1833, is now £1,416,000. The mercantile marine of
Greece, whicli nearly perished at the end of the War of Independ-
ence, and in 1835 numbered but 3,370 vessels, of 90,000 tons, at the
end of 1872 reached 6,142 vessels, of 420,210 tons, and with 35,000
sailors. At Constantinople and Leghorn the Greek flag ranks second
only to the English ; at Marseilles only to that of France ; and a
'large portion of the trade of the Black Sea and eastern parts of the
Mediterranean is carried on under the Greek flag.

The number of Greek houses in London is 120, in Liverpool 30,
and in Manchester 64; and in London there is a Greek bank
and a Greek school, as well as a Greek insurance establishment.
Where do we see a Turkish house of business 1 They are un-
known in any commercial town in Europe.

I may add that, as in the case of Themistocles, who every one
allowed to be at least second in valour at the battle of Salamis,
and whoni all then recognised as first, so the Greeks must be
admitted by the universal suffrage of Europe to have done more
for civilization than any race which ever existed.

230 a dei\e:ntce of hussia.

CONCLUDING CHAPTER.

My self-imposed task is now ended, but I cannot but look rue-
fully on the vast mass of valuable materials which I have been
reluctantly obliged to sacrifice in a species of Massacre of the
Innocents, in order to retain my work within reasonable limits.

My wish and intention has been to write a book which should
enable an ordinary Englishman, who had previously known
nothing whatever respecting the Eastern Question, to acquire a
complete acquaintance with the whole subject, in all its details
and with its various side issues, at a single sitting, and that it
should be published at a sufficiently low price to place it within
the reach of all classes.

No one can be more fully aware than I am of the very nume-
rous faults and imperfections of my work, but I trust that the
friends of the Christian cause, at least, will accept my abundant
good will for my inadequate performance.

As to those m ho are hostile to the Christians and to Russia,
and who are favourable to Turkey, as I have given them no
quarter, I expect none myself, and am ready to maintain my
ground against all comers. As Mr. Gladstone has been chastised
with rods, I must expect to be chastised with scorpions, since,
though heartily in favour of the Christians, he is but a lukewarm
supporter of Russia, whilst I support that great country out and
out. I must say, I think the attacks made on Mr. Gladstone for
the course he has pursued on this question are palpably unjust
to him and most discreditable to their authors.

To begin with the pawns on the Government side of the poli-

CONCLUDING CHAPTER. 231

tical chessboard, I will quote as a specimen of most culpable
detraction the following passage from an address which was
delivered by Mr. Ashbury, M.P. for Brighton, to his constituents
in January last : —

"It must not be forgotten that he (Mr. Gladstone) has written
a. series of pamphlets by which he has put into his pocket about
ten thousand English sovereigns. "Why has he not shown his
sympathy by sending blankets to that amount ? As far as I am
concerned, I can scarcely conceive a more discreditable transac-
tion; an honourable gentleman taking advantage of his former
position of Prime Minister, as leader of the Liberal party, and,
as he hoped, future leader of the Government — but which I hope
he will never be — to take advantage of his prestige and trade on suf-
fering humanity in order to put money in his pocket."

Such venomous and unjust attacks must give annoyance even
to so eminent a man as Mr. Gladstone, while praise from this and
similar quarters could not afford the smallest satisfaction, and
if I am asked to explain this apparent inconsistency, I answer
in the words of Byron, that " the kick of an ass can give pain to
one to whom its most exquisite braying can give no pleasure."

Now, as Mr. Gladstone, in the course of his long and honour-
able career, has repeatedly resigned office on grounds which even
his opponents often showed thought over-punctiliousness, and
when he could have retained his position with perfect credit — as
he a few j'ears ago dissolved Parliament and risked his tenure of
power when he had a majority of nearly a hundred in his favour
— he of all public men is the one who is least open to such a
charge. As I have mentioned Mr. Ashbury, I will point out one
or two amongst many of the egregious errors into which he fell
in the address in question, which was greedily swallowed by
his dull and credulous listeners. He said, " The number of
Mahometans in that particular portion of Turkey is 3,230,000
against 4,270 Christians." But the fact is, as appears by the
Almanac de Gotha, the Christians, whom he estimates at 4,270,
number 4,792,443, so that his estimate is less than one-thousandth
of their actual numbers, a degree of inaccuracy which may rank

2o2 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

with Dr. Kenealy's estimate that the English have massacred
fcur thousand millions of people.

He subsequently says that fifteen to twenty thousand Eussians
joined the Servian army, whilst Mr. Mackenzie Wallace says the
real numbers were four thousand; so that, whilst geese dwindled to
goslings in the matter of (the Christian) population in Mr. Ashbury's
hands, they became swans in the case of the Eussian volunteers.

Another mis-statement is, that the Turkish fleet was destroyed
at Sinope in 1854, whilst that event really happened in 1853,
and it is utterly untrue as stated by Mr. Ashbury that the destruc-
tion of the Turkish fleet at Sinope took place before a declara-
tion of war, for war was declared by Turkey against Eussia on
the 5th October, 1853, and by Eussia against Turkey on the
1st November, 1853, whilst the destruction of the Turkish fleet
at Sinope took place on the 30th November, 1853. The
lecturer proceeded to say, "It was currently reported and
believed that he (the Sultan) had invited General Ignatieff to
garrison Constantinople with Eussian troops." If this is true,
it is no more than took place in 1833, when the Eussians alone
saved Constantinople from being captured by Ibrahim Easha,
and it shows that the Eussians are not so ambitious as Mr.
A&hbury and his friends pretend, since, if General Ignatieff had
taken advantage of this invitation, it would have been impossible
to have prevented another Eussian occupation of Constantinople.

We are then told that Lord Ealmerstonsaid of Mr. Gladstone,
" Gladstone will either ruin his country or die in the madhouse; "
but, having asked some of those best acquainted with Lord
Ealmerston, they positively assure me that he was incapable of
using such an expression towards one of our greatest statesmen,
for whom he had the utmost respect and regard, and whose
colleague he had been.

We are afterwards told that in the twelve months previous to
the dissolution of 1874, "Government supporters at every elec-
tion" were defeated, which is totally untrue.

Next comes the amazing statement " that our imports and ex-
ports are two hundred times greater than those of Eussia." Now,.

CONCLUDING CHAPTER. 233

the " Statesman's Year Book " gives the total value of the Bussian
imports at £60,000,000 sterling, and the exports at £52,000,000,
or together £112,000,000 ; and two hundred times that amount,
according to Mr. Ashbury's statement, would be the prodigious
sum of £22,400,000,000, whilst the total exports and imports of
the United Kingdom in 1875 were £655,551,900, or less than
one thirty-fourth part of Mr. Ashbury's estimate. This is the
way in which members of " the stupid party " justify their
appellation, and enlighten their constituents with wildly inaccu-
rate facts and obsolete and erroneous theories.

I now come to the Attorney-General, who attempted to-
harpcon our Liberal whale, and did not hesitate to say in a
speech to his constituents that Mr. Gladstone "had entered
into a warfare against the Government, animated by a vindictive
malignity founded on his exclusion from office;" and surely
this, as Mr. Gladstone pointed out, is most improper and un-
justifiable language from one who probably will occupy one
day the highest judicial position.

The most outrageous of the attacks on Mr. Gladstone, how-
ever, proceeded from Lord Beaconsfield, who thus endeavoured
to tomahawk and scalp him at Aylesbury: "It would be
affectation in me to pretend that the Government is backed
by the country. The opinion of a large party in this country
would, if carried out, be injurious to the interests of Eng-
land and fatal to peace The danger at such a

moment is this, that designing politicians may take advantage
of such sublime sentiments and may apply them for their sinister
ends. . . Such conduct outrages the principles of patriotism ;
it injures the common welfare Gf humanity in the general havoc
and crime it may accomplish, and may he fairly described as icorse
than any of those Bulgarian atrocities of which we have heard so
much." Everyone knows that this Parthian arrow was meant for
Mr. Gladstone, and a more odious, unjust, and disgraceful charge
was never brought by one politician against another, especially
behind his back, when he had no opportunity of replying ; for why
did not Lord Beaconsfield give him notice of his intended attack ?

234 A DEFEA'CE OF RUSSIA.

and I will be bound lie would have rushed to repel it from the fur-
thest corner of the country. Lord Beaconstield pays Aylesbury the
doubtful compliment of periodically exhibiting there his celebrated
decoys, which are generally but rather lame specimens of those
ducks for which Aylesbury is famous, and if they swallow all his
statements, the town will hereafter be still more celebrated for the
abundance of its geese. It suffices to refute Lord Beaconstield
and the other Turcophiles who stated that the agitation initiated
by Mr. Gladstone had been injurious and factitious — such as Lord
Derby, who described the feeling of the British people last
autumn as a got-up sentiment, and expressed his opinion that
the effect of it had been mischievous — to quote the following
sentence from one of his own colleagues (Lord Carnarvon) :
" He did not disagree, if he rightly understood it, with the public
feeling and opinion. . . He thought, on the contrary, it was
a credit to the country. He rejoiced that there was neither delay
nor hesitation in the expression of that feeling, and so far from
weakening the hands of the Government, he believed that if
rightly understood at home and abroad, nothing would more
strengthen the hands of his noble friend, the Foreign Secretary,
than the burst of indignation which had just gone through the
length and breadth of the land."

When I consider the foregoing envenomed attack of the
Turcophiles on such a man as Mr. Gladstone, alter his almost
unparalleled services, and that all who favour Russia are treated
as political Ishmaels and social Pariahs, I ought, I suppose, to
feel greater alarm than I really do at the fate which may be in
store for me who have given so much greater cause of offence,
especially as I have not only upheld the cause of the Christians
of Turkey, but also that of their heroic Russian liberators.

As I have arranged with an official of high position that this
work will reach the Emperor of Russia, and as it is to be
published in the Russian language, I venture to take this
opportunity of earnestly and respectfully urging on him the
expediency, as well as the justice, of immediately renewing the
promise made by the Emperor Alexander I. of granting a

CONCLUDING CHAPTER. 235

liberal constitution to the whole Russian Empire, to take effect
as soon as the national war of liberation of the Christians of
Turkey is satisfactorily concluded.

Almost the only friends and well-wishers of the Russian
Empire in England belong to the Liberal party, and they are
hampered and discouraged in their advocacy of the sacred cause
of the Christians of Turkey by the unfortunate circumstance
that Russia has not a constitution.

The overwhelming majority of Englishmen make a species of
idol of parliamentary government, and absurdly consider it a
panacea for all political and social evils. In fact, just as Cicero
too broadly said, " Iniquissimarn pacem justissimo bello antefero,"
so the typical Briton would be apt to prefer the Irish Parliament,
the Rump Parliament of Cromwell, the subservient and state-
nominated chambers of Napoleon III., or even the Turkish
A?setnbly, with all its absurdity, injustice, stupidity, and folly, to
the rule of an Antoninus, an Alfred the Great, or an Alexander II.
of Russia.

I think it was Montesquieu who said that the people of England
are free only during the time of the elections, which need not take
place more than once in seven years, and during the whole interval,
as at present, we are at the beck -and call of a single man (Lord
Beaconsfield), who will not take the sense of the people,
though he has publicly avowed that they do not approva
of his policy. After all, there are only about two millions of
voters out of a population of thirty millions, so that only one
fifteenth have the franchise ; and the seats are so absurdly dis-
tributed, that the balance of power is in favour of the minority
of the electors, who possess the majority of seats, and the whole
agricultural population are as much disfranchised as if they
were serfs. They are good enough to die for their country, but not
to vote ; whilst the Rayahs of Turkey, if they have no power,
at least do not serve in the army.

It is quite obvious that in the Southern States of the American
Republic the existence of Parliauie.utai-y Institutions was an
absolute bar to the emancipation of the great majority of the

236 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

population, who were slaves, treated with the utmost barbarity
and injustice, and demoralized and degraded even the mean
whites, who were the most numerous portion by far of the white
population, and who were the instruments of the tyranny of the
planters ; and an English seaman once seeing some mean whites
driving a number of negro men and women to the market for
sale with knotted whips, was heard to remark, "If the devil
don't seize them 'ere fellows, we might as well not have any
devil."

If there had been a benevolent and intelligent absolute
Government in the Southern States, the negroes would probably
have been emancipated a generation sooner — when we eman-
cipated our negroes in the West Indies — and a bloody war, with
a colossal debt far exceeding the total value of the negroes, would
have been avoided. On the other hand, benevolent and intelligent
absolute sovereigns are rare, and experience shows that in the long
run parliamentary government is by far the best for any civilized
and Christian country.

It was impossible that Eussia could have had an efficient
parliamentary government as long as serfdom existed, and
England probably retarded by several years the emancipation of
the serfs, by the Crimean War ; but now that they have been
freed for sixteen year's, and have for ten years worked the local
institutions which the Czar has given them quite as well, according
to Mr. Mackenzie Wallace, as the people of any other country
in Europe, it is clear that they are now perfectly fitted to receive
a liberal constitution.

Middle-aged men recollect when Austria and other countries
were as absolute governments as Eussia ; but Englishmen never
had a bad word for Austria, all the vials of their wrath being
reserved, since Lord Palmerston's reign, for Eussia, which could
never apparently do right ; whilst Austria, even in suppressing
the Gallician revolt, and inciting the peasants to massacre the
nobles, could never do wrong. The Emperor of Eussia could, if
he thought proper, at first proceed tentatively, say by allowing
each Mir or Commune to elect an elector, and all the electors in

CONCLUDING CHAPXEK. 237

each province could elect a member to the Russian House of
Commons. The provincial assemblies might again elect Senators,
and under such a system there would be no fear but that the
Parliament would be only too Conservative.

From Mr. "Wallace's account, the Emperor Alexander is evi-
dently not a man of inordinate ambition, with an overweening
and jealous attachment to absolute authority, and it would not be
to him an enormous sacrifice to become a constitutional sovereign,
reigning but not governing, as he already is in Finland, and as
Alexander I. and Nicholas were in Poland ; whilst surely the
Russians in 1877 are more fit for parliamentary government
than the Poles were in 1815.

Now that even the Turks have the pretence of a constitution,
surely the Russians should have the reality, and they would then
rally round their great country the cordial sympathies of the
Liberal party in Europe. If the serfs had been emancipated in
1850, and if three years later and before the Crimean War
Russia had obtained a free constitution, the Crimean War would
probably never have taken place. Russia would have been saved
an exhausting expenditure of blood and treasure, and the Liberal
party throughout the world, which is everywhere the strongest
and most intelligent, would have then willingly concurred in all
the territorial arrangements which I have sketched as the
probable result of the present war. After all, the position of a
constitutional sovereign is not incompatible with very con-
siderable influence, and as much power as would content any
reasonable individual. Louis Philippe had even a preponder-
ating influence in the government of France, though a constitu-
tional monarch, and Leopold, the King of the Belgians, who was
offered several kingdoms, was second to no sovereign in Europe
for the reputation and influence he enjoyed, which extended far
beyond the limits of the small kingdom he governed.

The Russians, too, are about the most loyal nation in the
world, and the great difficulty I see in Russian parliamentary
government is that there would hardly be any opposition.

A critic might here remaik that it is very easy to be liberal at

238 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

the expense of others, and to propose to a Russian Czar to part
with absolute power ; but the Emperor of Austria has done the
very same thing, to his great honour and enormous advantage,
and, to compare great things with trifles, in my own very obscure
sphere I have had the satisfaction of doing something which,
however comparatively utterly insignificant, was still in the same
direction. It happened that I possessed the old feudal privilege
of nominating the magistrates for the small town which adjoins
my castle, and I could have made a chimney sweep chief magis-
trate and a justice of the peace besides, and a servant and a
street beggar second and third bailies, as they are called. I,
however, considered this a most improper and unjust privilege
for me to possess, and one which was quite contrary to the spirit
of the age; so I, in my small way, gave a constitution to the
little town, and am not even a constitutional but an abdicated
sovereign. So far, however, from having lost influence in the
town by doing an act which saved me from an obnoxious and
distasteful responsibility, I have been twice, unexpectedly to
myself, returned as member for my county, chiefly, as I believe,
because I had divested myself of a power which I was not
morally justified in retaining.

Voltaire tells us that Russia had made more progress in fifty
years than any other nation in Europe in five hundred years,
which is the strongest possible proof that in his opinionjher
institutions then suited her ; but now that education is general
in Russia, and that a national spirit, which finds its expression
in the enthusiastic words, " Hatuseka Roosyia " (Mother Russia),
has been aroused of sympathy with fellow Slavonians, consti-
tutional liberty is imperatively and immediately necessary, and
literature, art, science, commerce, every interest, would progress
with renewed vigour, so that Russia would advance, not by an
arithmetical, but by a geometrical progression.

For those whose intellectual calibre does not permit them to
read anything drier than works of fiction, and who can only
swallow the pill of knowledge when profusely silverised, and for
those who, having been beguiled into reading my facts, arguments,

CONCLUDING CHAPTER. 239

and statistics, and who, after such a dose of senna or castor oil,
require a bonne louche, I have provided that requisite in the
shape of an amusing satirical sketch by Thackeray of life in a
Mahometan country, and a genial and humorous account of
an interview between a Turkish Pasha and a typical West Indian,
by the graphic pen of Kinglake.

Voltaire apologised on one occasion to a lady for writing a
long letter to her because he had not time to write a short one,
but I have endeavoured to economise my readers' time by an
elaborate and arduous condensation of facts and arguments at
the expense of my own.

I confess, to use a stereotyped parliamentary phrase, I am
greatly alarmed by the presentiment that Lord Beaconsfield will
endeavour to take advantage of the parliamentary recess, early
next month, to involve us in a war with Russia in favour of
Turkey, by which we should incur the guilt of subjecting the
Christians to the intolerable yoke of their Ottoman oppressors.

It is well-known that the early works of Lord Beaconsfield,
or rather of Mr. Disraeli, are of a somewhat prophetic character.
In his "Tancred," published about thirty years ago, we find the
title of Empress of India, and also that of the Earl of Beacons-
field. In the same work there "are some remarks which are not
inapplicable to the present state of the Eastern Question, and to
the opinions of a most eminent statesman. Keferinis, the cele-
bi*ated Prime Minister of the Queen of Ansorey, a great master
of the art of " amplification of phraseology," thus expresses
himself: "It is not to be denied, or in any way concealed, that
a Turk, especially if he be a Pasha, is, of all obscene and utter
children of the devil, the most entirely contemptible and
thoroughly to be execrated."

The chief hope of those who warmly espouse the Christian
cause is that Lord Salisbury, who has shown so much ability and
resolution hitherto in opposing the pro-Turkish party in the
Cabinet, will remain firm, and if he and the others who follow him
leave the Government if a warlike policy is persisted in, Lord
Beaconsfield would either have to resign or dissolve Parliament.

240 A DEFENCE OF KUSSIA.

It is a monstrous injustice and anachronism that on the fic-
titious pretence that a declaration of war is a prerogative of the
Crown, the whole lives and properties of every Englishman, and
even our national existence, are at the mercy of a single man,
alien in race, feeling, and character to our country, whilst in the
United States there is a committee of foreign relations of the
Senate, without whose concurrence not even the most insignifi-
cant treaty can be ratified ; and this body rejected the Johnson
Treaty, negotiated by Lord Derby, so that by our absurd system
the Americans can bind us, whilst they are themselves free.

The present Parliament was elected, and a Conservative
majority unexpectedly returned, chiefly by the influence of the
Licensed Victuallers, whom Lord Aberdare had irreconcilably
offended ; and surely three years later we are entitled to have an
appeal to the nation on the gigantic issue of peace or war, with
effete Turkey only as an ally, against our old and powerful ally
Russia.

There are plenty of men on the Liberal side of the House of
Commons who, if any attempt is made by Government to get
additional supplies of men or money by hook or by crook, will
divide the house any number of times that may be necessary to
defeat them, if we remained till this time twelve months, or until
the war is ended ; and I would fain hope that Her Majesty
sympathises with the atrocious wrongs of the Christians, and
that if Lord Beaconsfield (who, as I have ehewhere shown, is
stated by Count Seebach to have treated with the enemy in the
Crimean War, and who has himself admitted that the Govern-
ment is not backed by the country) endeavoured to persuade the
Queen to sign a declaration of war against Russia, she would
dismiss him instantly from office, send for Mr. Gladstone, and
appeal to the country.

Mr. Gladstone, in a letter to the Baptists of "Worcestershire,
says, "The Government have already, in 1877, asked from Par-
liament for military and naval purposes £24,700,000. In 1870
we had asked £20,500,000, adding to this sum the £2,000,000
we asked after the Pranco-German "War began ; we had

Brother Jonathan's "Guess" as to our best Policy on the Eastern Questic
From Harper's Illustrated Journal, of New York.

LETTKH hi HI

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Mr. Gladstone's resolution, " Don't make an ass of yourself, Mr. Bull," (as you
waging the Crimean War when you riveted the yoke of the Turk on the oppre;
lristians of Turkey).

CONCLUDING CHAPTER.

241

£22,500,000 or less by £2,500,000 than the charge for this year
already placed on the estimates. Our proposal was not made
upon the outbreak of the war, nor upon any alleged necessity
for defending British interests, but after the disclosures of what
was known as the Benedetti draft of a treaty for the absorption
of Belgium (by France)."

I recollect hearing a story of a sovereign of England who
wanted a coachman, and on four candidates appearing he asked
the first, " If you were driving me near a precipice how near
would you approach it ? " The first candidate, to show his skill,
said, " Your Majesty, I would go within a foot of it." The
second, not to bo beaten, said he would go within an inch of it,
while the third, to trump them both, said he would put one wheel
over. The last, however, said he would keep as far from it as
possible. " Then you are my man," said the king ; and I trust
that Her Majesty will see that Mr. Gladstone is the safe State
coachman, who will remain as far as possible from the precipice
of war with Eussia, whilst the driver of the Derby dilly, the in-
scrutable author of the Asian mystery, is like the reckless Jehu
who is almost certain to upset the national coach.

The course which the Ministry are pursuing, in sometimes
attacking Eussia on the score of British interests, and at other
times on that of the independence of Turkey, according as it suits
their purpose, reminds me of a cartoon in Punch, which I shall
take the liberty of adapting to their case : A countryman at
a fair is looking at an allegorical picture in two compartments,
one representing British interests, the other Turkish independ-
ence-^ both rather hazy and indistinct. And after puzzling over
them for a long time, he at l-.at asks, " Which is Turkish inde-
pendence, and which is British interests ? " Upon which the
showman answers, " Whichever you please, my man ; you pay
3'Our money and you takes your choice." And so, provided we
only join in hostility to the Turks, it does not signify a straw to
the Government whether it is for Turkish independence or
British interests. "Any stone is good enough to throw at a
dog."

R

242 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

I confess I regard with the greatest grief and the most profound
humiliation the utterly selfish and extremely discreditable policy
which England has adopted on the Eastern Question, and which
may be dated from the abandonment of Parga to Turkey at
the peace of 1815, for previously to that time we had been uni-
formly hostile to the savage despotism of the Turks.

I have already pointed out at considerable length the disgrace
which we brought on our national credit by our conduct with
reference to Parga, and our heartless indifference for so many years
to the noble and glorious struggle of the Greeks for freedom and
independence ; and though I might refer to many events in the
interval which reflect discredit upon us, I will now proceed to
touch on the attitude of England at the period when the Crimean
war broke out — where Kinglake, in his able and instructive
work, states, "The EDglish desired war, and perhaps it ought
to be acknowledged that there were many to whom war for the
sake of war was no longer a hateful thought. . . . England
had become so eager for conflict, that the idea of desisting from
the war merely because the war had ceased to be necessary was
not tolerable to the people. The Crimean war was undertaken
really for supposed British interests, but on the pretext of
defending the integrity and independence of Turkey ; however,
the fact is, that British interests as well as British honour lay in
exactly the opposite direction, for if Turkey were a Christian and
well-governed State, the population would become, as it formerly
was, four or five times as great as it now is, and each individual
would be on an average so much more wealthy, that our com-
merce with that country would probably increase tenfold."

The most hostile foreigner could not well bring a heavier
charge against England than that which Kinglake here makes.
No one with a spark of humanity about him can regard war in
any other point of view than as ahideoiis, but, alas! sometimes
necessary evil ; and in the Book which, of all others, we profess
to reverence, we are told that Cod " will scatter the people that
delight in war."

On the occasion of the atrocious a acres which have led to

CONCLUDING CHAPTER, 243

the present war, Sir H. Elliott, our ambassador in Turkey, dis-
graced himself and his country by the following astounding and
unprecedentedly cynical sentence in a dispatch : — " The necessity
which exists for England to prevent changes from occurring here
which would be most detrimental to ourselves is not affected by the
question whether it was 10,000 or 20,000 persons who perished in
the suppression . . . and cannot be a sufficient reason for
abandoning a policy which is the only one that can be followed
with a due regard to our own interests." But if real or supposed
British interests are to overrule all other considerations, it follows
that if the whole moral and material welfare and happiness of the
entire human race (numbering 1,200,000,000, excepting30,000,000
of Britons) depended on our pursuing one course of action, and the
real or supposed advantage of England was in the other scale, we
should deliberately choose the temporal and eternal ruin of the
rest of the human race, rather than abate the most infinitesimal
portion of the English interests — or, rather, not the interests of
the majority of the nation, but those of the aristocrats and plu-
tocrats who form what is called the "Upper Ten Thousand ; " and
one of the twelve apostles who now constitute the D'Israelitish
Cabinet, the same antediluvian j)olitician who in the recent
debate had the audacity again" to call the glorious victory of
Navarino " an untoward event," has shown in an immortal
poem that, in his opinion, England should be governed, not for
the advantage of the many, but in the interest of the few, in
the following well-known lines : —

" Let arts and commerce, laws and learning die,
But spare, oh spare our old nobility ! "

If writing such trash as this is a passport to the highest offices
of the State, foreigners will be apt to say stupid, more stupid,
and an old-fashioned Tory as the climax of stupidity. The English
people, as a whole, are sound at the core, and are willing to sub-
mit to the heaviest sacrifices at the call ot honour and of duty,
but unfortunately on the Eastern Question their intuitive sense
of right has been to some extent obscured and confused by the
' B 2

244 A DEFENCE OF RUSSIA.

utterly false representations of a large portion of the press and
the influence of the "West-end" and "Upper Ten."

When the war of Secession in America took place, whilst the
"West-end" warmly espoused the cause of slavery, the operatives
of Lancashire, who were thereby suffering from all the horrors
of want, nobly advocated the cause of freedom ; and so in this
case, even some real loss to British interests would be cheerfully
encountered by them in the sacred cause of the Christians of
Turkey. Another instance of the selfish policy of the present
Government is thus alluded to by the Duke of Argyll : — "The
Austrian Government, when refugees from the Turkish pro-
vinces came into its territory, gave them out of mere humanity
a small pittance to keep them alive. Now I see that through
your agents and your Ambassadors you were urging the Austrian
Government to withdraw this miserable pittance. Not only this,
they were urging them to send back those people into Turkey
at the very time when your own agents were telling you that they
would give them no sort of security that they would not be mur-
dered within a month ; and, urged by the Austrian Government,
which was urged by you, some of those unfortunate people did
go back, and were murdered."

If I could think, which I do not, that the mass of my
countrymen are as blind and selfish as the "West-end," I for
one would change my name, abandon my nationality, and,
shaking the dust off my feet, I would leave my country for ever.

The " West-end " now affect to pour out their sympathies for
the long by-past grievances of Poland, so as to draw a red herring,
as it were, across the national scent which points to the present
wrongs of the Christians of Turkey ; and they remind me of
what Byron said of Sterne — " They prefer Avhining over a dead
ass to relieving a living sufferer."

I have written strongly on this subject because all
my feelings are warmly engaged on the side of the Chris-
tians of Turkey ; and as no one else is both able and willing
to do justice to their Russian liberators at the risk of any
amount of obloquy, I throw myself, as it were, into the breach.

CONCLUDING CHAPTER. 245

The cause I have espoused requires and deserves an abler
advocate. I have endeavoured to do my best, and lament my
inability to do more. What I have performed may probably be
deemed no more in proportion to the end to be attained than
the ratio between the widow's mite and the total amount of the
Jewish treasury, but, as in that case, so in mine — it is all that
I am able to offer.

The impressive words of an eloquent writer are singularly
applicable to the present position of the Turcophile party
in England, which so triumphantly exults in its overwhelm-
ing influence and power, and which will not even listen to
what is to be said on the other side of this great and
vitally important question, but ardently hopes to involve us in
war with Russia : — " It is in this midnight of your intoxication
that I foresee an awakening of bitterness ; it is at this spring-
tide of your joy that I warn jou that an ebb of troubles is at
hand ; and if its sound cannot break your slumbers, and if its
sense cannot pierce your breasts, its tone will be preserved, and
will sink upon your spirits when they are softened by mis-
fortune."

I conclude by entreating the masses of my countrymen who
are urged by the Turco maniacs to preier supposed British
interests to justice to bear in mind the noble words of the ex-
cellent Hooker, which I quote from memory : "Of Justice what
less can be said than that her seat is the bosom of God, her
voice the harmony of the world.- All things in heaven and earth
do her homage — the least as needing her protection, the greatest
as not exempted fiom her power."

» 3

INDEX TO PART I

Abdux Hamtd adverse to reforms in
favour of the Christians, 139

Aberdeen, Lord, speech of, in 1828, 5.
Accused of being "over-Russian," 5.
Considered the Crimean war unjust
and unnecessary, 51. Resignation of,
in 1865, 51

Abyssinia, war declared by the Khedive
against, 52

Aden and Perim, annexation of, by Eng-
land, 53

Adrianople, treaty of, 9

Affghan War, 7. Opinions of Mr. Kaye
and Sir H. Edwardes, 7

Akerman, treat y of, 42, 63

Albanian Mahometans, their hostility to
the Turks, 212

Albanians, dialects of, 212. Harmony
in which they live with the Greeks,
213

Alexander I. described by Alison. 24

Alison, his description of Turkish bar-
barity, 114. On Poland, 160

Alma, exposed position of the English
troops in the attack, 50

America, sale by Russia of her possessions
in, 41

American taxation, description of, by
Sydney Smith,

American War of Independence, 194

Andrassv Note, the, its provisions, 63

Antonelli, Cardinal, 185. Truth's ac-
count of, 186

Arabian superstitions, 103

Argyll, Duke of, on the selfish policy of
the present Government, 244

Army, Turkish, its faulty commissariat
arrangements, 148

Ashbury , Mr. , his address to his constitu-
ents, 231. It3 egregious errors, 231

Asia Minor, populations of, 216
Atrocities, Turkish, 114, 144, 147
Attorney - General, attack of, on Mr.
Gladstone, 233

Balance of power a mischievous fiction,
16

Barbary pirates, their traffic in slaves,
120

Baring, Mr., his report on the Turkish
atrocities, 65

Bashi-Bazouks, 66, 122, 137, 145

Beaconsfield, Lord, his 6peecb at the
Guildhall, 74. His attack on Mr.
Gladstone, 233. Prophetic character
of his "Tancredi," 239. His war
policy, 240

Berlin Memorandum, the, recommenda-
tions of, 69. Refusal of England to
support, 70

Bianconi, M., works of, on Turkej', 214

Bismarck, Prince, on the friendly rela-
tions of Germany and Russia, 97

Black Sea, limitation of the Russian fleet
in, 51 ; and consequent abandonment
of the Christians to Turkey, 51

Black Sea, our trade in the, 195

Blockade, Turkish, inefficiency of the, 93

Bondholders, Turkish, 134

Bosnia, Vice-Consul Blunt on its capa-
city for freedom, 137

Burke, Mr. speech of, 3

Brigandage, Greek, 225. Responsibility
of Turkey for, 227

British Snob, Thackeray on the, 17

Bulgaria, refusal of Turkey to an armed
occupation of, 52. Insurrection in, 65.
British army in, 120. Destruction of
property in, 58. Vice-Consul Blunt on
its capacity for freedom, 137

248

INDEX TO PART I.

Bulgarian atrocities, flie, 64, 106, 129,
145. Ordered by the Turkish Govern-
ment, 75. Lord Granville on, 124

Bulgarians, massacre of, 138

Bulgarians, south nf the Balkans, mostly
of Hellenic descent, 213. M. Bian-
coni's opinion of, 214

Bulwer, Sir H., on Turkish rule, 147

Burghley, Lord, and the electors of
North Northamptonshire, 178

Byron, Lord, and the cause of Greek in-
dependence, 200

Caliphate, the, false claims of the
Sultans of Turkey to, 110

Canaris, his heroism in the Greek "War
of Independence, 207

Candia, 52

Carnarvon, Lord, speech of, in 1829, 6

Casimir V., his invasion of the Ukraine,
156. His abdication, 156. His pro-
phecy of the dismemberment of Po-
land, 156

Central Asia, Russian advance in, 39.
Earl of Beacon3field on the, 12

Chatham, Lord, remark of, 3

Chefket Pasha, 74

Christian races in Turkey and Asia
Minor often mistaken for Turks, 211

Christians, protection of the, by Russia
sanctioned by treaty, 44. Turkish
treatment of, 59, 120

Circassians, Mr. Douglas Freshfield on
the Russian treatment of, 10. Their
barbarity, 145. Means of subsistence,
2-25.

Codrington, Admiral, honour conferred
on him by the Czar after the victory
of Navarino, 8

Conference, the, 74. Refusal by Turkey
of its proposals, 7. Withdrawal of the
Ambassadors from Constantinople, 77.
England the cause of its failure, 78

Conservative party, the, and the
licensed victuallers, 240

Constantinople, occujxition of, by Russia,
in 1833, 43

Constitution, the new Turkish, 55.
Remarks of Lord Derby on, 125. The
Times on its working, 129. The very
opposite of a reform, 132

Consuls, assassination of the French and
German, at Salonica, 65, 82

Cracow, its annexation to Austria, 157.
Approval of Lord Palmerston of the
annexation, 157

Credit, Russian and Turkish, 39

Crimean War, humane treatment of
English prisoners, 11. Futility of its
results, 36. A foolish and wicked war,

46. Weakness and cowardice of
Austria, 46, 47. The English ulti-
matum, 47 ; and the Czar's reply, 47.
Policy of Prussia, 47. Mr. G. A.
Sala on, 98. Kinglake on the atti-
tude of England at its commence-
ment, 242

Cromwell, his massacres of tl e Irish,
and confiscation of their property, 165

Czar, the, his promises and assurances
to England, 74

Czars, Russian, their ability, 25

Dardanelles, blockade of the, in 1828,
exemption of the English from its
operation, 8

Debt of Russia, the, mode of paying
interest on, during the Crimean
War, 11

Declaration, the Russian, 80, 82. Re-
jected by Turkey, 83

Derby, Lord, his dispatch of May 1.
1877, 86. How the dispatch is viewed
in Russia, 89

Despotism, a benevolent, better than
oppressive parliamentary govern-
ment, 171

Dining a la liusse, 23

Dobrudscha, laid waste by the Turku,
122

Eastern Question, the, the Times on our
policy, 31. Sketch of past phases of
the, 36. Policy of England not always
to defend Turkey against Russia, 41 ;
but frequently hostile to Turkey, 42.
Solution of, 57. History of the pre-
sent phase of, 58. Remarks of Mr.
Gladstone on, 122 ; of Lord Harring-
ton, 125; of Lord Derby, 126; of the
Earl of Dudley, 126 ; of Sir W. Har-
court, 128 ; of the Duke of Welling-
ton, 197. The Times on the defects
of our policy, 208. Mr. Gladstone on
the Hellenic factor in, 219. Policy of
England selfish and discreditable,
242. Duke of Argyll on the policy of
the present government, 244.

Education in Russia, 238

Egypt, possession of, by Russia, not a
menace to India, 195

Elliott, Sir H., dispatch on the Turkish
atrocities, 212

English aggression, 17

English Cabinet, parties in, 53

English character, impressions »i
Heine, 17; of De Tocqueville, 18

France, advantages to, of a Russian
alliance, 28

INDEX TO PART I.

249

Freeman on Mahometanism, 106

Free-trade, Mr. Cobden on the Turkish
system of, 135

Forster, Mr. W. E., on Turkish atroci-
ties. 14.5

Fox, Mr., speeches of, 3

Gladstone, Mr., resignation of , in 1855,
51. His pamphlet on the Bulgarian
atrocities, 66. Speech on the Eastern
Question, 122. On the Hellenic factor
in the Eastern problem, 219. The
recent attacks on, 230 ; by Mr. Ash-
burv, 231 ; by the Attornev-General,
233"; by the Earl of Beaconsfield, 233.
Remarks on our military and naval
expenses, 240.

Gortschakoff, Prince, dispatch of, 85

Government of Turkey, the, a system of
corruption and fraud, 136

Grajdavine of St. Petersburg, extract
from an article in the, 89

Greco-Russian Church, points of differ-
ence from the Roman Catholic faith,
20. Cause of separation from the
Latin Church, 20.

Greece, the, of 1830, M. Leroy-Beaulieu
on, 227. Turkish atrocities in, 56, 202

Greek and Bulgarian Churches, the
schism between, 222

Greek bishops, massacre of, by the
Turks, 221 "

Greek Church, Orthodox, voluntary
entry of United Greeks of Poland
into the, 182. Caution of the Russian
Government in their admission, 182

Greek clergy, their liberal feeling, 221

Greek Empire, Reconstruction of, 197.
Russian interests in restoring, 209

Greek language and the Christian re-
ligion, 219

Greek Patriarch, the, 55

Greeks, the, the authors of European
civilization, 198. Their former pre-
eminence in literature, science, and
art, 198 ; and heroism in war, 199.
The Renaissance the result of Greek
literature and taste, 199. Their
bravery hi modern warfare, 199.
Aptitude for commerce, 208, 229. De
Tocquevhle on their jealousy of the
Slavonians, 210. Their numbers and
influence in European Turkey under-
rated, 211, 213. Their progress since
the War of Independence, 221 229

Greek War of Independence, 56. Its-
origin in Turkish injustice and
oppression, 200. Melancholy event
by which \ receded, 200. Sacrifices of
Lord Byron 202. Massacres anu

barbarities of the Turks, 202, 203.
Heroism of the Greeks, 202. Battle
of Navarino, 204. Course_pursued by
England censured by Lord Palmerston,
206. Heroism of Canaris, 207. Losses
and sacrifices of the Greeks, 208
Grey, Lord, considered the Crimean
War unnecessary and unjustifiable, 51

Herzegovina, treatment of the peasan-
try, 58, 61. Reforms promised in, 62

Hob'art Pasha, 92. Mr. Freeman's
animadversions on, 93

Hobhouse, Mr., on our alliance with
Turkey

Holland, Lord, on our alliance with
Turkey, speeches of, 4

House of Commons, the, illustrations of
cases brought before a Committee of
Privileges, 172. Macaulay's opinion
of, 174. The Home Rule Members in,
175. Defective machinery of, 175.
Discussion of Scotch Bills, 177

Ignatieff, General, 59

India, danger to, by Russian occupation
of Constantinople, 37, 41. Impossi-
bility of a successful Russian invasion
of, 189. Its pecuniary value to us, 190.
Its revenue, 191. The opium traffic,
191. Our army in, 191. Rapid out-
growth of its population, 191. Our
trade with, 192

Indian Mutiny, non-intervention of
Russia during, 11

Indian nightmare, the, 189

Integrity of the Ottoman Empire, first
support given by the English army to
maintain the, 43. Russia joins with
England, 43

Ireland, the English Poland, 162. Eng-
lish treachery, injustice, and cruelty
in, 103, 168. Massacres in, by Crom-
well, 165.

Irish, the, exclusion of, from the benefits
of English law, 162. Insulted by
King John, 162

Janissaries, massacre of the, 113. Their

cruelty to the peasantry, 146
Jesuits, effects of their influence hi

Poland, 184
Jews, their treatment by the Greeks,

217. Freedom enjoyed bv, in Greece,

217
Jury, the English and Scotch systems of

trial by, 177

Kainardji, trenty of, 44

Khalil Cherif Pasha, 58. Recall of, 60

250

IX HEX TO PAKT I.

Khivan campaign, excellent conduct of

the Russians, 9
Kilkenny, Statute of, its restrictions, 162

Layard, Mr., on cruelties to the Chris-
tians, 1 17

Lerov-Beaulieu, M., on the Greece of
L830, 227

L'Huys, M. Drouyn de, resignation of,
in 1855, 50

Lies invented about Russia, Thackeray's
satirical sketch of, 1

Louis Napoleon, his overtures to the
Czar rejected, 15

Macaulay, his opinion of the House of
Commons, 174

Mackintosh, Sir James, speech of, in
1828, 4. Speech on Russian forbear-
ance, 119

Mahomet, his immoral character, 103.
His marriage to Ayesha, 103. Super-
stitions respecting him, 103

Mahometanism, unmasked, 102. Illus-
trations of, 102. Propagated by the
sword, 105

Mahometan religion, the, the Sultan not
the head of, 106. Tolerance of the
Russians towards, 183

Mahometans, their supposed sympathy
with Turkey, 56. Their treatment of
women, 102. Their distribution, 107.
Contempt of Albanian Mahometans
for the Turks, 217

Mansfield, Col., refutation of, 180. His
report of no authority or value, 180

Maps, the author's ethnological or
Stanford, 211, 213. M. Bianconfs,
214. Kiepert's, 215

Martel, Charles, his victory at Tours,
104

Mecca, Shereef of, 106.

Mediterranean, British and French
influence on the, 48

Mehemet Ali, his rebellion against the
Sultan, 107

Melegari, M., speeches of, 76
t Pasha, 54

Misgovernment, Turkish, Consul Calvert
on, MO. Sir H. Bulwer on, 147

Mobilisation, Russian, cost of, 83

Montenegrins, dispatches of Prince
Nicholas and Consul Monsou on their
treatment of Turkish prisoners, 149,
150

Moscow, burning of, 8

Moscow Slavic Committee, expenditure
of, 60

Navabino, battle of, 41, 115, 204

Negroes, mutilation of, for the harems,
146

Nestorian Christians, Mr. Layard on
Turkish cruelties to, 147

Newspapers, suppression of Turkish, 148

Nicholas, the Emperor, 26. 220. Sup-
pression of the revolt on his accession,
26

Nicholas, Prince of Montenegro, his
magnanimity, 145

North, Lord, policy of, in 1791, 3

Opium, our Indian traffic in, with China,

191
Osmanlis, the, 212
Ottoman domination, results of, 57

Pauieestox, Lord, sa:'d to be bribed by
Russia, 2. Speech of, in 1829, (i ; in
1833, 6. Sir H. Bulwer on his change
of policy towards Russia, 6. Accused
of garbling dispatches to provoke the
Affghan War, 7. His opinions on
the Greek question, 204, 205, 206.

Papacy, Sir James Stephens on its
crimes, 183

Parga, surrender of, by the British to
Turkey. 201. Patriotism of the Greeks
before its cession, 200

Parliamentary institutions in America
a bar to the emancipation of the
slaves. 236

Parliament, the first Turkish, the recent
elections for, 121

Pamell, Mr., speech in the House of
Commous. 175

Pashas, their usually mercenary charac-
ter, 61

Paskiewitch, campaign of, in Asia
Minor, 9. His noble conduct towards
the Turks, 9. Results of his generous
policy, 9

Patriarchs of the Greek Church men of
high character, 185

Peter the Great, will of, proved to be a
forgerv, 33

Plague, the, 122

Poland, partition of, 154. State of,
before its partition, 154. Its dismal
history, 155. Serfdom, in, 156. Liberal
Constitution granted to, by the Em-
peror Alexander, 157. From a com-
mon sense point of view, 151. Inva-
sion of Russia by, 154. Conquest of,
by Sweden, 154. Decline of tin
Protestant cause in. 184. The revolu-
tion in, and the Russian means of
repression, 158. Futurepolir, of. 160.
Abolition of its ccnstitution, 160.
Ireland, trie English, 102

INDEX TO PART I.

251

Poles, their cruel treatment by the
Swedes, 156. By the Austrian*, 158.
Their cruelty, 158

Polish nobility, the, 155. Massacre of,
by the Austrians, 158

Pope, despotism of his spiritual rale, 183.
Doctrine of the Infallibility, 183

Popery, Sydney Smith's description of,
184

Present Phase of the Eastern Question,
history of, 58

Principalities, the, 46. Evacuation of,
by the Russians, 49. Their relation
to Tuikey, 51. Occupation of by
Austria, 52

Prisons, overcrowding in Turkish, 138.

Protestantism in Poland, decline of, 184

Protocol, the Russian, 78. Its terms,
79. Its provisions for mutual disarma-
ment, 80. Refusal of Turkey to
submit to, 83

Punch, cartoon, British interests and
Turkish independence, 241

Redif Pasha, fraudulent transactions of,
61

Representative system in England, de-
fects of, 235

Respect and regard formerly entertained
in England towards Russia, 3. Pre-
sent feeling in America, 12; in Ja-
pan, 13 ; in Armenia, 14 ; among the
Croatians, 14 ; among the Czechs of
Bohemia, 14

Results of the present Russo-Turkish
war, a forecast of the probable, 95

Rifle, superiority of the Turkish range,
31

Ristich, M., on Turkish atrocities in
Servia, 137, 144

Roads in Turkey, want of, 135

Roman Catholic Church, instance of its
inconsistency, 183. Cruelties and
absurdities of, 185

Roman Catholics, persecution of, in
Ireland, 166, 167

Rushdi Pasha, speech of, 55

Russell, Lord John, resignation of, in
1855

Russia, the truth about, 1. Incidents of
our relationship with, 8. Its free
institutions, 19. Education, its cost,
21. Foreign loans, 21. Railways and
telegraphs, 21. Our trade with, 21.
Punishment of death abolished, 22.
Justified in declaring war, 37. For-
bearance of, 129. Its need of a con-
stitutional Government, 235, 238.
Voltaire on its/ rapid progress, 238.
Education in, 238

Russian annexation, 18

Russian arm}', excellent discipline of the
troops, 28, 29, 95. Their respect for
the dead, 28. Their joyful reception
in Bulgaria, 30

Russian Empire, the Liberal party
almost its only friends in England, 235

Russian prisoners, our refusal to ex-
change, 8

Russians, m Central Asia, 12, 39. Their
fluency in speaking French, 23. Their
loyalty, 237.

Russo-Turkish war, the Saturday Review
on English public opinion on the, 1.
The American press on English inter-
vention, 12. The vacillating policy of
England its chief cause, 85. Its pro-
bable results, 95. The Egyptian con-
tingent, 107. Mutilation of Russian
soldiers, 122

Rutland, Duke of, his views on Lord
Derby's despatch, 87

Safket Pasha, his remarks on the Bul-
garian massacres, 76

Sala, Mr. G. A. , on the Crimean war, 98

Salisbury, Lord, his instructions for the
Conference, 74. His visit to Berlin,
75 ; to Rome, 76. His support of
the cause of the Christians, 239

Sandford, Mr., M.P., on the Eastern
Question, 100

Schuyler, Mr., his account of the Bul-
garian atrocities, 67

Scios, massacre at, 56

Scotland, rebellions in, English barbari-
ties in their suppression, 168

Sebastopol, siege of, unfavourable posi-
tions of the English troops, 50

"Secret Dispatches of General Igna-
tieff," 59, 61

Serfs, emancipation of, its cost, 12, 236

Servia, resolves upon war with Turkey,

71. Aided by Russian volunteers, 71.
Her reverses, 71. Terms of peace
proposed by the Port*, 71. Armistice,

72. Turkish atrocities in, 137, 144
Servir Pasha. 62

Slaves, traffic in, by Turkey, 119, 146 ;
and by Egypt, 146

Slavonians, jealousy between the
Greeks and, 210. Idioms of, 211

Smollett's poem, "The Tears of Scot-
land," 168

South Arabia, Turkish aggressions in,
checked by England, 53

Stephens, Sir James, on the crimes of
the Papacy, 185

Suez Canal, 91, 92 Blockade of the
195

252

IXPVX TO TART I.

Sultan, the, not the head of the

Mahometan religion, 106, 110. Sketch

of the present, 108
Sultans, treatment by the Turks of

their, 107
Syria, occupation of, by the French,

52,73

Taxation, Turkish system of, 1 35
Thackeray, sketches bv, 1,23, 111
"The Unspeakable Turk," 113
Times correspondent, sketch of a visit

to Turkish officials, 151. Description

of Turkish homes. 152
Torture, modes of, by the Turks, 141
Trade of England with Turkey, decrease

of, 151
Translation of this work into Russian,

234
Treaty of the Paris, repudiation of, by

Russia, 52
Truth about Russia, the, 1
Tunis annexed to Turkey, 52
Turkey, its revenue and expenditure,

151. Education in, 216
Turkish army, the English officers with,

28. Condition of, 9b. Inefficiencv

of, 140
Turkish army and navy, their in-
efficiency, 39. Venality of their

leaders, 39
Turkish atrocities, the, 124, 130, 137, 14.3,

149, 202. Sir H. EUiott on, 242

Turkish credit, 134. Midhat Pasha's

opinion of, 56
Turkish fleet, destroyed at Sinope, 45
Turkish homes, destitute of household

utensils, 152
Turkish Ministry, constant changes in,

140
Turks, their baseness of character. 56,

62, 64, 113, 114, 115, 123, 127, 143.

Emigration of, from Greece, 217
Turkey, our alliance with, 115

Exited Greek Chtrch, Colonel Mans-
field'B report relating to, refuted, 180

Vienna, conference at, in 1853, 45.

Xote proposed by plenipotentiaries, 15
Voltaire, friendly sentiments of, towards

Russia, 3. Sketch of the condition of

Poland before its partition, 154. On

Russian piogre&s, 238

"Wellington, Duke of, M. Thiers on
his genius as a soldier and states-
man, 198

Will of Peter the Great, proved to be a
forgery. 33. M. Theodore Juste's work
on, 33. Lesur's abridgment of, 33.
First published complete bv Gail-
lardet, 33

Women, contempt and distrust of, by
Mahometans. 102. Violation of, 138

A

DEFENCE OF RUSSIA,

AND THE '.

CHRISTIANS OF TURKEY.

MAP OF THE SEAT OF WAR.

~^P

MED I T E^ RK R \a N

I'.oundariea of Countries ,

APPENDIX

SIR T. SINCLAIR'S

DEFENCE OF BUSSIA

CHRISTIANS OF TURKEY.

LONDON:
CHAPMAN AND HALL, PICCADILLY.

LONDON :
PiUSiED BY W. H. ASD L. COLUKQRlDGt,
A1DERSGATE STREET, E.C.

CONTENTS.

some curious and comic incidents oe the debate on

the eastern question 1

part of mr. Gladstone's speech in the debate on the

eastern question . .... 8

mr. gladstone on russian deeds in turkistan . . 1.3
mr. bright on the eastern question ....
extract from wallace's "russia" . . . .31
extracts from mr. freeman's "ottoman power ix

EUROPE" 36

translation of comte seebachs "open letter" to
lord beaconsfield. published in the " nord " of
Brussels, on 23rd .tune, 1877 42

interview between an englishman and a turkish

PASHA 57

SKETCH OF MANNERS IN THE EAST. BY THACKERAY . . 62

EXTRACT FROM "RIDE TO KHIVA," FROM "PUNCH" . . 66

"PUNCH" ON ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES . . . 68

A FEW REMARKS ON THE ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES . 71
SOME REMARKS ON BARON HENRY DE WORMS' BOOK ON

" ENGLAND'S POLICY IN THE EAST " . . . ,98

\i CONTENTS.

LORD R. MONTAGU'S "FOREIGN POLICY AND THE EASTERN

QUESTION" 108

•TIIK JEWS THE IMPLACABLE FOES OF THE CHRISTIANS" . 112
OPINIONS ON TURKEY BY TRAVELLERS OF VARIOUS

NATIONALITIES 155

L'ROFESSOR MARTENS ON THE EASTERN QUESTION . . 17G

•THE BUCKINGHAMSHIRE BUFFOON "' (LORD BEACONSFIELD),

POLITICAL SQUIB, 1871 178

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY FOR THE AID OF THE WOUNDED

IN WAR AND THE STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE . .181

PHOTOGRAPH OF AN M.P.. BY DICKENS .... 23]

"TBE GREAT BATTLE OF KATMI-TARTAR BAZARDJIK " . 2-41

AN ILLUSTRATION OF THE UTTER IMPOSSIBILITY OF PER-
SUADING ENGLISHMEN TO BELIEVE ANYTHING CON-
TRARY TO THEIR PRECONCEIVED NOTIONS . . . 24f>
LIST OF INDIVIDUALS AND AUTHORITIES QUOTED . .251

APPENDIX.

SOME CURIOUS AND COMIC INCIDENTS OF THE DEBATE
ON THE EASTERN QUESTION.

I proceed to make a few remarks on the great debate on the Eastern
Question, in which I took part myself, which lasted five nights, and
on which occasion fifty-one members spoke, whilst many others were
" crushed out " of the discussion, which occupies about sixty columns
of the Times. By far the larger portion of the speeches were, as Byron
said of a speech of Wilberforce, " Words, woi'ds, nothing but words,''
with hardly any ideas, facts, or arguments — in short, even more
insipid than those articles in magazines which are known as pad-
ding. A large number of members only profess — and rather glory
in — complete ignorance of foreign languages and foreign politics,
and they remind me of a lady who had spent some years in Italy, and
who, on being asked if she had acquired the Italian language, said
she had escaped wonderfully well.

In the discussion which preceded the debate the Chancellor of the
Exchequer fully and candidly admitted that the Conservatives were
the stupid party, and if it had been my fate to have followed him I
would certainly have said, " It would be rude to contradict you.1'
Lord Sandon, at a later period of the debate, congratulated himself
on his party having been at last elevated by Mr. Childers into " an

2 APPEXDIX.

intellectual party," but this opinion found no support on the Liberal
side, and the course pursued by the Conservatives must have soon
dissipated Mr. Childers' amiable delusion, and I am inclined to think
that some of them who had received a classical education were under
the impression that the true meaning of the words rus in urbe, which
they had learned at Eton, was that the Russian should never be
allowed to put bis foot in the City of Constantinople, like the witty
politician who supported a motion for taxing the funds on the
words, Quodcunque infundis ascescit.

Many of those who spoke relied wholly for their materials on pre-
ceding speeches, and served up the same indigestible and unpalat-
able hash time after time with a refinement of cruelty to the wearied
listeners of which even a Turk would hardly have been guilty. Some
of them had a faint notion that there had been a rebellion in Hei'ze-
govina and a massacre in Bulgaria, but whether these provinces were
north, south, east, or west of the Balkans, they had not the faintest
idea. Then they had heard of the Andrassy Note, the Berlin
Memorandum, and the Protocol ; and the Philo-Turks were told by
their leaders that these documents meant coercion, and coercion
meant war and destruction of British interests, and that the Ministers
had acted right, whilst the Philo-Christians held that the policy of
Ministers was wrong, that coercion was the only way of avoiding a
bloody war, and that there was no fear of British interests being
imperilled, and we had the permutations and combinations on these
and a few oiher topics, which, by the rules of arithmetic, amount
to an almost infinite number.

A most ludicrous feature of the debates in the House of Commons,
especially on great occasions, is to observe the anxiety with which
members who intend to speak watch for the conclusion of the speech
of the member actually addressing the House, and the look of dis-
comfiture and disgust which they assume when, after one legitimate
peroration, the orator — as, alas ! they often do (especially front
benchers, who seem, though often excruciatingly wearisome, to think
that their dignity requires that they should speak at considerable
length) — indulges himself (but not his audience) in a second or even
a third peroration; and, if he halts for a moment to take breath or a
sip of water, and there is a false start, you may often observe a

COMIC INCIDENTS OF DEBATE ON EASTERN QUESTION. 3

dozen members rise, like so many postboys in the saddle. At last
when the speaker comes to a full stop, there is another uprising of"
possibly a score of members, like a covey of partridges, and then the
Speaker, who has been previously told by the whips on both sides
who is to speak next (who is supposed to be the individual who first
catches the Speaker's eye), calls out the name of the selected person,
and sometimes sees a man of the most diminutive proportions
behind a Daniel Lambert, and the others, chopfallen, have to resume
their seats, often amidst the humiliating titters of the audience; and
I myself was not called, after rising more than a score of times, till
the fifth night of the debate. Nothing can be more absurd and un-
dignified than the whole proceeding, and it is obviously unfair and
undesirable, as small, aged, infirm, and plainly-dressed speakers can-
not be expected to catch the Speaker's eye as rapidly as colossal,
young, and vigorous men, with perhaps a very conspicuous cravat
or other article of attire ; and in all other countries there is either
a ballot for precedence in speaking, or else each member is taken in
the order in which he writes his name in the list of intending
speakers ; but in England even Liberals are apt to think any English
custom absolutely perfect, however clearly absurd to any unpreju-
diced mind ; even the cruelties which disgrace the English public
schools, Buch as fagging, bullying, flogging, and "tunding" little
boys by older and stronger youths, which caused a poor little Blue-
coat School boy the other day in sheer despair to commit suicide.

The extreme right of the pro-Russian position was at first occupied
by Mr. Courtney, who was favourably heard on that night, whilst he
spoke on a subsequent day in favour of woman's rights amidst
that unceasing storm of interruption which in France is called a
charivari. Mr. Courtney advocated the immediate and gradual
dismemberment of Turkey for its own preservation, just as
the amputation of a mortified limb sometimes saves the human
body, and he was in favour of the coercion of Turkey by England
and Russia alone, if the other Powers would not join ; but I my-
self went a step further, and held that we should even have coerced
Turkey single-handed, if Russia and the other Powers would not
have joined us.

The furthest advanced post on the Philo-Turkish side, in the

4 APPENDIX.

absence of Butler Johnstone Pasha, was occupied by Dr. Kenealy,
after wbom Elcho Effendi was a bad second. The House learned some
very surprising facts from the learned doctor, which might fitly be
placed in a new edition of the veracious and amusing life of Baron
Munchausen ; but the extravagance and absurdity of his language
injured his own cause so that the advocates of Turkey must hyve
exclaimed, "Save us from our friends; as to our enemies, we can
take care of them ourselves." Previously, however, to arriving at
this climax of absurdity, which turned the debate into a screaming
farce, I must notice a few of the other speeches.

Mr. Cross, though his speech was, on the whole, business-like and
sensible, committed himself to the following very absurd state-
ments. " Why the Suez Canal should be attacked by R ussia in any
shape I cannot imagine." Sydney Smith tells us that it requires a
surgical operation to get a Scotchman to understand a joke ; and it
would require apparently some such process to excite the sluggish
imagination of the Home Secretary. Egypt, as part of Turkey, is
at war with Russia, and if the lukewarm Khedive joined the Sultan
heartily in the war, and proposed to despatch as many troops as
he did to Abyssinia, namely, 50,000 men or more, instead of
the 12,000 he is now sending, it would be then of the utmost
importance to Russia, not only to take possession of the Suez
Cdnal, allowing neutral traffic to continue, but to occupy the
whole of Egypt. He then goes on to say, " Take another place
in which the world is interested. I mean Egypt/' B ut having thus
" taken Egypt " (I write from the report in the Times ), he does not
say what he or Russia should do with it, but rushes with breathless
speed to the Dardanelles ; and then he winds up magnificently with
the following rather pi'esumptuous sentence, " Is it necessary for
carrying on the war between Russia and Turkey, and for the pro-
tection of the Christians in Turkey, that Con stantinople should be
either attacked, approached, or occupied? I say, 'No.'" In other
words, " Sic volo sic jubeo stet pro ratione voluntas." It takes one's
breath away to see that a Cabinet Minister, who has never had even
the most superficial knowledge of military affairs, should actually
take it upon him to pronounce ex cathedra that it could not be neces-
sary for carrying on the war that Constantinople even should be

COMIC INCIDENTS OF DEBATE ON EASTERN QUESTION. 5

approached ! Why, it is impossible to carry on the war at all with-
out a forward movement, which is necessarily an approach to
Constantinople, unless Mr. Cross's idea of carrying on war is to
remain stationary, or perhaps that the Russians should obtain a
victory by retreating from their frontier towards Archangel or
Siberia. It has been held as an axiom, since the creation of the
world, that the shortest and most effectual way to vanquish an
enemy is to aim at his heart, and in the case of a hostile country, to
attack the capital ; and if the Germans, for instance, had not marched
upon Paris in the Franco- German war they would never have
attained so signal and speedy a victory. This new Moltke of the
Ministry should give a course of lectures on tactics and strategy,
and no doubt the Russians will be curious to listen to the arguments
on which this extraordinary opinion is based.

I come now to Lord Sandon, who said he " confessed that at one
time this session he began to feel despondent as to the prospects of
the Conservative party." This tallies with what Lord Be aconsfield
had said in the autumn, that " it would be affectation in me to pre-
tend that the policy of the Government is backed by the country ; "
and proves that they know they are acting counter to the wishes of
the nation, and are therefore bound in honour to dissolve, as Mr.
Gladstone did with double the majority, and appeal to the country.

We had then a most sensible and excellent speech from Mr.
Baxter, in a House containing about a dozen members, in which
he told us that Sir Henry Elliott " was a much greater believer in
the Turks than the Turks were in themselves." He " saw a good
many Turkish Pashas, and all of them gloried in having none of
their money invested in the Turkish funds."

I will now briefly notice the frothy but amusing speech of Sir
Robert Peel, which went in at one ear and went out at the other,
leaving Mr. Forster only one remark to answer, namely, that th e
hon. baronet had said that the Liberals " are hungry wolves with out
a shepherd ; " but, as the House of Commons is neither quick nor
critical, and easily amused with the feeblest attempt at wit, this Irish
bull was not detected till the speech was over, when Mr. Forster
quietly observed that "we might be hungry, and we might be wolves,
but in that case it is not likely we should want a shepherd."

b APPENDIX.

I now come to Mr. Bourke's speech, who " put his foot into it" with
a vengeance, as I shall proceed to show in the following amazing pas-
sage:— "The hon. member (Mr. Courtney) said the Turkish fleet was
commanded by Englishmen ; that there was not a single ironclad in
it which did not depend for navigation on an English engineer ; and
that:, if war broke out between England and Turkey, the consequence
would be that the Ottoman fleet would be reduced to inaction unless
the English on board would forego their nationality. They received
the money of Turkey on the faith that they were to stick to their
ships in time of war, and that to throw over their master would be to
play the part of a traitor." This extraordinary statement was
received with cheers from the Conservatives, who would equally have
cheered an assertion that black was white, and I suppose we ought
to receive it as a maxim of law laid down by no less a person than
the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, that in case Eng-
land went to war with Turkey, it would not be treason, as we hitherto
supposed, for Englishmen in the Turkish service to fight against
their country, but it would be treason for them to refuse to fight
against it! The force of absurdity could hardly go further. He
further remarked that " it was important in the present emergency,
for the sake, not only of this country, but of the world, to show
Europe and the universe that we were a united people." Now, there
was not a single member of Parliament on either side who had a
word to say against the first resolution, and if the Government had
only agreed to it, as many on their own side wished, and Colonel
Lindsay expressly recommended, we should have presented pre-
cisely that firm and united front to the world which Mr. Bourke
desired, but hardly " to the universe," as he enthusiastically wished,
since the heavenly bodies can hardly be expected to take an interest
in the attitude of even so august a body as the British Pai-liament

Lord Elcho subsequently, with his usual " bumptiousness" and self-
confidence, in which the House does not share in the smallest degree,
roundly stated that " Lord Salisbury and those who went out with him
were entirely ignorant of the chai-acter of the Turkish mind, and of
the feelings and sentiments of the country; and they disregarded alto-
gether the warnings of those who were acquainted with the position
of affairs at the Porte." There are thus three policies before the

COMIC INCIDENTS OF DEBATE ON EASTERN QUESTION. 7

country — that of the Government, that of Mr. Gladstone, and that of
Lord Elcho, in which, however, I believe he has not a single follower
— " Vetatc'estmoi." Lord Elcho, with more temerity than discretion,
avowed the opinion " that by the first week in July Russia would be
at Adrianople, and that by the first week in August she would be at
Constantinople ; others put it sooner." We have now reached
August, and the Russians have not yet completely crossed the
Danube, so that the oracular prediction of Lord Elcho has not the
slightest chance of fulfilment.

I will now refer to Major O' Gorman's speech, in which he told us
the hitherto unimagined fact that " among the Bashi-Bazouks were
Spaniards, Portuguese, Frenchmen, Hollanders, Prussians, Germans.
Austrians, Hungarians, Italians, Greeks, Maltese, Cretans, Cyprians,.
Samians, and even Trojans ! There were also Russians, and he
ventured to say that, if they were paraded to-morrow at the
Wellington Barracks, it would be found that 75 per cent, of
them were Russian troops sent by the Emperor Alexander for
the purpose of committing the atrocities, paid with Russian
money, and probably commanded by Russian officers." I fear the
House of Commons and the country are not sufficiently grateful to
the Irish for retm-ning the gallant Major and other Home Rulers to
enlighten us on these and other points, which are utterly unknown,
and would not be believed in any part of Europe. We now
come to the acme of absurdity, in the shape of Dr. Kenealy's
speech, in which he made the following astounding statements :
" Every person in Bulgaria had at this moment as much
local liberty as was enjoyed anywhere. The number of persons
destroyed by the Bashi-Bazoulcs did not probably exceed 4,000
or 5,000. We considered ourselves to be at the head of civilization
and Christianity, and yet the number of persons we had massacred
in putting down rebellions would amount to the same number
of millions ;" so that, according to Dr. Kenealy, England has mas-
sacred at least four thousand millions, or about four times the entire
population of the globe ! ! !

The House of Commons and the country, until this immortal
speech, were not aware of the enormous and unprecedented influ-
ence wielded by Dr. Kenealy, for it appears from his account of

8 APPEKDIX.

himself (his trumpeter apparently being dead), that he carries
along with him the whole House of Commons, except one member
(Mr. Whalley), which no other man ever did since Parliament existed,
and also overwhelming numbers of his countrymen : — " Now,
from my place in this House, I myself warn Russia, speaking
the voice of millions, speaking the voice of all present with the single
exception of the honourable member behind me, that if she attempted
to take Egypt, Constantinople, or the Euphrates valley, England
would resist her to the last drop of her blood." I can imagine that
the Russians must have trembled when they read this crushing
speech, and how they must have thanked their stars that Dr. Kenealy
is not, as he ought to be — having the entire House of Commons, all
but one man, in his favour — Prime Minister of England, with,
perhaps, the Claimant as Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Mr.
Whalley the sole but formidable occupant (a host in himself)
of the Opposition benches. It is refreshing to tuim from these
absurdities of the debate to the able but rather prolix speech of
Mr. Gladstone, from which I extract the following admirable pas-
sages, the latter forming ihe conclusion of this powerful oration.

PART OF MR. GLADSTONES SPEECH IN THE DEBATE
ON THE EASTERN QUESTION.

'• I DO not deny that coercion involves the possibility of war ; but I
say that history shows that coercion, adequately supported and in a
good cause, need not be followed by war. I hope the Under
Secretary for Foreign Affairs has given up his view that Mr. Can-
ning did not contemplate the use of force. Although the Treaty of
1827 did not use the word ' force,' yet in its addil ional articles it
as plainly contemplated it as if the word had been actually employed.
In the instructions which were subsequently given to the Admirals
the word 'force' was used. The battle of Navarino, although a

MU. GLADSTONE OX THE EASTERN QUESTION. 9

result of the employment of force, was not war. The whole of our
history is full of such examples of coercion. In 183ii there was
coercion of Holland by the united action of England and France.
England on that occasion blockaded the Scheldt. Another instance
occurred in 1850, when Greece was compelled to submit to the
principal claims of England in the case of Don Pacifico by the
undisguised use of coercion. Coercion was again, in 1853, applied
to Greece to prevent her from taking any part — her action would,
of course, be adverse to Turkey— in the Crimean War. In 1860,
too, in the case of Turkey herself, coercion was used as a threat by
England aid the other Powers, and it was that which induced her
to agree to the occupation of the Lebanon. Now, in not one of
those five instances was there a state of war. Well, among the
strangest fictions which have been set abroad by those who take a
contrary view from that which I am advocating, is the existence of a
hardy, indomitable — as it has been termed by the First Lord of the
Admiralty — pluck in Turkey. Indomitable pluck ! Most indomi-
table, undoubtedly, in destroying women and children in Bulgaria,
and in campaigns against the ploughmen and swineherds of Servia.
Where, I would ask, was this indomitable pluck when she had to
meet the heroic soldiers of Montenegro ? In the course of years
and of revolution, almost every capital in Europe has been occupied
by hostile troops, but Turkey has never waited for the occupation
of her capital. Long before her enemy has leached Constantinople
she has taken care to make her peace. Therefore, from our whole
experience of Turkey, it is an idle and visionary pretext to suppose
that war between Turkey and united Europe, or war even between
Turkey and any great combination of the Powers, would have been
the result of a threat of coercion. But, sir, is there a united
Europe ? There never has been a united Europe, but only because
you prevented it. Russia said to Turkey, ' You must.' Austria
was willing to undertake naval operations. We have no evidence
that France would have declined, but in November France was
aware that England would have no coercion, and France then held
aloof. Another doctrine has been set up by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. He says that no country gets any benefit from the use
of fcreif/n arms. But if a country has a tyrannical government,

10 APPENDIX.

and yon substitute for it a free government, that is, I tbink, a very
great improvement. That was done in Spain in the Peninsular
War. That was done for Belgium in 1830. The liberties of Greece
and Italy were established by the use of foreign arms — in the
case of Italy by the arms first of France and then of Ger-
many. The liberties of Portugal were established and con-
firmed by Mr. Canning in 1826 by the use of foreign arms.
The liberties of the United States themselves were only estab-
lished by the powerful aid they received from foreign arms.
I do not hesitate to say that the cause of the revolted subjects of
Turkey against their oppressors is as holy a cause as ever animated
the breast, or as ever stirred the hand of man. Sir, what part are
we to play ? Looking at this latter controversy — the controversy
between Turkey and her subjects — the horrible massacres of last
year, the proofs which had been afforded that they are only parts
and indications of a system, that their recurrence is to be ex-
pected, and is a matter of moral certainty if they are now allowed
to pass with impunity — looking at the total want of result from
Lord Derby's efforts, at that mockery which had been cast in our
teeth in return for what I quite admit was upon ordinary principles
an insulting despatch. Can we, sir, say with regard to this great
battle of freedom against oppression which is now going on, which
has been renewed from time to time, and for which one-third of the
population of Bosnia and Herzegovina are at this moment not only
suffering exile, but, terrible to say, absolute starvation, upon which
depends the fate of millions of the subject races that inhabit the
Turkish Empire — can we, with all this before up, be content with what
I will call a vigorous array of remonstrances, well intended, I grant,
but without result, as the policy of this great country ? Can we, I
say, looking upon that battle, lay our hands upon our hearts
and, in the face of God and man, say with respect to it, ' We have
well and sufficiently performed our part ? ' Sir, there were other days
when England was the hope of Freedom. Wherever in the world a
high aspiration was entertained or a noble blow was struck, it was
to England that the eyes of the oppressed were always turned— to this
favourite, this darling home of so much privilege and so much happi-
ness, where the people that had built up a noble edifice for themselves

JIR. GLADSTONE ON THE EASTERN QUESTION. 11

would, it was well known, be ready to do what in them lay to secure
the benefit of the same inestimable boon for others. You talk to
me of the established tradition in regard to Turkey. I appeal to
the established tradition, older, wider, nobler far — a tradition not
which disregards British interests, but which teaches you to seek
the promotion of those interests in obeying the dictates of honour
and of justice. And, sir, what is to be the end of this ? Are we to
identify the fantastic ideas some people entertain about this policy
and that policy with British interests, and then fall down and wor-
ship them ? Or are we to look, not at the sentiment, but at the hard
facts of the case, which Lord Derby told us fifteen years ago, namely,
that it is the population of those countries that will ultimately possess
them — that will ultimately determine their future condition? It is to
this that we should look, and there is now before the world a glorious
prize. A portion of these people are making an effort to retrieve what
they have lost — I mean those in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Another
portion— a band of heroes such as the world has rarely seen — stand
on the rocks of Montenegro, are ready now, as they have ever been
during the four hundred years of their exile from their fertile plain
to meet the Turk at any odds for the re-establishment of justice
and of peace in those countries.. Another portion stilL the five
millions of Bulgarians cowed and beaten down to the ground, hardly
venturing to look upwards, even to their Father in heaven, have ex-
tended their hands to you, they have sent you their petition, they
have prayed for your help and protection. They have told you that
they do not want alliance with Russia or with any foreign power, but
that they want to be delivered from an intolerable burden of woe and
shame. That burden of woe and shame — the greatest that exists on
God's earth — is one that we thought united Europe was about to
remove, that in the Protocol united Europe was pledged to remove,
but which for the pi'esent you seem to have no efficacious means of
contributing to the removal of. But, sir, the removal of that load of
woe and shame is a great and noble prize. It is a prize well worth
competing for. It is not yet too late to try to win it. I believe there
are men in the Cabinet who would try to win it. It is not yet too
late, I say, to become competitors for that prize ; but beas9ured that
whether you ni"an to claim for yourselves a part of the immortal

c

12 APPENDIX.

crown of fame which will be the reward of true labour in that cause,
or whether you turn your backs upon that cause and your own duty,
I believe, for one, that the knell of Turkish tyranny in those pro-
vinces has sounded. It is about to be destroyed, perhaps not in the
way or by the means that we should choose ; but come the boon from
what hands it may, I believe it will be gladly accepted by Chris ten •
dom and by the world."

MU.. GLADSTONE ON RUSSIAN DEEDS IN TUEKISTAN. 13

MR. GLADSTONE ON RUSSIAN DEEDS IN TURKISTAN.

An outcry being raised against Russia for alleged atrocities in
Asia, I subjoin the following: —

1. After the taking of Khiva, and the conclusion with the Khan of
the new arrangements, owing to the restless ambition of the officers,
General KaufFmann intimated to the Yomud Turkomans, on the
17th of July, 1873, that out of the war indemnity to be paid they
must find 300,000 roubles, or £41,000, in cash within nineteen days.
This they promised after some hesitation. He detained as hostages
twelve among the elders whom he had himself invited to Khiva to
receive the announcement. He placed a force under General
Golovatschef in close proximity to the Yomuds, and prescribed, by
an order dated July 18, No. 1,167, of which Schuyler gives the trans-
lated words, that, if they assembled with a view to resistance, or
even to leaving the country, they and their families should be com-
pletely destroyed, and their herds and px-operty confiscated. General
Golovatschef also said, " You are not to spare either sex or age ;
kill all of them." On the 31st General KaufFmann arrived at Ilyali.
At this time " the butchery and destruction by the troops had been
so great" (of this no details are given beyond the burning of villages
along the road) " that the Turkomans showed signs of yielding."
It was agreed to take half the amount in camels ; for the other
half (of 310,000 roubles) the women had to sell their ornaments at
forced prices* in the Russian camp. The time had been extended to
August 14. On that day only one-third of the sum had been paid,
and the troops proceeded to act upon their orders. The numbers

* MacGahan, however, says that they were taken by KaufFmann' s order at
twenty-five rouble to the pound of silver.

c 2

14 AITENDIX.

of the tribe, the amount of execution, are nowhere stated ; but
the Cossacks cut down everybody, " seemed to get quite furious," and
" cut down everybody, whether small child or old man." This was on
August 19. The Turkomans, in their irregular manner, availing
themselves of every covert, resisted bravely, but in vain. Schuyler,
in this part of his statement, quotes the statement made to him by
a Russian eye-witness, Mr. Gromoff (ii. 359), who saw several such
cases ; saw one dead woman, one dead and one wounded child ; and
relates, on two later days, when the Turkomans had attacked and
been repulsed —

" We burned, as we had done before, grain, bouses, and everytbing which
we met ; and the cavalry, which was in advance, cut down every person, man,
woman, or child. . . . They were generally women and children whom
we met. I saw much cruelty " (ii. 361).

2. My next duty is to give the most material allegations of fact in
reply from the paper of " A Russian." He states : —

a. That this campaign of eleven days was one of most severe
and desperate fighting against formidable warriors : the General
(Golovatschef), and nearly all his staff, were wounded, Prince
Leuchtenberg twice barely escaping death. The Russians, ha
appears to convey, were enormously outnumbered.

This statement as to the character of the campaign is not incon-
sistent with, but is in some degree supported by, Schuyler's narrative.
"A Russian" also refers largely to MacGahan's " Campaigning on
the Oxusi"*

b. That in the movement of these military nomads, the wives
and children were mixel with the men, and often in the midst of
the mortal struggle. " The French in suppressing the Commune
certainly killed a much larger number of women and children than
in that Turkoman campaign." But some were slain unavoidably
and inadvertently.

c. That all the Turkomans except the Bagram Shali (Schuyler
use3 the name of Tomuds) were left unmolested by the expe-
dition.

d. That after a bloody battle near the Uzbeg village of Hyali, in

* Sampson Low. London, 1874.

ME. GLADSTONE ON RUSSIAN DEEDS IX TURKISTAN. 15

-which the Russians suffered severely, the Uzbeg inhabitants were
not molested (MacGahan, p. 392).

e. That on the submission of the Turkomans, all operations ceased ;
that the wounded and prisoners were well cared for.

/. Noticing some positive errors of date in Scbuyler's account of
Gromoff's statement, he thinks there are probably errors of fact
also. The statement is not endorsed by Gromoff.

g. "A Russian" relies implicitly on the evidence of MacGaban,
as an impartial American who actually went through tbe operations
of the campaign. He is quoted (pp. 363—365) to the effect that,
himself present in the action of the first day, be saw the Cossacks
pass by a group of twenty or thirty women and children. One left
the ranks, and aimed his piece at them ; but it missed fire, when
MacGahan bimself struck him across the face with his riding-whip,
and ordered him back to his place.* The man obeyed : and with
this exception " there was no violence offered to women and children."
But he saw a young Cossack officer punish one of his men with his
sword for "having tried to kill a woman." The apologist does not
believe that there was or could have been such an order as that
ascribed by Schuyler in his translation to Kauffmann ; and he points
out that the destruction of property, not of life, was the true way of
striking an effectual blow at the refractory tribe.

h. He questions upon grounds which he sets forth, the soundness
of Schuyler's translations, and thus the genuineness of the citations.
I may add that the later battle, one of great severity, is described in
MacGahan, chap. x. He tells of women cowering in silent dread —
" They expected to be treated as they knew their own husbands,
brothers, and lovers would have treated the vanquished under like
circumstances " (p. 399) ; of a woman holding her dying husband's
head ; of children sitting in the baggage carts, or crying, or crawling
about among the wheels ; of a child laughing at General Golovats-
chef 's banner ; of an old woman wounded in the neck, " but she might
easily have been taken for a man, as she wore no turban

* It is, perhaps, fair to give the counterpart to this truth. " It was curious
to see a Cossack stop from his work of plunder to give a child a piece of hread
or a drink of water from his flask, in the gentlest manaer possible, and then
resume his occupation " (p. 406).

16 APPENDIX.

This was the only woman I saw wounded, though I ivas told there were
three or four other cases." He mentions, however, in p. 400, another
woman, " with bleeding face," seen by himself.

MacGahan's account of the orders given is in conflict with
Schuyler's. The orders were to " give the men no quarter, whether
they resisted or not" (p. 401). On the other side, he tells of a Russian
picket of six, probably surprised by the Turkomans, and all found
naked and headless (p. 376). In p. 400 we have a general summing
up:—

" I must say, however, that cases of violence towards women were
very rare ; aDd although the Russians here were fighting harharians, who
commit all sorts of atrocities upon their prisoners, which fact might have
excused a good deal of cruelty on the part of the soldiers, their conduct was
infinitely better than that of European troops in European battles."*

3. I have next to set forth the representation of the case as it was
given in the Pall Mall Gazette of October 5, in its leading article*
under the head of Russian Atrocity. Atrocity, when imputed tc
Russia, of course did not require the inverted commas, which in the
case of the Bulgarian acts had been boldly used for denoting dis-
belief. In this leading article, the proof is at once treated as com-
plete. "With this promptitude we may compare the reserve maintained
on the " sentimental " side, which for weeks and weeks declined to
assume the truth of the reports from Bulgaria, until official attesta-
tion had been obtained, the accusation made known to the parties,
and ample time for contradiction allowed.

It was boldly asserted that the proceedings offered " an almost
exact parallel to the Turkish atrocities ;" " differing only from them
in some circumstances which make them less excusable."

Let us see what these circumstances of difference are.

(1) "The tribes" (Schuyler mentions a tribe, the Yomuds) were
*'■ virtually independent communities, which had sometimes sub-
mitted to intermittent control from the Khan of Khiva." They were
nomad subjects of the Khan, ranging over parts of his dominions

* MacGahan, humanely carrying off a little girl, meet3 an officer of the staff
doing the same, ard makes the remark, "The Yomuds seem to have abandoned
their girls with less reluctance than their boys." Cf. pp. 403 — 111.

MB. GLADSTONE OX RUSSIAN DEEDS IX TURKISTAN. 17

included in his treaties, constantly interfering in his government,
and independent only in the sense in which Donald Bean Lean
(see " Waverley ") and his Highlanders, 120 years ago, were virtually
independent of the King of England.

(2) These Turkomans had " given no special offence." It may be
hard to say what is a " special offence " on the part of a race whose
common non-special occupation is that of pillage and slave-dealing,
with the murders attendant upon them. In the very account from
which the Pall Mall Gazette was quoting, is given a specimen of
conduct which deserves notice : —

" There were a large number of Persian slaves in Khiva. On taking the town
the Eussians declared slavery at an end. The Persians were to be sent back
to their country [Schuyler, ii. 353] in parties of five or six hundred. They
desired to go by Mashad, but the route by Krasnovodeh was preferred, that they
might, escape the Turkomans. Two parties were sent accordingly by this safe
route. One of them was attacked by the Turkomans, and the Persians either
killed or reinslaved " (ii. 364).

The special offence, as towards the Russians, seems to have been
that, while the Turkomans were the bravest and most truthful, they
were also the fiercest and most intractable of the inhabitants of
Khiva; that they alone offered the Russians a keen resistance ,-
and that, rightly or wrongly, a measure of great severity against
the largest of their tribes was judged to be indispensable for the
establishment of anything like peace or order in the country.
According to MacGahan, these Yomuds, from what he learned after
his arrival in Europe, fell upon their Uzbeg neighbours, and pillaged
them, by way of compensation for their losses from the Russians
(p. 410).

(3) General Kauffmann, says the journal, issued his orders.

" Here they are. ' I order you immediately to move on the settlements of
the Yomuds . . . and to give over the settlements of the Yomuds and
their families to complete destruction, and their herds and propeity to con-
fiscation.' "

This is part of a sentence ; the commencement, which is omitted,
completes the sense by supplying the condition. Before the words
just extracted come these words (ii. 357) : " If your Excellency sees
that the Yomuds are not occupying themselves with getting

18 APPENDIX.

together money, but are assembling for the purpose of opposing our
troops, or perhaps even for leaving the country, I order you," and so
forth. It seems to have been thought well to represent the Turko-
mans as an innocent, unresisting race; and for this purpose a con-
ditional order is turned into one without conditions.

(4) Certainly the officers (Schuyler, ii. 355) praised the Turko-
mans for honesty and straightforwardness ; and they had been kind
and hospitable to certain Russian exploring parties (ibid.); and so
had all the inhabitants (ii. 354). But it is the cheerful submission
of to-day, followed by the deadly assault of to-morrow, that consti-
tutes one of the greatest difficulties of a position like that of the
Russians among these Asiatic tribes. That these wild piratical
tribes were trustworthy in their ordinary dealings is quite possible.
Schuyler does not give his authority for these statements, but I do
not doubt them.

(5) It does not so greatly touch the conduct of General Kauffmann,
but as regards the Russian Government and people, an impartial
observer might take note that the responsibility is not quite the
same for what was done in a land of railways, at less than 200
miles from the capital, to a peasantry foreign to the ordinary use
of arms, and one of the most pacific in the world, but stirred by
long and incurable oppression, and for what was done to a tribe of
robbers, at ten times the distance, in the heart of the Asiatic deserts,
with the channels of information slow, and the central power of
administration wholly without share in the particular transaction.

(6) It is very strange that this newspaper-writer should fail to
notice that the climax of Turkish iniquity in Bulgaria doe3 not lie
in mere slaughter; but in the combination, without p7-otest or
resistance from any, of widespread destruction of life with exquisite
refinements of torture, and with the wholesale indulgence of fierce
and utterly bestial lusts. We can hardly conceive that these
features of the case, which raise or sink it from the human to the
diabolical, are absolutely of no account in the view of the Pall Mall
Gazette.

We seem, then, to have before us, first, as well established, an
unsparing slaughter in hard-fought action of the brave warriors of
a marauding tribe, down to the time of their submission. I am

MK. GLADSTONE OX RUSSIAN DEEDS IN TURKISTAX. 19

not able to say whether this was necessary or not. MacGahan
seems to have thought the measure ill-advised, if not more. But
I hold that we English are not in a condition to condemn, it either
as a Bulgarian atrocity or as any other, unless upon the principle —
too often, I am sorry to say, tolerated — that there is to be one rule
for us, and another for other nations. I will here refer only to the
slaughter of the Dyaks in their boats, less than thirty years ago, by
Rajah Brooke- and a British naval force. They were pirates ; bat
they offered (I speak from memory) no resistance. They had no
alternative of submission offered. The case was discussed in Eng-
land and in Parliament, and the conduct of Rajah Brooke was
approved by the majority. Lord Herbert and Mr. Hume were
among the small number who condemned it.

Secondly, we have alleged orders of General Kauffmann, con-
ditional, it is true, but, as set out by Schuyler, commanding the
extermination of the women and children, as well as the men, of
the marauding tribe. It cannot, I hope, be long before we know
incontrovertibly whether this order has been correctly understood
and given by Schuyler. If so, it can find no apologist here ; but
the mere issue of it, whether executed or not, will stand, though as
a perfectly isolated, yet as a brutal and shameful act, deserving, as
was well said in the 'Daily News, every censure except that bestowed
on, and so richly due to, the Turkish proceedings in Bulgaria, and
the Government which rewarded their authors.

Thirdly, as to the fact whether the women and children were
slaughtered or were spared. We have here a distinct and singular
conflict of evidence. Schuyler, founding himself on the verbal
statement of Gromoff, a Russian eye- witness, which he took down
"from his lips" (p. 359), affirms it. MacGahan, the friend of
Schuyler, trusted by him, and himself an eye-witness on foot and
horseback of the whole campaign, not less distinctly denies it, and
affirms that the conduct of the Russian soldiery, under most trying
circumstances, was " infinitely better than that of European* troops
in European battles."

* The Cossacks engaged in these actions appear to have been Cossacks of the
Kirghiz country, distinct from and (Schuyler, ii. 232) inferior to the well-
known Cossacks of the Ural and the Don.

20 APPENDIX.

On every ground we must hope that this contradiction will be
cleared up. As between the two, I cannot but think the testimony
in MacGahan, who is an eye-witness, and writes in very full detail,
preferable to that of Schuyler, who only reports one, and gives us
a rough, hasty sketch ; and also because it has been much longer
before the world. I can charge no unfairness upon others who may
think otherwise. But what are we to say of the enlightened anti-
sentimental newspaper which gives and exaggerates the statemeat
in Schuyler, and passes without notice, in its judicial work, the
evidence of MacGahan, long ago set before the world ?

But fourthly, and lastly, the editor of the Pall Mall Gazette did
more : he suppressed and garbled evidence material to the case
from the very book, the very pages, he professed to quote. Of this
we have already seen something ; but not nearly all.

a. He suppresses the case of Kuldja. This town was occupied
by the Russians after a campaign of eleven days, with two battles.
Before the entry into the city one of the tribes in Kuldja, exaspe-
rated at the surrender of the Sultan, massacred more than 2,000 of
the others. The Russians entered ; and here is the account of their
conduct, reported by a Chinese agent to his Emperor: —

"The Dzian-Dziun* of Semiretch, quieted in every way those who remained
in Suidun, both Mantcho~s and Chinese, both soldiery and civilians, as well
as the Chinese Mussulmans, not harming anyone ; not even a single blade
of grass, nor a single tree ; not a fowl, nor a dog received any harm or injury ;
not a hair was touched. All this is owing to the orders of the Dzian-Dzhm
of Semiretch. . ."

And again at the close —

" The leader of the Great Russian Empire, the Dzian-D ziun of Semiretch,
with bis army, inspired with humanity and truth, has quieted everyone.
This petty foreign power saved the nation from fire and water ; it subdued the
whole four countries without the least harm, so that children are not frightened,
and the people submitted not without delight and ecstasy " (ii. 186 — 188).

b. In the opening of the article of Octobers, I find this passage—

" In the early port of his work on Turkistan, he (Schuyler) expressly com-
pliments the Russians on their humanity in Central Asia, probably then not
knowing what stories he should have to tell before he had done''

General Kolpakofsky.

MR. GLADSTONE ON RUSSIAN DEEDS IN TURKISTAN. 21

This is a garbling which simply amounts to falsification. It
means, if it means anything, that Schuyler's compliment refers to
the early part of his experience, and could not have been given
when it was completed; as if the work were a journal in which the
remarks are to be taken with respect to the date at which they
are given. It is nothing of the sort. The passage occurs in
connection with the capture of Tashkent. It will be found in
vol. i., p. 75 : —

" It is said that the bazaar was sacked, and many of the inhabitants mas-
sacred. If so, this was an exceptional case ; for the Russian movements in
Central Asia hare been marked by great discipline and humanity"*

The writer in the Pall Mall Gazette had evidently read the pas-
sage, of whicb he gives an account (without a reference) that it
would be weakness to call anything but dishonest. It has nothing
to do with earlier or later experience. At Tashkent, he had no
experience at all, for his visit was some nine years after the cap-
ture ; and he takes occasion, from a rumour he heard there, to give
a general judgment on the operations of the Russians in direct con-
tradiction to the charges which the Pall Mali Gazette has to make,
and in complete accordance with the testimony of MacGaban.f
Hence the passage had to be let alone or falsified; and the latter of
the two was chosen.

c. Even yet I have to give another instance of this editor's
wonderful faculty of suppressing evidence : —

In vol. ii., p. 354, on the page containing the commencement of
the Turkoman narrative which he quotes, we find the account of the
massacre of the Persians, which he suppresses ; and in pp. 352, 353?

* I ought, perhaps, to state that I have read the whole of Schuyler's book*
and that I am not aware of any passage in it, apart from what is treated in this
article, which can in any way impugn this strong and general commendation.

t A week later, in a review of Schuyler's book — in the literary, not the poli-
tical department of the paper (written as a literary and not a political article) —
it is stated that "in some instances" we have "ample evidence" from his
book that "the Russians have not always pursued a barbarous or heartless
policy." This is a little belter, if it be not indeed a little worse — as providing
a sort of quotable passage in defence of any accusation of disingenuousness — a
passage, be it observed, however, late enough not to interfere with the effect of
the previous falsification, for which no sort or kind of apology is made.

"22 APPENDIX.

the account of the capture of Khiva and the fearfully severe dis-
cipline enforced on the Russian soldiery : —

" These arrangements heing made, General Kauffmann declared to the
population of the Khanate the mercy of the Emperor, on condition that they
should live quietly and peaceably, and occupy themselves with their business
and with agricultural labour. . . Strict orders were given at the same time
to the soldiers to send oat no foraging parties, and to take nothing from the
inhabitants, but to pay cash for everything at the bazaars. ... In one
case a soldier was sentenced to be hung for stealing a cow. The evidence of
the native accuser had been accepted without other proof, and he was only able
to escape because his comrades and the officers of his company proved that the
cow had followed the company ever since crossing the Amir Darya. At
another time, six soldiers were sentenced to be shot ; but these severities
were exercising such discontent among the troops, officers as well as soldiers,
hat at the personal request of the two Grand Dukes the men were pardoned."

On what principle of justice, charity, or decency is General Kauff-
mann to be deprived of the benefit of this remarkable testimony ?
But the introduction of this passage immediately preceding would
have sadly marred the telling and needful parallel between Khiva and
Bulgaria, and this, too, was suppressed accordingly.

Such is the " information" supplied, at this epoch of blazing light,
in a most great and solemn cause, to millionaire drawing-rooms, to
the loungers in arm-chairs at clubs, to Tory members of Parliament,*
greedy for something so say to constituencies but recently astounded
by the discovery of a huge iniquity, too long kept back from them ;
and this by a journal which in the faintest perfume of humanity
smells a dangerous fanaticism. But what means are not sanctified
by their end, when the purpose is, not indeed to whitewash Islam in
Bulgaria, for that is now despaired of, but to do the next best thing,
namely, to black-wash the country which is its historical antagonist ?

* See, for example, the speech of Sir Thomas Bateson, M.P., a few days
ago, at Belfast ; and the speech of Mr. Hanbury, M.P., at Hanley. "Mr.
Schuyler went also into Central Asia with the Russian Army, and he narrated
how precisely the same atrocities had been committed by the Russians in Central
Asia." — Staffordshire Daily Sentinel, October IS, 1876. The sentences would
he correct if the word "not" were inserted in each of them. It is truly a
royal road to learning, when research begins and ends with the leading article
of a newspaper

MR. GLADSTONE ON RUSSIAN DEEDS IX TURKISTAN. 23

To expose cruelty is good : but there are other things besides cruelty
which ought to be exposed, and among these is the deliberate fraud
of a trusted or, in his own chosen phrase, a responsible* adviser.
Untruth, even when used for beneficial ends, is bad and base. It is
here used for no good end. It is not meant to draw forth tears for
Turkomans, not undeserving of them, though in some respects they
be. It is meant to sow strife, with the risk of bloodshed ; and the
end in view, and the means employed, are worthy of one another.

W. E. Gladstone.

*Foll Matt Gazette, October 23, p. 9 : " Immunity in Tolitics."

APPENDIX.

MR. BRIGHT ON THE EASTERN QUESTION.

Yet, considering our vast interests and our vast peril, there is
always — at least, so far as my recollection goes — a war party in this
country. There is a war party in the press. Unfortunately for
the public interest, there is hardly anything which teuds so much
to enhance the profits of the proprietors of newspapers as a stirring
and exciting conflict. We have a war party in Parliament. There
are always men who sit there, and though the great majority sit
upon the side opposite to that which I sit, still there are, unhappily,
a few upon our side who, if we look to their conduct, are not
strongly in favour of peace.

In 1870 there was a war between Prussia and France. You
know the result was that France was vanquished and that Prussia
became Germany. There were persons then who advised that we
should take sides. Some said, " There is great danger to ourselves."
Some said one thing and some another, and eminent men said, " If
you are in favour of peace, as England would be, you should declare
war against that Power by whom war is declared — that is, if France
declares war against Prussia, you should support Prussia in the
interests of peace, and declare war against France ; if Prussia should
declare war against France, then you should join France in the
interests of peace, and make war against Prussia."

"Well now, in these cases, you see that war was avoided, that we
escaped its penalties, and I would ask you now, is there one single
man in the United Kingdom outside Bedlam — and I doubt if there
be one inside it— who regrets the course of neutrality which the
people and the Government of the United Kingdom pursued ? But

MR. BKIGHT ON THE EASTERN QUESTION. 25

there was one case in which we took a different course, and that was
the case of the war between Russia and Turkey in 1853. Turkey-
declared war against Russia, and we, after advising the Turk to
accept a proposition of mediation and arbitration, which the Turk
refused, and which Russia accepted, we took sides with Turkey, not-
withstanding, and entered into a sanguinary conflict with Russia.
Now, if in 1853 we had advised the Porte to make the concession
urged upon it by Russia, which was only to strengthen the hands of
Russia in defence of the Christian subjects of Turkey, Turkey
would have avoided that war which was the forerunner, it may be, of
its destruction. We should have avoided the contest into which we
entered ; three-quarters of a million of men, according to Mr. King-
lake (more, I think, he puts it at) would have been saved from
slaughter and death by toil and neglect and disease ; millions — I
know not how much, perhaps two or three hundred millions — ot
treasure would not have been wasted ; and in all probability we
should have avoided the vast increase of the armaments of the Con-
tinent which was made after that war and as an immediate
consequence of it, and some of the many subsequent wars that have
disturbed the peace of Europe. I remember a line that Milton
wrote. In one of his grand sonnets he says,

" For what can war but needless wars still breed ': "

and that war has bred indescribable loss and suffering to several of
the nations of Europe. But the war party is always jealous of
somebody; it always hates somebody. Forty years ago it was
jealous of Russia ; and at that time to such an extent were the people
afraid of Russia that they believed that we in the North of England,
especially on the eastern coast of Yorkshire, were in danger of an
invasion from the Baltic. Now, we know that that would have
been a game that would have established the lunacy of aciy man
who sent out a fleet with such a purpose ; and yet, under that tort
of panic, the Government of that time added 5,000 men to the
English navy, and thea the public began to think that after all
perhaps they might be safe.

I am sorry to say that the course pursued by England, repre-
sented by Her Majesty's Government, made European concert all

2G APPENDIX.

but impossible. It may be thought reasonable tbat, if we were not
willing to enforce tbe verdict arrived at, we might, at any rate, have
stood aside and left Turkey to her fate. Russia has undertaken to
enforce that verdict. Now, I have not anything to say in defence
of Russia except this, that if the Conference was wise, and the
negotiations were a joint interference, it seems to me to be only in
accordance with reason and logic that somebody should enforce the
verdict. Russia on the borders of Turkey suffers more, of course,
than we do from the disturbances in Turkish provinces, and the
people of Russia have got sympathy with the Christian population
of Turkey ; that sympathy exercises a great influence on the
Russian Government, which, therefore, steps forward, in accordance
with the conduct of nations, as we find it in all the histories, to de-
fend that Christian population and to put down evils, disturbances,
and oppression which had become intolerable in the eyes of Europe.
We might have supposed that our Govei'nment would be entirely
neutral, but its neutrality is not exactly of the kind which I think
it ought to have shown. For example, we say to Russia, " You must
not touch Egypt " ; but Egypt is at war with Russia, because Egypt
is constantly sending ships of war and troopships and soldiers to
the Sultan. Russia, sensibly en o\igh, not anxious to come in con-
tact with England, pledges herself that Egypt shall be kept out-
side of the military operations in which she is engaged. We say
further, at least many people say — I am not sure whether the
Government have said it in express language, but people believe
they mean it — that Russia shall not approach Constantinople ; but if
Russia is not to approach Constantinople, what is that but to pro-
long the war ? — to give Turkey an inducement not to make peace,
and to shut out Russia from one of the commonest rights of the
victor ; for surely to attack the capital city of an empire or kingdom
at war, and to occupy it, is the speediest mode of bringing that war to
a conclusion. Our Government now appears to hold as far as it can
the doctrine and the policy of 1854 ; it adheres to what has been
called the ghostly phantom of the balance of power. That balance
of power is a curious shadowy thing which has been served for
much evil. In 1S30 the French, under Charles X., captured Algiers,
and made themselves possessors of a large tract on the northern

MB. BRIGHT ON THE EASTERN QUESTION. 27

shores of the Mediterranean. At that time it was said that Franco
was making the Mediterranean into a French lake, and was dis-
turbing the balance of power. Happily we did not go to war for it.
Ten days after the capture of Algiers, the King of the French —
King of France, as he called himself — was a refugee on the shores of
this island, and from that time to this has Algeria been a costly
burden to the French people I do not doubt that in forty-seven
years since that transaction France has spent 100 millions of money
as the result of its possession of Algeria, and it would be a small
estimate to say that it has coat them more than a hundred thousand
French lives, and France is not a bit stronger to-day and the balance
of power is not in the smallest degree disturbed by the conquest of
Algeria by France. Russia has over and over again proclaimed in
every form of word, by every kind of solemnity of expression, that
it is not their intention even to attempt to hold Constantinople. Then
there comes the question of opening the Straits, and you hear con-
tinually the word Bosphorus. The Straits are open to the trade of
all nations, and were opened by the Russians themselves a hundred
years ago, after they had been closed to the new commerce of the
world during 300 years of their possession by the Turks. Now, I
hold the opening of the Straits to be absolutely inevitable, but
under conditions which the Powers of Europe could find no difficulty
in arranging. But there is no reason to suppose that Russia, any
more than France, would interfere with the Canal. There is no
country in Europe that until these vile suspicions were aroused
was more disposed to a perpetual amity with England than the
country of Russia.

One more observation on this : I said that those Straits pass through
Turkish territory ; and that you might make provision that not more
than one ship or two ships, or whatever limited number was thought
proper, should be at one time in the Straits between the two seas, and
therefore the possessors of Constantinople, whether the Turks or the
Greeks, would be free from menace and bombardment from any fleet
passing down the channel. But surely the Straits, which the Creator
of the world made for the traffic and service of the world, have as
good a right to be open to the world as the canal which was mada
by M. Lesseps with the money of his French shareholders. It seems to

D

28 APPENDIX.

me only the other day that I heard Lord Palinerston, when he was
Prime Minister in the House of Commons, declare that this Suez
Canal was a chimera — that it was a sort of thing that could not be
made ; that it could not succeed if it were made ; that it would be
no advantage to England ; that England should have nothing to do
with it; and that none of its money should be spent upon it. Well,
the result'was that it was all thrown upon France, and France, stimu-
lated by the hostility of the English Minister, brought forth its
money in vast sums ; and under the wonderful energy of M. Lessepn,
the Canal was made, and not only made, but succeeds, and will pay.
Well, I believe also that the other nations would be quite willing to
see the Straits between the Black Sea and the Mediterranean just as
freely open. They have no kind of interest such as we pretend to
have. Our interests are, to my mind, purely visionary. Russia is not
a nation, nor likely to be for a long time a nation that will have
great fleets to traverse the Mediterranean as we have, and if she had
a fleet there it would be no more hostile to us than the new created
and growing fleet of Italy, or the now existing and formidable one of
France ; and when I come to consider the position of Russia, shut up
as she is in the north, in the Baltic by the frost, her only entrance
by the Sound, which is narrow, that she has no great navigable rivers
running into the ocean — I say it is one of the most unjust ideas, and
one of the very wildest and unstatesmanlike notions, that this country
can perpetually forbid a nation of eighty millions of people to obtain
that access to the main ocean which the Creator of the world made
equally for all his people upon the globe.

A year and a half ago, I suppose now, they astonished the country
by the announcement that they had become the possessors of a large
number of shares in the Suez Canal. They gave twice as much for
them as it was said the Khedive had offered them for in another
quarter. But I am not objecting to a couple of millions here or there.

Well,Lord Salisbury was endeavouring by all the meansin his power
to urge the Turk to make those most moderate concessions which at
the time of the conference only demanded that with which Russia
would have been content and the war would have been avoided; but the
war party in this country, the war press, the war public men, and that
portion of the public which I call the rowdy war party — there are

MR. BRIGHT ON' THE EASTERX QUESTION. 29

rowdies among the rich as well as among the poor — all that party
were speaking with another voice, and stimulating and encouraging
the Turk to resist, thus bringing Turkey to the catastrophe in which
she now finds herself.

I was talking the other day to a Frenchman, a very eminent
Frenchman, who, in all probability, when there is another Liberal
Government in France — which I hope may be soon — will form an
important member of it. We had been talking about Egypt and
upon the language which was held by some people in this country
with regard to it. I said to him, " What would be thought in France
if England were, under any pretence aud by any means, whether by
force or by purchase, or in any way, to obtain possession of Egypt ? "
Ho said he thought it would create the very woi'st impression in that
country, and hi3 opinion was, that no Government could maintain
itself- in France which permitted such a measure without the
strongest protest and remonsti-ance; and whether protest and
remonstrance would be all it was not very easy to determine.

ISTow, in this discord with regard to what should be done, there is
one other consideration of great importance, and that is, that
England has no allies. I believe there is no country in Europe at
tbis moment, no other counti-y, that feels with us in reference to this
question. We are alone in Europe, utterly, I believe, with reference
to the Bosphorus, and with reference to any question of danger as
connected with the closing of the Ganal. Among other nations our
demands are felt to be unreasonable and arrogant, and I confess
I sometimes feel that we stand a risk of some European com-
bination against us, and that we shall find ourselves not triumphant,
but baffled. And when the final settlement comes of these questions,
unless we can be moderate and just, I suspect there is great danger
that we may suffer a humiliation which not the nation only as a
whole, but which all of us individually may be made severely to feel.

I began by saying that we wore a great Empire ; it becomes a great
State like this to set always to the world a great and noble example.
I quote a passage from a recent speech of Lord Derby with a senti-
ment of the utmost admiration and the fullest concurrence. He says
" We must always remember that the greatest of British interests
is the interests of peace." Let ua believe, whether it be the United

D 2

30 APPENDIX.

States on the other side of the Atlantic, or whether it be the great
empire of Russia in the east of Europe, that there are good and great
and noble men in those countries ; that there is no disposition whatso-
ever, as I believe there is none, to make quarrels with this country or
to do evil of any kind to us. Great as our nation is and its dependen-
cies in every quarter of the globe, great will be its influence for good;
and, though the world moves but slowly — far too slowly, for our
ardent hopes — to its brighter day, history will declai'e with an impar-
tial voice that Britain, cleai'ing off her ancient errors, led the grand
procession of the nations in the path of civilization and of peace.

EXTRACT FR0JI WALLACE'S "RUSSIA." 31

EXTRACT FROM WALLACE'S "RUSSIA."

Mr. Wallace, after passing six years in Russia, speaks of it as?
follows :— " The village Communes, containing about five-sixths of
the population, are capital specimens of representative consti-
tutional government of the extreme democratic type. No class of
men in the world is more good-natured, pacific, and loyal than
the Russian peasantry.

" The advocates of women's rights will be interested to hear
that women who, on account of the absence or death of their
husbands, happen to be for the moment heads of households, as
such are entitled to be present in the village assembly, and their
right to take part in the deliberations is never questioned. The
decisions of the village assembly are therefore usually characterized
by plain, practical, common sense. There are many villages in
the Eastern provinces of European Russia which have been for
many generations half Tartar and half Russian, and the amalga-
mation of the two nationalities has not yet begun ; they live in
pei'fect good fellowship ; elect as village elder sometimes a
Russian and sometimes a Tartar, and discuss the commercial
affairs in the village assembly without reference to religious
matters. I know one village where the good fellowship went even
a step further : the Christians determined to repair their church,
and the Mahometans helped them to transport wood for the
purpose. It therefore is clear that while the Mussulmans rob,
plunder, and massacre the Christians in Turkey, where
they have the upper hand, and are armed, the Christians in
Russia, who ,are the dominant race, treat their Mussulman fellow

32 APPEXIUX.

subjects with the utmost kindness and respect, and that the
Mahometans themselves are happier and better under Christian
than Mussulman rule.

" In each Province there is an assembly called the Zemstvo.
This assembly is composed partly of nobles and partly of
peasants, the latter being decidedly in the majority, and no trace
of antagonism seemed to exist between the two classes. Landed
proprietors and their ci-devant serfs evidently met for the moment

on a footing of equality Instead of that violent

antagonism which might have been expected there was a great
deal too much unanimity. During three weeks I was daily present

at their deliberations The Zemstvo of Novgorod's

proceedings in the assembly of IS 70 were conducted in a
business-like satisfactory way. The Zemstvo is, however, a modern
institution created about ten years ago ; it fulfils tolerably well its
ordinary every day duties, and is very little tainted with
peculation and jobbery. It has greatly improved the condition
of the hospitals, asylums, and other benevolent institutions
committed to its charge, and it has done much for the spread of
popular education • it has created a new and more equitable
system of rating and a system of mutual fire insurance. Of all
the countries in which I have travelled, Russia certainly bears off
the palm in all that regards hospitality. All classes of the
Russian people have a certain kindly apathetic good nature
which makes them very charitable towards their neighbours.
Russia advances in the path of progress by a series of unconnected
frantic efforts, each of which is naturally folloAved by a period of
temporary exhaustion. The Russian noblesse has little or
nothing of what we call aristocratic feeling ; little or nothing of
that haughty domineering exclusive spirit which we are
accustomed to associate with the word aristocracy ....
we can scarcely ever find a Russian who is proud of his Lirth, or
imagines that the fact of his having a long pedigree gives him
any right to political privileges or social consideration. The son
of a small proprietor, or even of a parish priest, may rise to the
highest offices of state, whilst the descendant of the half mythical

EXTRACT FROM -WALLACE'S "RUSSIA." 33

Rurik may descend to the rank of peasants. It is said that not
long ago a certain Prince Krapota gained his living as a cabman
in St. Petersburg. There are hundreds of princes and princesses
who have not the right to appear at Court, and who would not
be admitted into what is called St. Petersburg society, or indeed
into refined society in any country ; there are 652,887 hereditary
nobles in Russia, and 374,367 personal nobles, together 1,027,254.
Between the nobles, the clergy, the burghers, and the peasants
there are no distinctions of race and no impassable barriers.

" The Crimean and other Tartars used to make raids into Russia
and Poland, and up to 1783, when the Crimea was conquered and
annexed to Russia, large numbers of Russian men, women, and
children were sold as slaves in Constantinople, and to the
Persians, Arabs, and Syrians. When they have valuable boys
and girls they first fatten them, clothe them in silk, and put
powder and rouge on their cheeks.

" The experiment of Jewish colonies has failed, their houses
are in a most dilapitated condition, and their villages remind one
of the abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel the
Prophet.

" The Slavophiles seem to favour the idea of a grand Slavonic
confederation, in which the hegemony would belong to Russia.

" The Emperor Alexander is of a kind-hearted, humane
disposition, singularly free from military ambition; he has a
goodly portion of sober common sense, a limited confidence in his
own judgment, and a consciousness of enormous responsibility.

" To protect an open frontier against the incursions of nomadic
tribes three methods are possible, the construction of a great wall,
the establishment of a strong military cordon, and the permanent
subjugation of the marauders. The first of these expedients,
adopted by the Romans in Britain and by the Chinese on their
north-western frontier, is enormously expensive, and utterly
impossible in a country like Russia ; the second was constantly
tried and found wanting ; the third is alone practicable and
efficient. Though the Government has long since recognised
that the acquisition of barren thinly populated steppes is a

34 APPENDIX.

burden rather than an advantage, it has been compelled to go on
making annexations for the purpose of self defence.

"Russia has on four occasions since Peter the Great ceded
territory. To Persia she ceded in 1729 Mazanderan and
Arkabad; and in 1735 a large part of the Caucasus. In 1856.
by the Treaty of Paris, she gave up the mouth of the Danube
and part of Bessarabia; and in 1867 she sold to the United
States her American possessions. To these ought perhaps to
be added the strip of territory which she lately conquered from
the Khivans and handed over to Bokhara, and, Kuklja which she
ceded to the Chinese.

" Certain it is that the Russian peasantry have reason to con-
gratulate themselves that they were emancipated by a Russian
autocrat, and not by a British House of Commons; and it is
equally certain that in some of the annexed provinces the lower
classes enjoy advantages which they would not possess under
British rule. (This is the sentiment to which Mr. Arch gave
utterance recently. ) If the Khan of Khiva had conscientiously
fulfilled his international obligations the expedition would not
have been undertaken. Russia must push forward her frontier
towards India until she reaches a government which is able and
willing to keep order Avithin its boundaries, and to prevent its
subjects from committing depredations on their neighbours.
As none of the petty states of Central Asia seem capable of
permanently fulfilling this condition, it is pretty certain that the
Russian and British frontiers will one day meet. As to the com-
plications and disputes which inevitably arise between contiguous
nations, I think they are fewer and less dangerous than those
which arise between nations separated from each other by a small
state which is incajoable of making its neutrality respected, and
is kept alive simply by the jealousy of rival powers. Germany
does not periodically go to war with Holland or Russia, though
separated from them by a mere artificial frontier, whilst France
and Austria have never been prevented from going to war with
each other by the broad intervening territory.

" As to the Slavonic Committee, whatever it did it did openly.

EXTRACT FROM WALLACE'S "RUSSIA." 3 J

Detailed reports of its proceedings were largely circulated in
Russia, and freely given to foreigners.

" TchernayefF has made for himself the reputation, by his
campaigns in Central Asia, of a brave, able soldier, and an honest
patriotic man. I must say that I know no body of men who are
more sensitive to humanitarian conceptions than the Russian
educated class. Probably about 4,000 Russian volunteers went
to Servia.

" Russian autocracy, founded on the unbounded hereditary
devotion of the people, peasantry and nobles alike, cannot for a
moment be compared with French autocracy in the time of
Napoleon III.

" Again and again whilst observing Russia's policy towards the
Servians and Montenegrins, I have been reminded of the anecdote
about the French revolutionary leader, who, before advancing to-
a barricade, pointed to the crowd and whispered confidentially to
a friend, ' II faut bien les suivre, je suis leur chef.' "

As to the cleanliness of the Russian peasants, Mr. Wallace tells
us that they take a weekly vapour bath, which cannot be said of
the peasantry of any other country in the world, including our
" great unwashed ; " and he further says, " I encountered peasants
who had a small collection of books, and twice I found in such
collections, much to my astonishment, a Russian translation of
' Buckles' History of Civilization.' " Now, if all Europe were ran-
sacked, it is doubtful if two other peasants could be found who
possessed a book of the same calibre.

36 APPENDIX.

EXTRACTS FROM MR. FREEMAN'S "OTTOMAN POWER
IN EUROPE."

"It is a fact well worthy of remembrance, that botli the
Bulgarians and, somewhat later, the Russians, when they became
dissatisfied with their own heathen religion, had Mahometanism
and Christianity both set before them, and that they deliberately
chose Christianity. . . . The Christian subject of the Turkish
Government does not wish to reform the Turkish Government ;
he does not wish to reconstruct it after the model of some other
Government; he simply wishes to get rid of it altogether. . . .
The Bosnian Christian looks upon the Servian or Montenegrin as
his countryman; he looks on the Turk as a foreigner. Christianity
has got rid of the two great evils of polygamy and slavery.
Mahometanism cannot get rid of them, because they are allowed
and consecrated by the Mahometan law. There are at this day
vast nations of Turks, some of them mere savages, who have
never embraced Mahometanism. . . . It was the increased
wrongdoing of the Turks, both towards the native Christians
and towards the pilgrims from the West, which caused the cry
for help that led to the Crusades. There were no Crusades as
long as the Saracens ruled ; as soon as the Turks came in the
Crusades began.

" Othman bears a high character among Turkish rulers, yet
he murdered his uncle simply for dissuading him from a dangerous
enterprise. . . . Orkhan first demanded a tribute of children.
The deepest of wrongs which other tyrants did as an occasional

EXTRACTS FROM " OTTOMAN POWER IX EUROPE. o7

outrage thus became under the Ottomans a settled law.
fixed proportion of the strongest and most promising boys among
the conquered Christian nations were carried off for the service
of the Ottoman princes, and were brought up in the Mahometan
faith, and in this way the strength of the conquered nations was
turned against themselves. They could not throw oft the yoke,
because those among them who were their natural leaders were
pressed into the service of their enemies. It was not till the
practice of levying the tribute on children was left off that the
conquered nations showed any power to stir. While the
Ottoman power was strongest, the chief posts of the Empire, civil
and military, were constantly held not by native Turks, but by
Christian renegades of all nations, and the flower of the army
were the janissaries formed of tribute children.

" The Turks were able to use each people that they brought
under their power as helpers against the next people whom they
attacked. Thus at Kussova, Amu rath had already Christian
tributaries fighting on his side. From this time, till Servia was
completely incorporated with the Turkish dominions, the Servians
had to fight in the Turkish armies against the other Christian
nations which the Turks attacked.

"The most remarkable conquest of Bajazet was in Asia.
Philadelphia still held out, and its citizens still deemed themselves
subjects of the Emperors at Constantinople. Yet, when Bajazet
thought proper to add the city to his dominions, the Emperor
Manuel and his son were forced, as tributaries of the Sultan, to
send their contingent to the Turkish army, and to help in the
conquest of their own city.

"Eubcea was conquered by the Turks in 1471, when the
Venetian governor, Erizzo, who had stipulated for the safety
of his head, had his body sawn asunder. . . . The last
Bosnian king was promised his life, but he and his sons were
put to death none the less. . . . Speaking roughly, the
lower clergy throughout the conquered lands have always been
patriotic leaders, while the bishops and other higher clergy have
been slaves and instruments of the Turks. ... In Albania

o8 APPENDIX.

a large part of the country did become Mahometan, while other
parts remained Christian, some tribes being Catholic and some
Orthodox. . . .

'• The Mufti Djemali, whose name deserves to be remembered,,
several times turned the Sultan from bloody purposes. At last
he withstood Selim, when he wished to massacre all the Chris-
tians in his dominion, and to forbid the exercise of the Christian
religion. . . .

" In the days of Sobieski and Eugene, men had not learned to
talk about the integrity and independence of the Ottoman
Empire, or to think it a good thing for Christian nations to be
held in Turkish bondage. They did not openly profess the
doctrine that certain nations should be deprived of the rights of
human beings for the sake of the supposed interests of some other
nation.

"When Belgrade submitted in 1813, the Turks promised to put
no man to death. Turkdike, they beheaded and impaled the
men to whom they had promised their lives. Men still live
who remember seeing their fathers writhing on the stakes before
the citadel of Belgrade. . . .

" The Albanians generally, both Christian and Mahometan, have
always kept up a strong national feeling. . . . They have always
been discontented and often rebellious subjects of the Turks.

. . . It is most important to remember that the rising
(for independence) was in no way confined to the narrow
bounds of that part of Greece which was set free in the end.
The whole Greek nation rose in every part of the Turkish
dominions where they had numbers and strength to use. They
rose throughout Greece itself, in Epiros, Thessaly, and Macedonia,
in Crete too, and Cyprus, and others of the islands. The Greek
revolution was mainly the work of the Greeks themselves, count-
ing among them the Christian Albanians.

" Ibrahim, who afterwards, like most tyrants, was honourably
received in England, went on the deliberate principle of making
the whole world a desert, by slaying or enslaving the whole-
Christian population.

EXTRACTS FROM "OTTOMAN" TOWER IN EL'ROFE. 6V

*' Prince Leopold, afterwards King of the Belgians, accepted the
crown (of Greece), but he presently resigned it, because he saw
that no Greek state would flourish which was pent up in such a
narrow frontier.

" If we could fancy a state of things in which our English
country was free, and the next country was under Turkish
bondage, it is quite certain that the men of the free country
would help their enslaved neighbours when they revolted . . .
but then they ought to be called ' foreign intriguers ' too, for there
is no greater difference between the men of Montenegro and the
men of Herzegovina, than there is between the men of Yorkshire
and the men of Lancashire. . . .

" Some of these poor people (the Cretans) were carried off in
safety to Greece in ships of several European nations, amongst
others in the English ship ' Assurance.' . . . But the English
Foreign Secretary, now Earl of Derby, forbade that any such
act of humanity should be done again. It does not appear that
any other European nation acted in the same way. England
alone . . . must bear "the shame of having in cold blood
forbidden that old men and women, and children, and helpless
persons of all kinds, should be saved from the jaws of the bar-
barians. No blacker page in the history of England, no blacker
page in the history of human nature, can be found. . . . Xo
treaty, no oath, caii bind a man to commit a crime, nor can it bind
him, when he has the power of hindering a crime, to allow it to
be done.

" They (the alleged foreign intriguers in Turkey) are foreign
intriguers in the same sense in which Sir Philip Sidney was a
foreign intriguer when he died at Zutphen, for the freedom of the
Netherlands. ... As Englishmen then fought and died for
the freedom of a kindred land, so now many men from Mon-
tenegro (from Austria), from Eussia, and from Italy, too, fought
and died the same glorious death for the freedom of the oppressed
Slavonic land. ... At a time when no Montenegro prisoner
was ever spared by the Turks, but when Turkish prisoners, a
Pasha among them, were living quite comfortably in Montenegro,

40 APPENDIX.

we were told of the horrible atrocities of the Montenegrins.

. . . The old custom which the Montenegrins had learned
of the Turks was to bring home the heads of slain enemies as
trophies . . . but it is not now done by any troops who are
under Montenegrin discipline. But the custom of cutting off
the dead enemy's nose has still been sometimes kept up by the
irregular insurgent band, and in one or two cases a man who
was thought to be dead was wakened up by the loss of his nose.
. . . After all, though to cut off a dead man's nose is a
brutal thing, it is hardly -so brutal as roasting, torturing, and
impaling living people. . . .

" When Sir Henry Bulwer was Ambassador at Constantinople,
;i circular was sent to the British Consuls in the Turkish
dominions, bidding them send in an account of the state of the
country. Another letter went with the circular, bidding them
to make their report as favourable as they could to the Turks.

. . . He (Sir Henry) was to act as an honest man sent to
He abroad for the good of his country. . . . We look on, wo
count the cost, we see how the wrong-doer deals with his victim,
and we determined to uphold the wrong-doer, because we think
that to uphold him will suit some interest of our own. There is
no question of national glory, no question of national honour,
nothing which can stir up even a false enthusiasm. It is a calm
mercantile calculation that the wrongs of millions of men will
pay. The Turkish bully is at heart a coward. ... A wanton
murder of Mussulmans by Mussulmans has been known to go un-
punished when Christian witnesses only could prove the fact.

" The Bosnian Beys, the descendants of renegades, still keeping
up the old spite of the renegades, are described none the less as
very lax votaries of Islam, as remembering their Christian
descent, as treasuring up the patents of nobility which their fore-
fathers received from the ancient Christian king.?. Those who
know them well think that if they were put under a Christian
government, their re-conversion would not be hard, the Bey would
easily slide back into the baron. . . . There is a mosque at
Chalkis, and there is a mosque at Belgrade. The few Mahometans

EXTRACTS FROil "OTTOMAN POWER IN EUROPE." 41

at Chalkis suffer no wrong or disability. . . . "When the Turkish
garrison left Belgrade, the settled Mussulman population went
also. But why did they go % Not by their own free-will — not
by the will of the Servians, who wished them to stay. They
went by orders from Constantinople, where the ruling powers
wished to make out a case against Servia, as if Servia had driven
them out. But the mosque is there still, and its minister is paid
by the Servian state for his services towards any Mussulman
remnant that may be left, or towards any Mussulman traveller
that may pass by."

42 ATTENDIX.

TRANSLATION OF COMTE SEEBACHS "OPEN LET-
TER" TO LORD BEACONSF1ELD, PUBLISHED IN
THE NORD, OF BRUSSELS, ON 23ud JUNE, 1S77.

" Many years have elapsed, 1113^ lord, since I had the good for-
tune to make your acquaintance, and our paths having no longer
crossed each other, I would fear to have become an unknown person
to you if I was not certain that the circumstances — important for
you as well as for me — in the midst of which we met must have
preserved for me in your recollection the place which you have not
ceased to occupy in mine.

" Our relations, it is true, have not survived the interests which
had created them, but they lasted long enough to have obtained
for me on your part proofs of esteem and of confidence to which I
am happy to be able to pay even tardily my debt of gratitude in
bringing you, my lord, by this open letter, an irrefutable testi-
mony against the calumnies which impute to you the responsi-
bility of the inundation Avith which Europe is now threatened.

" To this effect I have to evoke the recollection of a time
already far from us, and to formulate summarily the political
situation which then brought us together. It was, my lord, at
that period of the Crimean War when a great storm was formed
over the head of Lord Palmerston.

" In the course of the first winter campaign the most important
London journal had unveiled the faults of the military organiza-
tion of England with great patriotic courage, and rendered the
Government responsible for the evil consequences of the indolence

C03ITE SEEBACH's " OPEN LETTER " TO LORD BEACONSFIELD. 43

which had left the third of the army to perish in physical suffer-
ings past human endurance. At these heartrending revelations a
great cry of stupor and indignation had resounded in the three
kingdoms, from one end to the other, and it burst forth with all
the more force when the bloody repulses undergone under the
Avails of Sebastopol placed the fear of a great disaster in the place
of the hopes of peace which the prompt reconstitution of the army
had caused to revive.

"All the political atmosphere was troubled by these cruel
deceptions. On both sides of the Channel the ancient antagonism,
which even blood shed in common and the intoxication of the first
successes had not succeeded in entirely extinguishing, was re-
kindled. The distrust, which had never ceased to reign secretly in
the camps, penetrated into the Governments ; and the report having
spread that the Emperor Napoleon would proceed to the theatre
of war, all the English journals attributed to him more or less
openly the intention to seek the occasion of a meeting with the
sovereign of Russia to negotiate directly a peace to the detriment
of the honour of England.

" The word treason was pronounced, and for the first time the
mass of the country began to doubt the ability of the statesman
to whom it had confided its destinies, and who, until then, had
held the British lion in a leash whilst imprinting on his policy
always and everywhere the seal of the brutal motto of the
Romans. The proud sentiment of Cms Eomamis sum being no
longer allowable to the English nation, the popularity of Lord
Palmerston was shaken at its base ; and being chief — not in name,
but in fact — of the Opposition, you were, my lord, justified in
thinking that the moment for securing his succession was near. The
ministerial combinations of your party had reserved to you without
contest the direction of foreign affairs, which you did not then,
however, know except by the newspapers, and you adopted then
the resolution to go to Paris to draw from better sources, and to
ascertain especially, yourself, the reality or the erroneousness of
the apprehensions which the oscillations of French policy caused
in England.

E

44 APPENDIX.

'•' A mutual friend, who had preceded you to explore the ground,
made me aware of your projects, my lord, and as soon as you
arrived you did me the honour to come and see me, and to place
immediately our relations on the footing of intimacy in making me
acquainted from the very first with all the phases of the political
life of the ' Nobody ' of former times, as it pleased you to call
yourself, and in admitting to me afterwards, without reserve, that,
being on the point of reaching the summit of the social ladder,
you had to ask me for a service which would assist you to sur-
round your name with a new glory.

" To be believed, on my word, that I have rendered you this
service, of which the preliminaries were the frankness with which
you expressed yourself towards me concerning the direction which
you intended to impress on English policy, and which permits me
to guarantee your real sentiments in the present crisis, it is neces-
sary to define the situation which the war last made for me in
Paris.

" Nominated Minister of Saxony in France, a short time before
the disappearance of the Republic, after having filled during fifteen
years the same functions at St. Petersburg, where I had become
the son-in-law of the Chancellor of the Empire, Count Nesselrode,
I had been received by the chief of the State with much good-will,
which was due in part to private affairs which he had at heart,
and also to the illusion that my family connections might be
utilised in the difficulties which even then the French Government
foresaw on the side of Eussia at the moment when it would
change in form.

" In both cases my duties prevented me from responding to the
expectations of the Prince President, but I had been fortunate
enough to be able to reconcile them with the wishes I formed at
this time with the men of order in Europe for the consolidation
of the Napoleonic dynasty, and the Emperor recollected this.

" Grateful by natural disposition — as no man ever was in a
greater degree — he gave me credit for the attachment which I had
shown for his person ; and when the curtain rose in the East for
the prologue of the great drama to which the struggle taking

COMTE SEEBACH'S " OPEN LETTER" TO LORD BEACONSFIELD. 45

place at this moment on the banks of the Danube will, perhaps,
furnish the epilogue, the Emperor Napoleon gave me a great
proof of regard by conducting me spontaneously into his study to
have with me a distinct and clear explanation on the subject of
the evident conflict between my official position and my well-
known sympathies for the adversary that France was going to
combat.

" Far from diminishing the confidence which, in the course of
the negotiations which preceded the rupture, the Emperor had
never ceased to testify towards me by confidential communications
on his personal grievances against Russia, this conversation
strengthened it, and left him the certainty that, whilst regretting
profoundly his policy of the moment, I was, nevertheless, ready
to serve him loyally, with the approbation of my sovereign as soon
as it was modified.

" In this order of ideas I had demanded and obtained authority
from the French and Saxon Governments to accept the mission
which the Cabinet of St. Petersburg wished to confide to me, to
take under the protection of my legation the Russian subjects who
remained in France ; and the terms in which the Emperor
expressly confirmed it verbally, showed me clearly that he
attached to it the same anticipations as myself.

" As I am not writing a chapter of my memoirs, I may dispense
with enlarging on the ways and means which have realized them,
by conducting gradually, in the midst of the clang of arms, and in
spite of diplomacy, to a tacit reconciliation between the sovereigns
of Russia and France. This reconciliation furnished, after the
taking of Sebastopol, the basis of the confidential negotiations
between the two Governments, from which arose the Conferences
and the Peace of Paris.

" This reconciliation was still little advanced at the time when
we met, my lord, but I was sufficiently aware of the dominant
ideas at St. Petersburg to be able to assure you that the vague
and adventurous policy of the Emperor Napoleon would never
prevail there against that which you had decided to cause England
to follow, as soon as you had taken the reins of Government.

E 2

46 APPENDIX.

"In your prepossessions, my lord, a very small place was
reserved for the present time, of which you considered the diffi-
culties as a Minister directing a great Empire aware of his per-
sonal superiority.

" Deeply convinced that the coalition into which England had
allowed itself to be drawn placed it in the position of a dupe, you
determined to dissolve it by concessions to the just exigencies of
the adversary, which would hasten, if necessary, in spite of
France, the conclusion of peace.

" All your glances were turned towards the future, which you
judged with the clearness of the prophet kings of the Old Testa-
ment. In your eyes, my lord, Europe was of necessity condemned
to be transformed by accident, by fire, and blood, if England and
Russia did not come to an understanding on the leading features
of their policy in the East, and you had no doubt of establishing
this concord by adopting principles diametrically opposed to those
of Lord Palmerston.

" According to you, the vital interests of the two Governments
enjoined on them to remain strictly united in Europe, as well as
in Asia, in order to preserve to each the sphere of action agreed
upon.

" The programme which you traced for yourself, determining
distinctly its character and limits, and knowing it to be identical
with that which the Emperor Nicholas and Count Nesselrode in
his long and brilliant career had used all their efforts to establish,
I was sure that the prospect of seeing it realised by your initiative,
my lord, would become at St. Petersburg an element of peace. I
transmitted it then at your exj)ress demand to the Chancellor, with
the request to make his august master acquainted Avith it. Both
hailed it as the certain promise of a new era of repose in Europe.

" Unfortunately the English people did not fulfil these hopes,
and banished yours amongst those with which vanquished parties
too often delude themselves. Lord Palmerston remained in
power.

" I stop here, my lord, for I think I have attained the object of
my letter.

COUNT SEEBACH'S CHARGES AGAINST LORD BEACONSFIELD. 47

"A statesman who has grown old in the management of great
affairs may modify his views, but he cannot renounce the convic-
tions of his whole life at the end of his career without being-
enlightened by experience. Now, since the period of which I
have just spoken, all the events in the East have shown the
correctness of the fundamental principle of the policy which you
preached a quarter of a century ago; and as it would be an injus-
tice to you, my lord, to believe that you had adopted it lightly,
the world may, at least, in strict justice accuse you of not having
had the courage to adhere to your opinion in the council of the
Queen, whilst before God the heavy responsibility for the torrents
of blood which will be shed in a few days must fall wholly on the
heads of your colleagues, who have taken advantage of your
weakness by doing violence to the convictions which sleep in the
recesses of your conscience.

" Be so good, my lord, as to receive my letter with the senti-
ments which have dictated it, and of which I claim all the merit,
not having had in my complete independence to ask counsel or
advice from any one. Accept at the same time, my lord, the
.assurance of my highest consideration.

" Count Seebach.

" Chateau d'Unwurde, near Loeban, Saxony."

COUNT SEEBACH'S CHARGES AGAINST LORD
BEACONSFIELD.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE " DAILY NEWS."

Sir, — An interesting letter addressed to Lord Beaconsfield from
•Comte Seebach, who was Saxon Minister at Paris during the
Crimean War, appears in the Norcl of June 23rd, from which I
extract the following passages concerning Lord Beaconsfield, which
conclusively show that his inner convictions on the Eastern
Question are entirely at variance with his acts and language. Lord
Beaconsfield, then Mr. Disraeli, fully expecting the fall of the
Government after the harrowing account of the dreadful sufferings
of the English troops during the first winter of the Crimean War,

48 APPENDIX.

and that he would succeed to power, went to Paris to study the
political situation, and put himself into communication with Comte
Seebach, sitting at his feet as a disciple, " and placing our relations
on the footing of intimacy by making me aware from the first of
all the phases of the political life of the ' Nobody ' of former times
as it pleased you to call yourself, and in acknowledging to me
without concealment that, being on the point of reaching the
summit of the social ladder, you had to ask me to render you a
service which would aid you to surround your name with a new
glory. . . Profoundly convinced that the coalition into which
England had allowed itself to be inveigled reserved for it the part
of a dupe, you promised yourself to dissolve it by concessions to
the just requirements of the adversary (Russia), which would hasten,
if necessary, in spite of France, the conclusion of peace. . . Tou
did not doubt that you could establish an agreement (with Russia)
by adopting principles diametrically opposed to those of Lord
Palmerston.

" According to you, the vital interests of the two Governments
(England and Russia) demanded from them to remain closely
united in Europe, as in Asia, to preserve to each the sphere of
action agreed upon. . . .

" The programme which you had traced for yourself, determining
distinctly its character and limits, knowing it to be identical with that
which the Emperor Nicholas and Count Nesselrode in his long and
brilliant career had used all their efforts to carry out, I was sure
that the prospect of seeing it realised by your initiative would
become at St. Petersburg an element of peace. I transmitted it
then on your express demand to the Chancellor, with the request to
bring it to the knowledge of his august master. Both welcomed
it as the certain promise of an era of repose in Europe. As, since
the time respecting which I have just spoken, all the events in the
East have shown the truth of the fundamental principle of the
policy which you advocated a quarter of a century ago, and as it
would be an injustice to you, my lord, to think that you then
adopted them inconsiderately, people may at least in fair justice
accuse you of not having the courage of maintaining your opinion
in the council of the Queen, whilst the responsibility before God for

count seebach' s charges against lord beaconsfield. 49

the torrents of blood which will flow in a few days must fall wholly
on your colleagues who have taken advantage of your weakness by
violating the convictions which sleep in the recesses of your
conscience."

It is clear from this important document that Lord Beaconsfield
is, after all, only the tool of more designing colleagues, and that
he is playing a part which is contrary to his convictions, and which
he knows to be contrary to justice and to the interest of England.
I may add that for the chief of the Opposition to send a message to
the Czar intimating his entire disapproval of the policy then being
pursued by hi3 country, when we were at war with Russia, seems
in the highest degree reprehensible and unpatriotic.

The Speaker has refused to allow me to put any question what-
ever on this subject to the Government in the House of Commonp,
bub I sent the letter in the original French to Lord Beaconsfield,
with a private letter from myself, and a copy of the question
which I am not allowed to ask, because it relates to an event stated
to have happened upwards of twenty years ago, when Lord
Beaconsfield was not Minister !

Lord Beaconsfield, instead of committing himself by a written
reply to my lettei', has informed me, through the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, that he has no recollection of having made the statement
attributed to him by Comte Seebach, but he does not positively
deny their substantial or even their verbal accuracy, and no un-
prejudiced person can possibly believe that he can really have
forgotten the substance of his communication through Comte
Seebach to the Emperor of Russia. I have in my possession the
original letter of Count Seebach to the editor of the Nord, written
on paper bearing his monogram and coronet ; also a letter from
him to a Breslau paper, in which he pledges his word of honour
that the letter to Lord Beaconsfield was not written at the insti-
gation of Russia; and as I personally know the editor of the
Nord, I am quite ready to assume the whole responsibility of
guaranteeing the authenticity of this letter, and of stating my
firm belief that every syllable which it contains is literally true.
Your obedient servant,
i J. G. T. Sinclair.

50 APTENDIX.

LORD BEACONSFIELD AND COUNT SEEBACH.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE "DAILY NEWS."

Sir, — I observe in your columns to-day a letter from Sir Tollemaclie
Sinclair, in which my name is mentioned, and which appears to re-
quire some explanation on my part.

Sir Tollemache Sinclair some days ago informed me that he was
about to put a question to me on the subject of a letter which he
said had been written by Count Seebach, but of which I had not
previously heard. On my telling him that I knew nothing about it,
he gave me a letter addressed to Lord Beaconsfield, which he had
left unfastened in order that I might read it and give it to the Prime
Minister, together with a notice that he was about to put a question
to me on the subject.

I accordingly read the letter myself, and then sent it to Lard
Beaconsfield. He wrote to me in reply a letter which I took down
with me to the House of Commons, prepared to read it in answer to
Sir Tollemache Sinclair's question, but I was informed by the
Speaker that he had ruled that the question could not be put.

When I subsequently met Sir Tollemache in the lobby I had not
the letter itself at hand, but I mentioned its general purport to him.

I much regret that Sir Tollemache did not express to me his wish
to see the letter itself, as I should of course have shown it to him.
There was no intentional want of courtesy towards him either on
my own part or certainly on that of Lord Beaconsfield, who naturally
regarded his letter to me as the answer to that which he had
received at my hands, and to which he did not think that any other
reply was expected. — I have the honour to be, sir, your obedient
servant,

July 6. Stafford H. Northcote.

P.S. — I subjoin a copy of Lord Beaconsfield' s letter.

" 2, Whitehall-gardens, S.W., June 30, 1S77.
" My dear Chancellor of the Exchequer, — I remember meet-
ing Count Seebach, fur the first time, at Paris after the Crimean War

PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI— August 4, 1877.

BENJAMIN BOMBASTES.

WHO DARES THIS PAIR OF BOOTS DISPLACE,
MUST MEET BOMBASTES FACE TO FACE !
THUS DO I CHALLENGE ALL THE HUMAN RACE

(By the kind permission of the Proprietors of "Punch"}

LOED BEACONSFIELD AND COUNT SEEBACH. 51

and when, by the by, there never was less prospect of a change in
the Ministry of England. I was not aware until this moment of the
important acquaintance I was making. I have not the slightest
recollection of any observation I ever made to him ; and I hope his
Excellency will not be offended by my adding that I have not the
slightest recollection of anything he ever said to me.

" I should think the Emperor of Russia and Prince Gortschakoff
must have been a little surprised by being diplomatically informed
of the casual remarks of a private member of Parliament.

" It proves, I think, that the duties of the Court of Saxony were
not of an absorbing character. — Yours sincerely,

" (Signed) Beaconsfield."

To this I wrote the following rejoinder : —

COUNT SEEBACH AND LORD BEACONSFIELD.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE " DAILY NEWS."

Sir, — The Philo-Turkish portion of " society " seem to think that
Lord Beaconsfield's short and evasive letter on the subject of Count
Seebach's long and important communication, addressed to him in the
Nord of the 24th of June, conclusively refutes it, because he states
that he met him " for the first time at Paris after the Crimean War; "
and if this statement were true Count Seebach would stand con-
victed before all Europe not only of a wilful and gratuitous falsehood,
but of having accused the Prime Minister of England of conduct
which falls but little short of treason, and it would have been quite
unnecessary for him to have said anything more than the words I have
just quoted, and the very fact that he makes several further remarks
which, on his representation of the case, were superfluous, is in itself
suspicious. It is, however, utterly absurd to suppose that even the
most mendacious and unscrupulous individual in the whole world
would commit such an obvious blunder as to say that he was intimately
acquainted with Lord Beaconsfield during the Crimean War, and
that he was requested by him to make a most important communi-
cation to the Emperor of Russia, when, in point of fact, he never

52 APPENDIX.

met him till after the Crimean "War was over, when the message in
question would have been wholly irrelevant and utterly useless ; and
this is the more incredible since Count Seebach is a veteran and
skilful diplomatist, who had very great influence both with the Czar
and the Emperor of the Frencb, and is about the last individual who
would have committed an easily detected fault, which, in the words
of Talleyrand, would have been " worse than a crime." I have no
doubt whatever that Count Seebach will immediately produce ample
evidence, from the most unimpeachable sources, that he knew Lord
Beaconsfield most intimately during the Crimean War, and when
this is established every unprejudiced person will believe that every-
thing which Count Seebach states in the letter of the 23rd of June
is at least substantially correct. It will be observed that Count See-
bach's letter is not only extremely courteous, but even flattering to
Lord Beaconsfield, for, strangely enough, the Count does not appear
to consider that the statements he makes involve very grave charges
against him; but appears, on the contrary, to think they are very
much to his credit, and it is therefore the more surprising that
Lord Beaconsfield's reply is couched in the most offensive, disdain-
ful, and depreciatory terms.

Lord Beaconsfield says, sarcastically, " I was not aware till this
moment of the important acquaintance I was making ; " but if so he
was probably the only public man in Europe who professed the most
superficial knowledge of foreign politics who was ignorant of Count
Seebach's position and influence. He then proceeds to say, " I have
not the slightest recollection of any observation I ever made to him

. . . and I have not the slightest recollection of anything he
ever said to me ; " as much as to say that Count Seebach, who was a
highly important personage in the opinion of the two Emperors,
was such an insignificant individual in the judgment of that much
greater man, Mr. Disraeli, that what the Count said to him went in
at one car and out at the other. Lord Beaconsfield concludes
by saying, "I should think the Emperor of Russia and Prince
Gortschakoff must have been a little surprised by being diplo-
matically informed of the casual remarks of a private member of
Parliament. It proves, I think, that the duties of the Court of
Saxony were not of an absorbing character."

Now, in the first place, Count Seebach expressly stated that it was
to Count Nesselrode, then Chancellor of the Russian Empire, and
not to Prince Gortschakoff, who did not fill that office, that Lord

LORD BEACONSFIELD AND COUNT SEEBACH. 55

Beaconsfield's message was sent ; and I very much doubt if his lord-
ship has even yet read the letter which I sent him in the original
French, which he has undertaken to answer like Alexandre Dumas,
who wrote an account of a tour which he never made at all.

Then, again, as Lord Beaconsfield had been in office in 1852, it is a
prevarication to say that he was a private individual, and it is clear
that a message sent by the leader of the Opposition to the Czar
during the Crimean War, that he expected to be in power im-
mediately, and that he " did not doubt that he would establish an
agreement with Russia by adopting principles diametrically opposed
to those of Lord Palmerston, if necessary, in spite of France," cannot
be fairly called "casual remarks of a private member of Parliament,"
and he would have scoffed at such a lame excuse if Count Seebach's
letter had referred to Lord Hartington instead of to him. The
Turcophiles, however, say that even if conclusive evidence can be pro-
duced to prove the substance of all Count Seebach has stated, it only
amounts to a change of opinion as regards the proper policy of
England towards Russia ; but those who are careless or shallow
enough to make such a remark fail to see the bearings of the case.
It is obviously quite as allowable for Lord Beaconsfield to change
his opinion in one direction as for Mr. Gladstone, who was in favour
of the Crimean War, to alter his views in the opposite direction, and
thus make that fair exchange of policies which is proverbially no
robbery ; but surely every one on reflection must see that, though
Mr. Bright cordially disapproved of the Crimean War at the time, he
would never have been guilty of so unpatriotic and unwise an act as
to send a message to the Czar during the war, to say that if he
became Minister of England he would reverse the policy of England,
if necessary, in spite of France ; whilst the boundless recklessness
and egregious bungling of Lord Beaconsfield are conclusively
established by the fact that he told the Turks before the Conference
that England would not coerce them, and thus made the negotiations
an inevitable failure, and the maintenance of peace absolutely
impossible.

Suppose that before the battle of Inkerman was fought the
Emperor of Russia contemplated making peace with us, it is obvious
that if in the interval he received the message in question from the
leader of the Opposition and expectant of power in England, he
would undubitably determine to abandon the idea of agreeing to a
peace on Lord Palmerston's bard terms when be was likely soon

54 APPENDIX.

to obtain much more advantageous conditions from the new Minis-
try, and thus the battle of Inkerman may have been fought, and
the war prolonged, at an enormous cost of blood and treasure, in
consequence of this mischievous and unjustifiable message. If it
could be clearly proved that this supposed case actually occurred,
there is hardly a man in England who would not hold that Lord
Beaconsfield deserved at least perpetual ostracism from power ; and
if it did not take place, he is deserving of the severest censure for
the results which might have ensued from his message.

The public will not fail to observe with astonishment that Lord
.Beaconsfield tardily treats this very grave charge affecting his per-
sonal honour and character, which is brought against him — not by
an anonymous correspondent or an unknown or discredited individual,
but by a distinguished foreign nobleman and diplomatist — with
reckless and unbecoming levity, instead of promptly and categori-
cally repelling such circumstantial, dishonouring, and compromising
charges with indignation and scorn, and that he merely states that
he does not recollect what he said to Count Seebach, which would
not avail him in any court of law against the express, distinct, and
positive assertions which the Count makes against him.

In conclusion, I wish to refer your readers to the very able and
interesting article in the World on the subject, headed " A Lame
Explanation." — Your obedient servant,

J. G. T. Sinclair.

TRANSLATION OF COUNT SEEBACH'S REJOINDER TO
LORD BEACONSFIELD-S REPLY.

TO THE EDITOR OF "THE NORD."

Sir, — The contest in which Sir J. Tolletnache Sinclair, member of
the English Parliament, has engaged in the press with Lord Beacons-
field, obliges me to request you to publish the fewlines by which, at the
date of the 2nd inst., I authorised you to place at his disposal the
original of the open letter, which I took the liberty of addressing to
xhe noble lord and for which he asked you. Not having the honour of

LORD BEACONSPIELD AND COUNT SEEBACH. 55

personally knowing Sir T. Sinclair, I am so much the more deeply
obliged for the sentiments which he has been so good as to testify
towards me in his letter to the Daily News, republished by the Nord
of the 9th inst., but my gratitude cannot go so far as to make me
deviate from the line of conduct which I had marked out for myself
after mature consideration. Neither to a greater or less extent will
I take part in the suit for high treason which he has commenced
against his adversary. Lord Beaconsfield is free to take refuge
behind his feeble memory to confound it. His case fails ; dates and
men, all these little contrivances of which he has made use in the
answer which he has deigned to make me through the medium of
Sir Stafford Northcote and of Sir T. Sinclair, do not absolve him from
the obligation to attempt a last effort in order to remember our con-
versations, if not as exactly as they live in my recollection and, per-
haps, also elsewhere, but at least sufficiently to be able to lay his hand
on his conscience to oppose to my clear and precise affirmations a
denial quite as distinct and categorical. Even then, however, I
would leave public opinion to speak, which will decide which of us
two has had the less interest to falsify the truth. The incident in so
far as it concerns me is then definitively terminated.

Accept, sir, the assurance of my distinguished consideration.

COUNT SEEBACH.

Chateau d'Uirwurde, near Loeban, Saxony.
July 15, 1877.

A LAME EXPLANATION.

FROM THE " WORLD."

The statements contained in the letter of Lord Beaconsfieldj
printed in the Daily News of Saturday last, in reply to Sir Tolle-
mache Sinclair's quotations from the Nord, are of a truly surprising
character. In the Nord of June 3rd, there appeared a letter from
Count Seebach, in which an account was given of a conversation
held by him with Mr. Disraeli twenty years ago. According to this

56 APPENDIX.

narrative the then leader of the Opposition in the House of Com-
mons drew up, for the benefit of the Saxon Minister in the French
capital, the programme of an amicable concert to be established
between England and Russia. This statement Lord Beaconsfield
contradicts in a letter addressed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
saying, that while he recollects meeting Count Seebach in Paris,
he " was not aware of the important acquaintance he was making;"
that " he has not the slighest recollection of any observation he ever
made ; " and that he thinks " the Emperor of Russia must have been
a little surprised by being diplomatically informed of the casual
remarks of a private Member of Parliament," uttered at a time
" when there was no prospect of a change in the Ministry of Eng-
land." Of course, in 1857, Mr. Disraeli was technically a private
Member of Parliament, but he had been Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer five years previously; he was the leader of the Opposition in
the House of Commons, and his position was one of at least as
great influence as Lord Hartington's now.

Secondly, it seems strange that Mr. Disraeli can have been
ignorant of the " importance " of Count Seebach, who had married
the daughter of Count Nesselrode, who was not merely well known
in diplomatic circles, but who had been notoriously the representa-
tive of Russian interests during the Crimean War, and who was
mainly instrumental in bringing about the preliminary negotiations
for the Treaty of Paris.

Thirdly, as regards Lord Beaconsfield's remark on the apparent
impossibility of the Conservatives coming into power in 1857, it is
an impossibility which was certainly not recognized at the time.
In that year Mr. Disraeli was engaged, and with a reasonable
chance of success, in the attempt to form a Conservative coalition
with the Peelites and the Liberal malcontents in opposition to Lord
Palmerston, who had irritated and alienated the minds of many of
his party by his supposed wish to prolong the war with Russia ; and
to such a coalition a speech made by Mr. Disraeli at the beginning
of the Session of 1857 was manifestly intended to pave the way.

INTERVIEW OF AN ENGLISHMAN AND A TURKISH PASHA. 57

INTERVIEW OF AN ENGLISHMAN AND A
TURKISH PASHA.

{From Kinglalcc's " Eothen," now out of print.)

Pasha. — The Englishman is welcome ; most blessed among
hours is this the hour of his coming.

Dragoman (to the Traveller). — The Pasha pays you his com-
pliments.

Traveller. — Give him my best compliments in return, and
say I'm delighted to have the honour of seeing him.

Dragoman (to the Pasha). — His Lordship, this Englishman,
Lord of London, Scorner of Ireland, Suppressor of France, has
quitted his government, and left his enemies to breathe for a
moment, and has crossed the broad waters in strict disguise with
a small, but eternally faithful retinue of followers, in order that
he might look upon the bright countenance of the Pasha among
Pashas — the Pasha of the everlasting Pashalik of Karagho-
lookdoor.

Traveller (to the Dragoman). — What on earth have you been
saying about London ? The Pasha will be taking me for a mere
cockney. Have I not told you always to say that I am from a
branch of the family of Mudcombe Park, and that I am to be a
magistrate for the county of Bedfordshire, only I've not qualified ;
and that I should have been a deputydieutenant, if it had not
been for the extraordinary conduct of Lord Mountpromise ; and
that I was a candidate for Goldborough at the last election, and
that I should have won easy if my committee had not bee

58 APPENDIX.

bought. I wish to heaven that, if you do say anything about me.
you'd tell the simple truth.

Dragoman is silent.

Pasha. — What says the friendly Lord of London 1 Is there
aught that I can grant him within the Pashalik of Karagho-
lookdoor.

Dragoman (growing sulky and literal). — This friendly English-
man, this branch of Mudcombe, this head purveyor of Gold-
borough, this possible policeman of Bedfordshire, is recounting
his achievements and the number of his titles.

Pasha. — The end of his honours is more distant than the ends
of the earth, and the catalogue of his glorious deeds is brighter
than the firmament of heaven !

Dragoman (to tlie Traveller). — The Pasha congratulates your
Excellency.

Traveller. — About Goldborough 1 The deuce he does ! but
I want to get at his views in relation to the present state of the
Ottoman Empire. Tell him the Houses of Parliament have met
and that there has been a speech from the throne pledging
England to preserve the integrity of the Sultan's dominions.

Dragoman (to the Pasha). — This branch of Mudcombe, this
possible policeman of Bedfordshire, informs your Highness
that in England the talking houses have met, and that the
integrity of the Sultan's dominions has been assured for ever and
ever by a speech from the velvet chair.

Pasha. — Wonderful chafr ! wonderful houses ! Whirr, whirr !
all by wheels ! Whiz, whiz ! all by steam ! Wonderful chairr
wonderful houses, wonderful people ! Whirr, whirr ! all by
wheels ! Whiz, whiz ! all by steam !

Traveller (to the Dragoman). — What does the Pasha mean by
that whizzing 1 He does not mean to say, does he, that our
Government will ever abandon their pledges to the Sultan ?

Dragoman. — No, your Excellency, but he says the English
talk by wheels and by steam.

Traveller. — That's an exaggeration ; but say that the English
really have carried machinery to great perfection. Tell the Pasha

INTERVIEW OF AX ENGLISHMAN AND A TURKISH PASHA. 59

(he'll be struck with that) that, -whenever we have any disturb-
ances to put down, even at two or three hundred miles from
London, we can send troops by the thousand to the scene of
action in a few hours.

Dragoman (recovering his temper and freedom of speech). — His
Excellency, this Lord of Mudcombe, observes to your Highness
that whenever the Irish or the French or the Indians rebel
against the English, whole armies of soldiers and brigades of
artillery are dropped into a mighty chasm, called Euston Square,
and in the biting of a cartridge they arise up again in Man-
chester, or Dublin, or Paris, or Delhi, and utterly exterminate
the enemies of England from the face of the earth.

Pasha. — I know it — I know all. The particulars have been
faithfully related to me, and my mind comprehends locomotives.
The armies of the English ride upon the vapours of boiling
cauldrons, and their horses are flaming coals ! "Whirr, whirr ! all
by wheels. Whiz, whiz ! all by steam !

Traveller (to his Dragoman). — I wish to have the opinion
of an unprejudiced Ottoman gentleman as to the prospects of our
English commerce and manufactures ; just ask the Pasha to give
me his views on the subject.

Pasha (after having received the communication from tlve Drago-
man).— The ships of the English swarm like flies ; their printed
calicoes cover the whole earth, and by the side of their swords
the blades of Damascus are blades of grass. All India is but an
item in the ledger books of the merchants, whose lumber rooms
are filled with ancient thrones '. Whirr, whirr ! all by wheels ;
Whiz, whiz ! all by steam !

Dragoman. — The Pasha compliments the cutlery of England,
and also the East India Company.

Traveller. — The Pasha's right about the cutlery" (I tried my
scimitar with the common officers' swords (Wilkinson's 1) be-
longing to our fellows at Malta, and they cut it like the leaf of
a novel). Well (to the Dragoman), tell the Pasha I am exceedingly
gratified to find that he entertains such a high opinion of our
manufacturing energy, but I should like him to know, though,

F

GO ArPEXDix.

that we have got something in England, besides that. These
foreigners are always imagining that we have nothing but ships
and railways and East India Companies. Do just tell the Pasha
that our rural districts deserve his attention, and that even
within the last two hundred years there has been an evident
improvement in the culture of the turnip ; and if he does not take
any interest about that, at all events, you can explain that we
have our virtues in the country, that we are a truth-telling
people, and like the Osmanlees, are faithful in the performance
of our promises. Oh, by the by, whilst you are about it, you
may as well just say at the end, that the British yeoman is still,
thank God ! the British yeoman.

Pasha (after It tar lag the Dragoman). — It is true ! it is true!
Through all Feringhistan the English are foremost and best ;
for the Eussians are drilled swine, and the Germans are sleeping
babes, and the Italians are the servants of songs, and the French are
the sons of newspapers, and the Greeks they are weavers of lies,
but the English and the Osmanlees are brothers together in
righteousness ; for the Osmanlees believe in one only God, and
cleave to the Koran and destroy idols, so do the English worship
one God and abominate graven images, and tell the truth, and
believe in a book ; and though they drink the juice of the grape,
yet to say that they worship their prophet as God, or to say that
they are eaters of pork, these are lies — lies born of Greeks and
nursed by Jews.

DRAGOMAN. — The Pasha compliments the English.

Traveller (rising). — "Well, I've had enough of this. Tell the
Pasha I am greatly obliged to him for his hospitality, and still
more for his kindness in furnishing me with horses and say that
I must now be off.

Pasha (after hearing the Dragoman, and standing up on his divan).
— Proud are the sires, and blessed are the dams of the horses that
shall carry his Excellency to the end of his prosperous journey.
May the saddle beneath him glide down to the gates of the happy
city bike a boat swimming in the third river of Paradise. May
hesleep th e sleep of a child when his friends are around him,

INTERVIEW OP AN ENGLISHMAN AND A TURKISH PASHA. 61

and while that his enemies are abroad, may his eyes flame red
through the darkness more red than the eyes of ten tigers !
Farewell.

Dragoman. — The Pasha wishes your Excellency a pleasant
journey.

So ends the visit.

F 2

62 APPENDIX.

SKETCH OF MANNERS IN THE EAST, BY
THACKERAY.

All their humour, my dragoman tells me, is of this questionable
sort ; and a young Egyptian gentleman, son of a Pasha, whom I
subsequently met at Malta, confirmed the statement, and gave a
detail of the practices of private life which was anything but
edifying. The great aim of woman, he said, in the much-maligned
Orient, is to administer to the brutality of her lord ; her merit is
in knowing how to vary the beast's pleasures. He could give us
no idea, he said, of the v:it of the Egyptian women, and their skill
in double entendre ; nor, I presume, did Ave lose much by our
ignorance. What I would urge, humbly, however, is this : Do
not let us be led away by German writers and aesthetics, Semilas-
soisms, Hahnhahnisms, and the like. The life of the East is a
life of brutes. The much maligned Orient. I am confident, has
not been maligned near enough ; for the good reason that none of
us can tell the amount of horrible sensuality practised there.

Beyond the jack-pudding rascal and his audience, there was on
the green a spot, on which was pointed out to me a mark, as of
blood. That morning the blood had spouted from the neck of an
Arnaoot soldier, who had been executed for murder. These
Arnaoots are the curse and terror of the citizens. Their camps
are without the city ; but they are always brawling, or drunkt-n,
or murdering within, in spite of the rigid law which is applied to
them, and which brings one or more of the scoundrels to death
almost every week.

thackeuat's sketch or manneus m the east. 63

Some of our party had seen this fellow borne by the hotel the
day before, in the midst of a crowd of soldiers who had appre-
hended him. The man was still formidable to his score of captors.
His clothes had been torn oft" ; his limbs were bound with cords ;
but he was struggling frantically to get free ; and my informant
described the figure and appearance of the naked, bound, writhing-
savage, as quite a model of beauty.

Walking in the street, this fellow had just before been stiaick
by the looks of a woman who was passing, and laid hands on her.
She ran away, and he pursued her. She ran into the police-bar-
rack, which was luckily hard by ; but the Arnaoot was nothing
daunted, and followed into the midst of the police. One of them
tried to stop him. The Arnaoot pulled out a pistol, and shot the
policeman dead. He cut down three or four more before he was
secured. He knew his inevitable end must be death : that he
could not seize upon the woman : that he could not hope to resist
half a regiment of armed soldiers : yet his instinct of lust and
murder was too strong ; and so he had his head taken off quite
calmly this morning, many of his comrades attending their brother's
last moments. He cared not the least about dying ; and knelt
down and had his head off as coolly as if he were looking on at
the same ceremony performed on another.

When the head was off, and the blood was spouting on the
ground, a married woman, who had no children, came forward very
eagerly out of the crowd to smear herself with it — the application of
criminals' blood being considered a very favourable medicine for
women afflicted with barrenness, so she indulged in this remedy.

But one of the Arnaoots standing near said, " What ! you likes
blood, do you? '' (or words to that effect.) " Let's see how your's
mixes with my comrade's." And thereupon, taking out a pistol,
he shot the woman in the midst of the crowd and the guards who
were attending the execution ; was seized of course by the latter ;
and no doubt to-morrow morning will have his head off too. It
would be a good chapter to write — the Death of the Arnaoot —
hut I shan't go. Seeing one man hanged is quite enough in the
course of a life. J'y ai ete. as the Frenchman said of hunting.

64 APPENDIX.

These Amaoots are the terror of the town. They seized
hold of an Englishman the other day, and were very near pistol-
ling him. Last week one of them murdered a shopkeeper at
Boulak, who refused to sell him a water-melon at a price which he,
the soldier, fixed upon it. So, for the matter of three-halfpence,
he killed the shopkeeper ; and had his own rascally head chopped
off, universally regretted hy his friends. Why, I wonder, does
not his Highness the Pasha invite the Amaoots to a dejeuner at the
Citadel, as he did the Mamelukes, and serve them up the same
sort of breakfast 1 The walls are considerably heightened since
Emin Bey and his horse leapt them, and it is probable that not
one of them would escape.

This sort of pistol practice is common enough here, it would
appear ; and not among the Amaoots merely, but the higher
orders. Thus, a short time since, one of his Highness's grandsons,
whom I shall call Bluebeard Pasha (lest a revelation of the name
of the said Pasha might interrupt our good relations with his
country) — one of the young Pashas being backward rather in his
education, and anxious to learn mathematics, and the elegant de-
portment of civilized life, sent to England for a tutor. I have
heard he was a Cambridge man, and had learned both algebra and
politeness under the Keverend Doctor "Whizzle, of College.

One day, when Mr. MacWhirter, B.A., was walking in Shoubra
gardens, Avith his Highness the young Bluebeard Pasha, inducting
him into the usages of polished society, and favouring him with
reminiscences of Trumpington, there came up a poor fellah, who
tlung himself at the feet of young Bluebeard, and calling for
justice in a loud and pathetic voice, and holding out a petition,
besought his Highness to cast a gracious eye upon the same, and
see that his slave had justice done him.

Bluebeard Pasha was so deeply engaged and interested by his re-
spected tutor's conversation, that he told the poor fellah to go to the
deuce, and resumed the discourse which his ill-timed outcry for
justice had interrupted. But the unlucky wight of a fellah was
pushed by his evil destiny, and thought he would make yet another
application. .So he took a short cut down one of the garden lanes.

Thackeray's sketch of manners in the east. C5

and as the Prince and the Reverend Mr. MacWhirter, his tutor,
came along, once more engaged in pleasant disquisition, behold
the fellah was once more in their way, kneeling at the august
Bluebeard's feet, yelling out for justice as before, and thrusting
his petition into the royal face.

When the Prince's conversation Avas thus interrupted a second
time, his royal patience and clemency were at an end. " Man,"
said he, " once before I bade thee not to pester me with thy
clamour, and lo ! you have disobeyed me — take the consequences
of disobedience to a Prince, and thy blood be upon thine own
head." So saying, he drew out a pistol, and blew out the brains
of that fellah, so that he never bawled out for justice any more.

The Reverend Mr. MacWhirter was astonished at this mode
of proceeding : " Gracious Prince,1' said he, "we do not shoot an
Undergraduate at Cambridge even for walking over a college
grassplot. Let me suggest to your Royal Highness that this
method of ridding yourself of a poor devil's importunities is such
as we should consider abrupt and almost cruel in Europe. Let
me beg you to moderate your royal impetuosity for the future ;
and, as your Highness's tutor, entreat you to be a little less
prodigal of your powder and shot."

" 0 Mollah ! " said his Highness, here interrupting his governor's
affectionate appeal, "you are good to talk about Trumpington
and the Pous Asinorum, but if you interfere with the course of
justice in any way, or prevent me from shooting any dog of an
Arab who snarls at my heels, I have another pistol ; and, by the
beard of the prophet, a bullet for you too ! " So saying, he pulled
out the weapon, with such a terrific and significant glance at the
Reverend Mr. MacWhirter, that that gentleman wished himself
back in his Combination Room again ; and is by this time, let us
hope, safely housed there.

G6 j\rrKN!)!.\.

EXTRACT FKOM "PJDE TO KHIVA."

(From Punch.)

Instead of replying to so harmless a book as Captain Burnaby's,
I subjoin extracts from the " Diary of my Ride to Khiva," from
Mr. Burnand's clever Fundi papers : —

" He thought he had better retain the horse with thankshi (i.e.,
Tartar expression of gratitude). The horse will be of the greatest
use to me. Note, crossed another river, or the same, the Oxus, I fancy .

"Met a Kirghiz man — a Kirghiz man is a sort of travelling
batcher, who sells Kirghizzes (i.e., Tartaric for carcasses) — the day
after the one last mentioned.

" Met sixteen wolves to-day, all wrapped up in sheep's clothing
to keep themselves warm. Tried Mr. Gladstone's name on them
with excellent effect ; have not seen them again.

" Wednesday. — Came up to fort number one. Found General
Kauffman here taking care of number one. Gave Kauffman
some lozenges for his voice. ' Kautf, man, no more,' said I, plea-
santly, and he went into fits. I asked him if we should be stopped
before we got to Khiva. He answered with considerable caution,
and put his finger to his nose. The last thing I saw of the old
General was his left eye, as he winked at us through a loop-hole
in fort number one. Thermometer going down to twenty degrees
below nothing.

" I was belated for one night and ran short of provisions, but —
you know what a good legerdemainist I am — well, I made an
omelette in my hat, drank a glass of Pommard (this sounds like
something for the hair, but it isn't when properly pronounced)
from the inexhaustible bottle, math- an orange tree grow, took an
orange for dessert, and went to sleep.

BXTEACT FROM " RIDE XO KHIVA." 67

'•12 mid-day. — Stopped to lunchski, as we call it in this country.
The driver eats tallow candles and drinks wickski, a Russian
spirit distilled from candle ends. A Russian never takes a bath,
he always goes in for a dip. Came to a sign-post ; examined it ;
found I had been for two days riding towards Persia. . . Met
a Tartar gentleman on the road. He asked us to share his dinner
with him, potski luckski, as they call it here. I hope to be
dressed in kremlin, a peculiar sort of warm waterproof coat, and
kopeck, a head-dress worn at night, when travelling through the
snow and tied under the chin with a small moujik, a kind of
leather thong with a silver clasp.

" Russian is spoken as read backwards, and takes some time to
master.

'•'5.30. A.M.— Sleigh driver wrapped up in thick capes, five in
number. Sleigh driver's boy up behind with buns to feed the
wolves. This was a happy idea of mine, based upon early recol-
lections of the Zoological Gardens. I never yet knew a wolf or
a bear refuse a bun.

" One o'clock. — Time for lunchski preparations. Suddenly wolves
appear within a mile of us. No lunchski — horrid thought ! One
o'clock must be the hour of the wolves' lunchski. Can the horse
do it 1 The wolves ! the wolves ! Send cheque at once. This is my
last appeal ; forward it by my friend. If we can only give wolves
a check.

10, night. — The Towers of Gladitzova in sight. Horse drop-
ping ! Children must be thrown over ! Begun with sleigh-
driver's boy. Sleigh-driver's boy suggests beginning with sleigh-
diiver. The wolves are within two hundred yards of us. It
must be done ! The sleigh-driver has five capes, a thick fur coat,
and a whip. With the whip he can defend himself, and the
wolves will be a long time before they can get through his capes,
his boots, and at him. Wolves within one hundred yards. One
wild cry — a struggle — it is done.

"3.30 P.M. — Distant mountains melted. First view of Khiva.
See distinctly the name over the gate."

68 jiJPPENDIX.

"PUNCH" ON ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES.

Philo-Turlc (triumphantly). — Aha! judicious and judicial Mr.

Punch, what do you now think of the great atrocity question 1
Time for the St. James's Hall sentimentalists to shut up shop, eh 1

Mr. Punch. — And why, my jubilant friend 1

Philo-Turlc. — Why1? Hasn't Cossack cruelty quite put Bashi-
Bazouk barbarity into the shade 1 Hasn't the Muscovite lamb
proved himself a more sanguinary butcher than the Ottoman wolf?
But, of course, you won't admit it. Party philanthropy is con-
veniently blind of one eye.

Mr. Punch (calmly). — As was shoAvn when the accounts of the
Bulgarian horrors were pooh-poohed as "coffee-house babble"

Philo-Turk (eagerly). — Oh, that was before they were proved to
be well-founded.

Mr. Punch. — Is the same desire to wait for proof shown in the
same quarters now 1 Party spirit is always one-eyed, but it is the
special business of Mr. Punch to keep both his eyes open.

Philo-Turlc. — Then be so good as to cast them over these
recent accounts of Russian atrocities, and tell me what you think
of them.

Mr. Punch. — I have already done so. At the risk of raising
your wrath, I must sum up my judgment, for the present, thus : —
" Cases not parallel, and facts not proven." Nay, do not explode,
and do not misunderstand me. If the Russians have rivalled the
Turks in ruffianism, Mr. Punch will be the last to palliate or con-
done their unpardonable offence against humanity, honesty, and
— policy.

My baton falls ■with equal thwack?,
"Whate'er their robes, on rascals' back?.

"PUNCH" ON ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES. 69

It lias had occasion to fall heavily on Muscovite shoulders before
now, and may again. But discrimination is not partiality. The
incidental and unpremeditated horrors of a furious war do not
afford a parallel to the deliberate brutalities of an inhuman rule.
When it is shown that the Russian " atrocities " are parallel to
the horrors of Bulgaria, not only in being bloody and bestial, but
in being deliberate and unpunished — nay, rewarded — then Mr. Punch
will have a word to say on the subject which even Philo-Turk
will not find feeble or apologetic. But until that is made clear to
a candid judgment, Mr. Punch declines to greet every big-
cap italled account of " Russian Atrocities " with a howl which
smacks more of partisan triumph than humane horror.

Philo-Turk. — Pot and kettle, Mr. Punch — pot and kettle !

Mr. Punch. — "Well, at any rate, " it was kettle began it ; " and
the Turkish kettle's denunciation of the Russian pot might
come with better grace had it been preceded by recognition of his
own yet deeper blackness.

Philo-Turk. — But at least you'll own the Russian has not a
very clean record 1

Mr. Punch. — He has not ; and he is now suffering in public
judgment for the blots on the pages of his past. It is the less
necessary to make a case against him, as some seem so anxious to
do. For that, plenty of materials are sure to be forthcoming when
a semi-civilized power meets its hereditary enemy face to face, in
defence, whether disinterestedly or not, of a subject race embit-
tered and brutalized by centuries of oppression and outrage.

Philo-Turk.— But would the Russian make a better master of
the Bulgarian than the Turk has made 1

Mr. Punch. — In the long run probably he would — though,
remembering Poland, and regarding popular opinion, it requires
the courage of Mr. Punch to say so. The Russians are a growing
and an improving people, sympathetic in race and religion with
those they are fighting for. The Turk is effete, unimprovable,
and an alien in religion and in race. But it is not a cuiestion of
change of masters. It is because the action of Russia opens up
to far-seeing men a prospect of emancipation beyond her own

70 APPENDIX.

purposes or desires, that lovers of freedom lean to her side ill this
particular issue. But if the self-appointed champion turn tyrant
and hatcher, be sure the butcher shall be denounced and the
tyrant withstood.

PhUo-Turk. — All, yes — when it is too late !

Mr. Punch. — The plausible reproach that raw haste is always
hurling at the deliberation it mistakes for delay. To move in
wild fear of danger before the summons of duty sounds is as un-
manly, and may be as disastrous, as to lag when it sounds indeed.

Philo-Turh — You think, then, it has not sounded yet ?

Mr. Punch. — It sounded one charge some time since ; but at
the desire of those who are now so clamorous, was unhappily
disregarded. At present it is silent. Trust Mr. Punch to catch
the first notes of the alarum, and to echo it with all his vigour of
lung and trumpet.

A FEW REMARKS OX TDK ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES. 71

A FEW EEMAEKS ON THE ALLEGED RUSSIAN
ATROCITIES.

With reference to the Polish atrocities, I have discussed the sub-
ject with sufficient fulness in the chapter headed " Poland from a
Common Sense Point of View," and I have quoted the whole of
what Mr. Gladstone has stated with reference to those with which
Russia has been charged in Turkistan, and I need not, therefore,
touch upon them here.

With regard to the alleged Russian atrocities during the pre-
sent war, I have to remark that if one was not already accus-
tomed to Turkish mendacity and recklessness, one would be
startled by the audacity with which Aarifi Pasha pretends to
have ascertained the exact number of Turks massacred by the.
Russians, for, whilst Mr. Baring could only estimate in
thousands, the Pasha not only descends to hundreds or even
tens, but even to one man, his figures being 4,763, to say
nothing of those, burnt in the mosque ; but the Daily
Telegraph of July 25 th trumps even Aarifi Pasha, for it states
" the Bulgarian atrocities are as nothing compared with the deso-
lation the Bussia?is are causing wherever they make their appear-
ance, or with the murderous slaughters of the old, young, and
weak that follow in their footsteps."

The Daily Telegraph, which is well known as a sensational
journal in the American style, conducted by Jewish proprietors,
seems to think there is no bounds to the credulity of the public,
and I would venture to suggest that even its imaginative powers
arc far exceeded by those of Dr. Kenealy, whose services would

72 APPENDIX.

be invaluable as an editor or correspondent with a fancy which
can hardly be surpassed, since, while the Daily Telegraph only
magnifies Aarifi Pasha's figures from 4,763 to the 20,000, which
is the least number which can be deduced from Mr. Schuyler's
report, the Doctor, as I have already stated, said that the English
had massacred 4,000,000,000 of people, a number which would
suffice to girdle the globe with about 180 parallel rows of human
bodies, each touching the other, or a pillar 4,000 miles high, or
1,300 Mont Blancs piled on the top of each other ; whilst, if the
skulls were as thick and the hearts as hard as those of many of
the Turcophiles, they would make the strongest road in the world,
fit for the passage of the heaviest artillery.

Mr. Goschen said at Fishmongers' Hall, " Still less would he
make a speech of blood and thunder (he might have added,
' of greased lightning '), because he was not a contributor to the
Daily Telegraph " (so that whatever Egypt may be, Turkey is not a
land of Goschen), and that newspaper, whose war correspondent
probably well knew the meaning of Turkish backsheesh, should
now assume the title of the " Munchausen Gazette," the " Derby
Dilly Trumpeter," the " Anti-Gladstonian," or the "Blood and
Thunder News."

If the Russian soldiery are so ferocious, it is very singular that
the French never complained of Russian atrocities so far back as
the French retreat from Moscow, and surely they have improved
in humanity instead of degenerating since that time ; on the other
hand, the abominable and bestial cruelties of the Turcos in the
Franco-German war are notorious, and it is probably on account of
their unrivalled inhumanity that in the English Prayer-book we
pray especially for Jews and Turks and name no other races. On
the other hand, the Russophobes and Turcomaniacs in England
apparently exclaim with Tom Hood's needlewoman in the " Song
of a Shirt"—

t: 'Tis oh, to /tare a slave

As well as the barbarous Turk,
"Where 'woman has never a soul to save,
And tortured Christiana work."

A FEW REMARKS ON THE ALLEGED RUS3IA.X ATROCITIES. 73

The first point which it is necessary for the Philo-Turks to
establish is, that any atrocities were ever committed ; secondly,
the extent and nature of these atrocities ; and lastly, that they
were committed by the Russians and not by the Bulgarians ; for
surely atrocities committed in revenge for previous massacres by
the Bulgarians are less culpable than similar acts committed by
the Russian soldiers, whose hearths and homes have not been
destroyed by the Turks ; and the Russians cannot fairly have
Bulgarian atrocities fathered upon them, any more than Ave
should have been accountable during the Crimean War for any
cruel acts performed by our French, Italian, or Turkish allies ; or
than the French soldiers were held accountable for the horrible
cruelties perpetrated by the Turcos on the German wounded in
the Franco-German Avar.

The only accusation deserving of full credit is that contained
in the telegram from the tAventy representatives of the Press,
dated Shumla, July 10th, 1877, in Avhich "they declare they
have seen with their oaati eyes, and questioned, at Rasgrad and at
Shumla, children, Avomen, and old men suffering from lance and
sabre Avounds, not to mention the shot Avouncls Avhich might be
attributed to the chances of legitimate conflict. These victims
give horrible accounts of the treatment of fugitive Mussulmans
by the Russian troops, and sometimes also by the Bulgarians.
According to their statements the entire population of several
villages have been massacred either on the roads or in the villages
which were being pillaged. Every day more Avounded people
arrive. The undersigned declare that the women and children
are most numerous among the \-ictims, and that the wounds are
lance Avounds."

Noav, the first reflection which occurs to one's mind is, that the
Turks must be an arrant set of fools and cowards to have left their
Avomen and children in the lurch, instead of carrying them off,
or, if that was impossible, remaining to protect them and share
their fate, but this is only what one might expect from them,
since the Times correspondent says, " Alter the battle in the
Shipka Pass, the prisoners stated that the Pasha went away first,

74 APPENDIX.

and was soon followed by 10,000 mien, all regulars ; and that
these positions, abandoned by the Turks, were so well fortified
that the Russians could not help admiring their construction," so
that a handful of really brave men might have held them against
a much greater force than that of the Russians.

The newspaper correspondents in the first portion of their
telegram say that the wounds were lance and sabre wounds, whilst
at the close they say they are lance wounds, and this shows that
they are not quite certain of their facts. One wonders also
that they did not count, or at least approximately estimate, the
victims ; no one can form any idea whether only two men, two
women, and two children were wounded, or whether there were
tens, hundreds, thousands, or Dr. Kenealy would perhaps estimate
them at millions, of victims.

The correspondents do not say whether the children were help-
less babies, such as those the Turks toss on bayonets or rip out of
their mothers' wombs, or were strong boys, such as those who
may be observed in a woodcut of the Illustrated London News (of
July 28) dragging up a Krupp gun to be used against the
Russians ; and of course it would be an atrocity if the Russian
cavalry, by using the lance, compelled them to desist.

Referring to the Parliamentary Paper now before me, I find
that Mr. Layard, our ambassador, the well-known thick and thin
supporter of Turkey, whose appointment was characterised by the
Turks as "a delicate attention," says that "the Porte states that
above 1,000 Circassians were put to death, no quarter having been
given to a force of Circassian cavalry that had been surprised
during the night." I suppose, therefore, that Mr. Layard con-
siders that the Turks have the sole right of killing their enemies
in fair battle, whilst the Russians have the privilege of being-
killed. We then have the cloven foot of the "Daily Bellowgraph,'
confirming a report that from 1,000 to 1,500 of the inhabi-
tants of Ardahan were massacred by the Russians, but Lord
Derby says in his despatch, dated July 17, 1877, that the inn
killed was 800, and that they were killed, not by the Russians,
but by the Lesghian troops in the Russian service.

A FEW REMARKS OX THE ALLEGED RUSSIAN" ATROCITIES. 75

The Daily News says : " It is not difficult to understand
what are termed by the Daihj Telegraph 'Russian atrocities.'
The Turkish inhabitants of Bulgaria fall back on the advance
of the Eussians, carrying off, in a long train, not only their
own flocks and herds, but the flocks and herds of their
Bulgarian neighbours. Their retreating trains are surrounded
by armed men to defend them. The Cossack cavalry, who
scour the country, when they come up with these trains, call
upon them to surrender their impedimenta. The armed Turks
refuse, and then shots are exchanged, and a scrimmage ensues.
Naturally, some of the women and children, who are in the
waggons in the midst of the train, get hit ; but — and I
speak entirely without prejudice, and merely as an impartial
looker-on — this seems to me to be the fault of the Turks, who,
instead of surrendering their flocks and herds, and those of their
neighbours that they have laid hands on, prefer to risk, not
only their own lives, but those of their wives and children. If
there is one rule of war more clearly established than another, it
i*, that the peaceful inhabitants of an invaded country must submit
to the orders of the invaders, and that they must either refrain
from hostile acts, or take the consecpiences of not refraining from
them. This, the Germans, during the Franco-German war, had
some difficulty in impressing upon the French peasantry. But,
as the peasantry were intelligent enough to perceive the necessity
of the distinction, they very soon honestly accepted it, and acted
on it."

To show how the Turks deal with murderers, even when convicted
and sentenced, I epiote from the Revue des Deux Mondes, February
1, 1877 : — " A French Consul having been assassinated by a subject
of Abdul Medjid, the French embassy exacted the rigorous punish-
ment of the culprit, who was apprehended and tried. The mur-
derer was unanimously condemned to hard labour in perpetuity.
Some days after, the secretary of the embassy, who had been
assessor at the trial, making an excursion to Broussa, had the un-
expected pleasure of meeting at the corner of the street a face
which he recognised. It was that of the murderer, of whom the

o

76 APPENDIX.

penalty had been commuted, and whose hard labour consisted in
going about freely wherever he chose. He had only killed a
Ghiaour."

The Times states: — "Sir Arnold Kemball has telegraphed,
1 Atrocities by Russians at Ardahan quite untrue,' and that part
of the Russian forces at Bayazid were massacred after they had
surrendered." Another Times correspondent says, " Here in
a barn, covered with a little straw, we found the bodies
of three people (Bulgarians) — a young fair-haired woman of
about twenty to twenty-two, with a full round form and
light golden hair in great masses all about her face and shoulders
lying across the bodies of apparently two men, though it is pos-
sible there may have been more. It was an awful sight, and the
story seemed self-evident. The men had been murdered first, and
the woman, having first been ravished, had been thrown across
their bodies. . . . The evidence convinced me that this mas-
sacre had been a cold-blooded, undeserved attack by the Bashi-
Bazouks on the defenceless Bulgarians. To begin with, not one
single Turkish corpse has been or apparently can be produced.
. . . The General Selim Pasha said to the station-master,
' For God's sake, get those people away, for I cannot answer for
my troops.' . . . It is painful to see the magnificent crops
all ready for carting, left rotting in the fields for hundreds of
miles. The terror is so great that they have not the heart to
gather them in., besides which, every cart or waggon is away with
fugitives."

It therefore appears that the Turcomaniacs in England have a
far better opinion of the Turkish troops than that which is held
by even the Turkish generals.

The Russian Ambassador writes to the Times to say that in the
Sebipka Pass the Turks, not being able to defend a position,
hoisted the white flag. The Russians ceased firing and advanced,
when they were received with a frightful and treacherous discharge
of grape shot and musketry. The Turks then fled, and the Rus-
sians found a large heap of heads of their soldiers, who had been
wounded, made prisoners, and then massacred and decapitated*

A FEW REMARKS OX THE ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES. 77

The correspondent of the Times with the Turkish army in
Armenia writes : — " Of course, Turkish official accounts tell of the
atrocities committed by the Russians, pillaging of villages, outrages
on women, and slaying of children being freely attributed to the foe.
I believe none of these things. I have now for the last week been
following in the wake of the retiring Russian army, and can see
no traces nor hear any reports of any such misdeeds. On the
contrary, they appeared to have behaved with the greatest
moderation and paid for everything they consumed.
I regret that now I have to place on record an act which reflects
the greatest discredit on the Turkish commander. On the 3rd
inst., two Karakapaks were seized by a Circassian patrol, they were
taken up before the Muchir, quietly led to a secluded spot, and
there by his orders shot and left to lie unburied on the bare hill-
side. ... I trust that all who did see the ghastly sight will
place on record their detestation of the cowardly deed, so utterly
opposed to all sense of justice, and so opposed to all military law.
General Loris Melikoff said to me, ' Had we been at war with a
civilised people, I would have written a letter to inform the au-
thorities that I had left so many hundred wounded in such and
such a village, and requested that their persons should be respected.
But here it would be madness to trust them, and so I was obliged
to retreat ; otherwise, I assure you, I should have advanced, and
by tins time would have been before Erzeroum. In this way the
Turks have a great advantage over us, which is totally one sided,
for we, on the contrary, take as great care of Turkish wounded
prisoners as of our own. For example, at Ardahan we found an
hospital with 800 Turks. They were totally destitute of medical
appliances, and, although my stores of bandages and medicines
were insufficient for my own uses, I gave orders that everything
should be divided impartially between the two nationalities.' '"'

The heroism of the Russian marine appears from the following
circumstance, which also shows the utter worthlessness of the
Turkish navy. The " Vesta," an ordinary trading steamer, with
some mortars under the Russian Captain Basanoff, fought for five
hours with a large Turkish ironclad with a twelve-inch cuirass, and

c 2

78 APPENDIX.

would probably have captured her if two other Turkish men-of-war
had not come to the ironclad's assistance, when the " Vesta "
escaped.

The Stamboul, Constantinople newspaper, of July 19th, calls
attention to one flagrant case of fabrication (of Russian and Chris-
tian cruelties) which had appeared in the semi-official Turquie of
the preceding day, and which was so badly put together as to bear
internal evidence of falsehood ; and these papers, for daring to
deviate into truth, were soon after suspended by the Porte.

The Times correspondent at Constantinople writes : — " Atrocity -
mongering goes on amongst otherwise perfectly honest men. They
turn bewildered and disgusted from the mass of contradictory
evidence presented to them, and, in despair, end in believing what
naturally they are predisposed to believe, namely, pretty nearly
everything that tells for their own party, and little or nothing that
tells against it. Even official reports, written with the fullest
sense of responsibility present or future, cannot always be trusted.
Not that the writers, usually gentlemen, with a character and
position at stake, have the deliberate intention to deceive, but
either they approach the enquiry with a parti pris, or they have the
sole or easiest access to sources of information from which they
see only one side. Your readers will kindly remember that any
Turkish atrocities must always arrive a week or so later than any
Russian crimes, but in the Provinces, where the officials control
not merely telegrams but even letters of correspondents, none but
Russian atrocities can be sent in any way, and the more of these
the correspondent sends the higher the favour he enjoys, and the
greater the facilities given him for moving from place to place and
transmitting news. This had led in some instances to very
ignoble bidding for official patronage and protection. I am told
on perfectly trustworthy testimony of one correspondent (query,
was this the correspondent of the Daily Telegraph ?) who offered
to send whatever the authorities liked. They might, if they
so pleased, dictate his letters, if in return they would give him ad-
vantages not conceded to the rest of his professional brethren.
Another correspondent stooped to the trick of altering a letter in-

A FEW REMARKS ON THE ALLEGED' RUSSIAN ATROCITIES. 79

tended for a London newspaper without the writer's knowledge,
though of course witli the connivance of the Turkish authorities, and
presumably to curry favour with them. In this particular instance,
the trick was detected through the mistake of taking into his con-
fidence a correspondent ic/w happened to be a gentleman; but how
often it has been tried and succeeded in other instances there is
no means of ascertaining."

The Karapapaks, who have committed some depredations in
Armenia, are Mussulman bands living on Turkish territory, and
for whose services the Russians pay only because they would fight
against them. The Constantinople correspondent of the Standard
attributes the alleged acts of cruelty and pillage to the Bulgarians
and not to the Russians, whilst the correspondent of the Cologne
Gazette, though that paper is ardently Turkophile, says, " The
Russian soldier, in fact, is of a kindly disposition. He is under a
discipline which of itself would restrain him from certain excesses.
I have nowhere seen that Russian soldiers have given way to
blameable excesses. As soon as the Russians enter into districts
they establish order everywhere, and take the mosques under their
special protection."

The Times correspondent with the Turkish army in Asia writes :
" I do not know why some of the money collected in England for
the relief of Turkish soldiers has not been diverted from the capa-
cious maw of the European Turkish army to the far worse equipped
4th Army Corps (in Asia). Here the men have received no pay
for two years, their rations are distributed with gross irregularity,
and it is a very rare occurrence for the men ever to see meat.
Thus on short commons, unable to purchase even the commonest
necessaries of life, it is not to be wondered at that the unfortunate
soldiers suffer terribly from sickness, and when once struck down,
it is still less surprising that the death-rate is so high. I can only
trust that, should the good people of England forward any sums
of money to Erzeroum to be expended on behalf of the Turkish
soldiers, they will annex as a condition that it is on no account to
pass through Turkish hands.

" Last night a party of Circassians captured a Russian post bag,

80 APPENDIX.

containing some eighty private letters from officers present at the
battle of Lewin. There is a great difference between the 5,000
killed and wounded of the Turkish dispatch, and the 790 of the
Russian officers' letters. . . . Mr. "Williams, who accompanied
the staff of Reiss Ahmed Pasha, saw the Kurds busy opening the
graves and despoiling the corpses of their clothes. A grave con-
taining some Turkish bodies had been opened and the bodies
disinterred. These were all clothed in uniform, showing that the
Russians respect the bodies of their slain, and bury them with
decency. On our (the Turkish) side, however, I regret to say
that both officers aiid men roam over the field, stripping all the corpses,
which are invariably buried naked. . . . The custom of
despoiling the slain is openly sanctioned by authority."

A naval correspondent of the Times writes from Therapia :
■'• I wish it to be understood that myself and two Europeans by
whom I was accompanied failed to find the slightest trace of a
massacre, either in our quarter or the other ; nor could the large
bribe of a napoleon for any single corpse I could be shown
purchase anybody who could earn it. I also went to the trouble
with my interpreter of looking into every single waggon that was
loading with refugees, and I spent nearly an hour with him cross-
questioning them about it. Not a single man, woman, or child
had a scratcli to show, though naturally only too eager to do so."

Lc Temps says : " The dead and wounded Russians who had fallen
into their hands had been decapitated and mutilated. I saw yester-
day the field of battle and the mutilated corpses. In spite of the
general indignation, care is given to the Turkish wounded, and the
Turkish ambulance of Kazanlyk has been scrupulously respected."

The Times says : " The Catholic Priests excite hatred (in Bosnia)
against the members of the Orthodox Greek Church, and declare
that the Mahometans are much nearer to them than the scliis-
matical Slavs. They have succeeded, with the consent of the
Turkish authorities, in organising a (Roman) Catholic legion, which
has been provided with the uniform of the Nizam, and this even-
ing this new levy has marched against the insurgents."

Mr. Layard is compelled to admit that " the captain of

A FEW REMARKS ON THE ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES. 81

H.M.S. 'Rapid' informs me that the Turks are withdrawing from
the Dobruds'cha. Everything lias been destroyed, and the Chris-
tians being exposed to great outrages from Circassians and Tar-
tars, many being killed." Though everything ivas wantonly
destroyed, even their own property, by the Turks, the Russians
are subsequently accused of destroying what consequently did not
exist. "We have afterwards a telegram from Safvet Pasha (whose
mendacity and incapacity were so great that he is now dismissed)
to say that a Russian division, after burning some villages,
"pitilessly killed three inoffensive women." There is no proof
whatever of this fact, but the women may have been petroleuses
or spies, or they may have fired at and killed Russian soldiers ;
and, after all, Turks who kill and torture women and children by
the thousand should not be so squeamish about three women who
were killed, but not tortured.

Our friend Safvet, who might appropriately be called " the
Pasha of many Taels," a few days later narrates the awful and
appalling fact that one inhabitant of a village, of which he does
not even know the name, was killed in a skirmish, whilst five
were taken prisoners, and that six other persons were afterwards
slam, " whose corpses were afterwards subjected to horrible indig-
nities;" but the Turks, instead of" tearing out the eyes " of corpses,
pull them out of living men. Eight Turkish soldiers, he pretends,
were afterwards beaten to death with sticks by the Russians, but
this is not quite so painful or inhuman as the following fact,
related by General Tchernayeff to M. Ristich : —

" The bodies of our wounded prisoners were found fastened to
the ground by wooden pegs, their hands spread out, their feet and
other parts of their bodies charred, their toes cut off, their
stomachs mutilated by knife cuts, their countenances contracted
by pain. The presence of the corpses of the Nizams prove that
these atrocities are the work of regular troops."

The veracious Safvet (the same man who said at the Conference
that he had not even seen the Andrassy Note, when it suited his
purpose) adds that 1,500 families, which would be about 7,000
persons, from Soukhum Kale, who took refuge in the forests to

82 ArrEXDix.

escape the barbarous treatment of the Russians, died of starva-
tion. The Russians probably never knew of this emigration, nor
where the people went ; but they ought to be both omniscient,
omnipresent, and omnipotent, and I suppose Safvet thinks they
should have sent provisions for the 7,000 to the forests, and main-
tained them all till the conclusion of the war.

Safvet continues in another dispatch, when we have had a little
time to digest the 7,000 victims, which was rather a large demand
on our credulity, " Oustroudja and Kadisle have been plundered
by the Cossacks, who massacred about thirty of the Mussulman
inhabitants, without distinction of age or sex ; " and subsequently,
" same Cossacks . . . having come upon some Mussulmans
. . . massacred them, without sparing the women and chil-
dren.'' After the battues of the Turks in their Christian pro-
vinces, with all the delights of varied tortures, the slaughter of
these probably imaginary victims, without any tortures, seem&
but tame.

Safvet should really get the Daily Bellowgraph correspondent to
correct his telegrams, and, though they may not be true, they might
at least be made consistent. On July 16th he says : " The inhabi-
tants of Terns, near Tirnova, having taken refuge in the mosque
at the approach of the enemy, were burnt alive within the walls.
The enemy, having come upon 300 waggons filled with fugitive
families, destroyed them with cannon shots, and then completed
the work of extermination by massacring all, both men and
women, that they could get hold of."

The reader will observe that the inhabitants were first of all burnt
alive within the mosque ; then they were apparently restored to
life, I suppose, by a Mahometan miracle, and escaped in 300 wag-
gons, which would probably suffice for the whole population before
they had been burnt, and then the waggons, filled with fugitive
families, were so cleverly destroyed by cannon shots that ail
of them remained to be afterwards massacred. This reminds me
of an Irish story of a man who was accused of stealing a watch
and, when placed on his defence, he said, first, he did not take it,,
and if he did he paid for it, and if lie didn't it was of no value.

A FEW REMARKS ON THE ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES. 8H

Vice-Consul Biliotte unmistakably intimates his opinion of the
correspondent of a daily paper, in stating in reference to the re-
ported death of the 1,500 families from starvation, " I had, a few-
days previously, heard the identical report, and although my
informant was an English officer, on whose word all reliance
could be placed, still I did not feel justified, he being the correspondent
of a daily paper, to communicate the news to your Excellency (Mr.
Layard) before I received information on the subject also from other
sources. "

The Turkish commander at Utah Kilisse telegraphs : — " From
the information received it has unhappily been ascertained that
there were in the said church about ten corpses of Mussulmans
and Christians, who had been killed some ten days before. . . .
The Eussians wounded the cure of the church, and, having put
him in irons, wounded as he was, took him off with them."

This Turkish commander in some respects trumps even the
practised Safvet, and his telegram is really creditable to a be-
ginner in the art of fabrication. The Eussians might possibly
have killed some Mussulmans, but they never would have killed
the Christians, nor wounded and carried off the cure.

The Times correspondent in Montenegro writes from Ostrog : —
" Fort Eastrovatz, with a garrison of forty men, surrendered
yesterday. The prisoners are well treated, and as soon as their
fears of decapitation were quieted became very gay and contented,
with no desire to return to the Turkish authorities. They are
mostly Albanian Nizams, are unpaid, and were poorly fed."

The Turkish generals are such incapable and lazy dolts that the
Sultan is obliged to employ as his commanders-in-chief renegade
Christians — Omar Pasha in the Crimean war, and now Mehemet
Pasha, a German.

The incautious Safvet on the 14th of July makes an admission
which proves that the Montenegrins have never disgraced them-
selves to the full extent that some inventive writers have pre-
tended. " The Montenegrins who mutilated their prisoners ahcays
respected women and children." The mutilation of living prisoners
here charged, by Safvet is a wilful and malicious falsehood, as is

84 APPENDIX.

shown by Consul Monson's reports, especially one in which he
says, " I am in a position to prove that the Turkish prisoners during
their detention in Montenegro were treated with truly admirable
humanity and generosity."

Having now gone through the Parliamentary paper, I shall
proceed to quote from other authorities what they think of the
so-called Russian atrocities.

As to the alleged Russian atrocities in Bulgaria, I quote the fol-
lowing observations from Mr. Gladstone's pamphlet : — " Among
secondary, but still very weighty, reasons why we ought not to have
left to the sole charge of Russia an European responsibility, was the
high likelihood, to say the least, that in Bulgaria, at any rate, the
operations of the war would be tainted with barbarity. It may
have been observed that we have no trustworthjr evidence to show
that this contingency has been realised on the Russian side in the
Armenian campaign ; and, in that country, the war had not been
preceded by any but the normal misconduct of the governing
power. But, upon the south bank of the Danube, the land
bristled with stinging and exasperating recollections. The Bul-
garians are men, as I believe, of at any rate the average humanity
of Christendom ; but had they foregone every opportunity of
retaliation after the frightful massacres of 1876, they would have
been angels. For weeks past the Porte has published official
accounts of cruelties inflicted on the Mahometan population ;
cruelties very far short of those which it had itself commanded
and rewarded, but still utterly detestable. To these utterances,
except by a few fanatics, little heed was given ; for the world had
learned, on conclusive evidence, that the arts of falsehood have
received a portentous development in Turkey, and have become
the very basis and mainspring, so to say, of Ottoman official
speech. As late as on the 15th of July the correspondent of the
Daily News — and the title is now one of just authority — -declared
his conviction that there had not then been a single case in Bul-
garia of personal maltreatment of a Turkish civilian by a Russian
soldier. I can hardly hope this is now the fact. While I have
tittle fear that there has been, on the part of Russians, widely

A FEW REMARKS ON THE ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES. 85

extended cruelty, there must be among them, at least here and
there, ruffians whom discipline will ill restrain ; and we have also
to bear in mind the diversity of races and civilizations in their
army. The subject is one that calls for the closest attention. We
have first to wait, as Ave waited last year, for a full exhibition of
the facts ; and then, without respect of persons, to estimate them
as they deserve. Above all, we shall then have to observe, and
honestly to appreciate, the conduct of the Russian Government in
reference to proved barbarity. I have shown at large that the
essence of the case of 1876 lies, not in the massacres themselves,
but in the conduct of the Porte about the massacres ; the false-
hoods, the chicane, the mockery and perversion of justice, the
denial of redress, the neglect and punishment of the good
Mahometans, and finally the rewards and promotions of the bad,
in pretty close proportions to their badness. If the Russian
Government descends to the same guilt, I heartily hope it will be
covered with the same, or more than the same infamy. But if it
actively assists or boldly undertakes the detection of crime — if,
above all, it inflicts prompt and condign punishment on the
offenders, of whatever race or land they be — it will then have done
all that such a woful case admits to clear its own character, and
to vindicate the honour of Christian civilization."

The correspondent of the Graphic, in describing the pillage at
Sistova by the Bulgarians, adds : — -" In justice to the Russian
soldiery we should state that they took no part in these wanton
outrages, but, on the contrary, immediately directed their efforts
to stop the pillage."

The Illustrated London News has a woodcut of the Russian
General Zimmermann, who refused to accept the customary offer
of bread and salt from the elders of Malchan, scolding the Bul-
garians for destroying Turkish property, and of the Czar, with
his own hands, distributing cigarettes to the Turkish prisoners.

From the Daily News : — " We do not blame Mr. Layard
for telegraphing to Lord Derby a multitude of rumours, the
truth of which he admits he has no means of ascertaining.
One of the most prominent charges relates to the sinking of

86 APPENDIX.

some Turkish merchant vessels at Aidos and Amasra, and
the cruel destruction of their defenceless, unresisting crews.
According to the 'facts' as told in the dispatch to Musurus
Pasha, torpedo launches had wantonly blown up three Turkish
vessels without giving the sailors time or means to save their
lives. The place, date, and circumstances of the affair were
narrated, yet, according to our Consul-General at Odessa, the
crews said to have perished were all landed on the Anatolian coast,
or sent to Constantinople. . . . Our correspondent (with
the Turkish army), Avho is near the scene of many of the alleged
atrocities, and who is obviously no partisan of the former (the
Russians and Bulgarians), chronicles no gross outrages com-
mitted by them. Their worst acts seem to be wrecking the
abandoned Turkish quarters. He searched to little purpose in
the reports for clear intimations as to the authority for the fouler
charges. He found, as a rule, only vague, unsatisfactory references
to ' trustworthy sources,' ' we hear,' ' it is stated,' or ' infor-
mation was received.' . . . One of the few authorities whom
he cites by name is the correspondent of a contemporary, which
has been little distinguished by impartiality or accuracy of infor-
mation. The reports, for the most part, are on hearsajr and
anonymous. The few telegrams from our Consuls do not speak of
what they have seen. . . . Some of the charges are obviously
unsusceptible of proof. . . . Moreover, ' the greater part of
Turkey,' as Mr. Layard truly says, ' is in lamentable anarchy and
disorder, and there is but little security for life and property.' "

The Times says : " Our telegraphic intelligence contains an amazing
list of the atrocities, which, according to the Porte, have been per-
petrated by the Russians and Bulgarians. The report, which is signed
by the Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs, is a model of arith-
metical explicitness. . . . The total number of the victims in one
day's report is 4,763, besides those burnt in the mosque ! The
Porte can scarcely be surprised to hear that such a report does
not quite comply with those troublesome rules of legal evidence
which are found necessary in Western society. . . . After
investigating for weeks the atrocities committed by the Turks,

A FEW REMARKS ON THE ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES. 87

Mr. Baring failed to come within sight of the statistical accuracy
which Aarifi Pasha has reached in a few days, at a distance of
300 or 400 miles from the scenes of the infamies which he records.
A little evidence would have been a valuable addition to his
arithmetical exactness. . . . It is difficult to ascertain how
the Porte could have gained so exact a knowledge of the mas-
sacres in other villages. Those places are in the hands of the
Russians. All the Turkish officials must have been driven away,
and it is hard to believe that the Cossacks would have furnished
exact evidence of their own barbarities. The mystery is increased
by the fact that these atrocities have not been described by the
newspaper correspondents in Bulgaria, although these gentlemen
have written some very unflattering accounts of the acts of pillage
committed by the Bulgarians and the Russians in the deserted houses of
the Turks. . . It was not by vague reports or by the loose state-
ments of Slavonic Committees that the indignation of this
country was stirred against Turkey last year. Our own Consuls
sent reports, which, although at first discredited as ' coffee-house
babble,' turned out to be true. The American missionaries, the
railway officials, and educated Bulgarians placed a mass of proofs
before unofficial Englishmen and Sir Henry Elliott."

Although a British Consul has testified that the Turkish sailors
whom the Turks asserted had been destroyed by the Russians are
all alive and uninjured, the " West-end " are still incredulous,
and they remind me of a story which O'Connell once told in the
House of Commons. He said, " On one occasion I was counsel
in Ireland for a man accused of murder. I produced but one
witness, but that one witness would have secured the instant
acquittal of the prisoner in any court in Europe ; the witness was
the man supposed to be murdered himself, yet the jury brought
in a verdict of guilty," and this is precisely what the " West-
end " are doing as regards Russia.

The disgraceful and insulting way in which Sir Arnold Kemball
is treated by the Turks appears from the following paragraph
from the Times correspondent : — " It is but a duty I owe to the
English public that they should be informed of the very scant

88 APPENDIX.

courtesy our military attache, receives at the hands of the Turkish
officers. Sir Arnold Kemball is too old a soldier, too tried a poli-
tician, and too deeply imbued with a sense of the extremely deli-
cate nature of his mission, ever to let fall even a hint that he is
dissatisfied with the treatment he receives ; hut it must, neverthe-
less, be galling to an officer of his position to be left without
attendants, allowed to bivouack on the open ground, when even
regimental officers carry tents, and to be not only kept in the dark
as to the intentions of the commander-in-chief, but constantly
misinformed as to the actual state of affairs. Attended by only
his aide-de-camp and one Turkish orderly officer, Sir Arnold may
be seen riding through the camp, making himself thoroughly
acquainted with the real state of affairs ; and, although attired in
the uniform of a British general officer, he is rarely received with
any marks of respect, and is still more rarely saluted by either
officers or men ; all day long in the saddle, at night sleeping on
the bare ground, wrapped only in his cloak, sharing the rations of
the Turkish soldier, and cheerfully putting up with privations that
few of our generals would stand ; " whilst as to their treatment of
newspaper correspondents, I quote the Paris correspondent of the
Times, who says, " Ahmed Ayud, the Turkish commander in Bul-
garia, has expelled all the newspaper correspondents, and even the
English and French military attaches, who have retired to Ras-
grad ; " and Truth informs us —

"The Daily News is coming to the front in its war corres-
pondence. It has two correspondents with the Russian army in
Bulgaria, each of whom has three aides-de-camp, who are
themselves men of education, and able to collect news. Mr.
Archibald Forbes, the well-known correspondent of the news-
paper, crossed the Danube in the first boat. He wrote a
telegraphic despatch of above 3,000 words, whilst standing in a
swamp, which reached nearly up to his waist. This dispatch was
carried over the river, and handed to a horseman, who rode with
it to the nearest telegraph station. Besides these two principal
correspondents, there are numerous others at all points where
anything of interest is likely to occur. In Asia the Daily Nt m

A FEW REMARKS ON THE ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES. 89

has four correspondents, and several in Turkey in Europe, who
have to dodge about, and to conceal their occupation, because,
were it known, they would immediately be turned out of the
country. The Turkish authorities have taken it into their silly
heads that they can bribe English newspapers to adopt the
Turkish side, and to endorse Turkish lies, by only allowing the
correspondents of pro-Turkish journals in the Empire. As the
Times and the Daily Neics do not come under the category of such
journals, the French viper, Blaque Bey, hunts down their corres-
pondents, and when he does not dare to expel them, confiscates
their telegrams and their letters. The details of the manoeuvres
of thecorrespondents of these two journals, by means of which
they outwit the censorship of this renegade, would fill a volume.
The system of the Turks is all the more foolish, because its con-
sequence is, that no one believes a word of the telegrams and the
letters published in pro-Turkish journals."

When the Daily News correspondent was ejected from Bustchuk,
because the Turks do not approve of that journal, a Frenchman,
who had resided some time in Turkey, was sent to the town, with
directions to supply the place of the ejected one. So soon as the
Turks learned what his mission was, he was arrested, taken to
Constantinople, and imprisoned there. After a week of con-
finement, he managed to communicate Avith the French represen-
tative, who insisted upon his release. This was conceded with
an ill grace, but he was ordered immediately to leave the
country."

Colonel Brackenbury, the correspondent of the Times, M. Dick
de Loulay, special correspondent of the Monde Illustrd and Moni-
teur Universe!, M. Lamothe, correspondent of the Temps, and M.
Tellier, correspondent of the Illustracion Espanole, signed at
Kesanlik, on July 21stx a declaration in the form of a Protocol,
affirming that the Turkish regular troops had committed atrocities
on the Russian wounded at the defence of the Shipka Pass on
July 17th and 18th.

Colonel Wellesley. says that he found twenty-seven wounded
Mussulmans hi a hospitaljin Biela carefully attended to by Russian

90 APPENDIX.

doctors and Russian ladies of the Eed Cross. All these were
found by the Russians in the neighbouring villages, and they one
and all say that they (the Mussulmans) were wounded by the Circas-
sians before the arrival of the Russians (Daily News, August 7th,
1877).

The XIX. Siecle of Paris says, " As for the atrocities of the
Russians in Bulgaria, of which the English press make so great a
noise, where the devil does it take them from 1 I am not aware
of what the Russians may have done in Asia, at Ardahan, or at
Bayazid ; but I can affirm that on the banks of the Danube, from
whence the Mussulmans — of whom the number is besides very
limited — had in part emigrated, the Russians have respected those
which remained and have treated as allies the Bulgarians and other
Christians.''

The Times correspondent further says, " When the tirailleurs
came near the redoubt, pressing forward step by step. ;i
large white flag was displayed, and signs were made by the
Turks that they wished to surrender the redoubt without
further fighting. At first the Russians doubted and hesi-
tated to trust their enemy. But the white flag, which was ad-
vanced and waved, was so large a flag there could be no question
as to its meaning. On that day, as on the day before, the gallant
Major Liegnitz, of the Prussian staff, was with the skirmishers, not
to fight, but to watch, and from his lips, confirming the story of
the Russians, I have the following details. So confident were all
in the evident purpose of the flag thus displayed, that he actually
walked up to and entered into conversation with one of the Turks
in the first line of skirmishers, and wished to go forward with
those who passed on to receive the surrender of the fort, but was
forbidden. As the men emerged from their cover as skirmishers
and stood exposed and expectant, there came from the fort, first
two or three shots, which might have been accidental, then one or
two more, and, finally, at a given signal from both ends of the
fort, a heavy volley, followed by a second. The tirailleurs recoiled
for a few moments, but then recovered themselves and took the
fort within a quarter of an hour. . . .

A FEW REMARKS ON THE ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES. 91

"This morning orders had been given for a renewal of the attempt
by attacking the piece of road from both sides, and with the aid of
artillery ; but a flag of truce came in from the Turks, and the officer
who bore it was commissioned by the Pasha commanding to say
that he could resist no longer, being in want of bread and
ammunition, and would march his men to the Russian camp,
there to lay down their arms if the Russians would promise not to
attack. Strangely enough, the traitors of the day before were
trusted again, and time was given them to execute their promise.
But not a man showed himself; and when General Gourko sent
messengers up to ascertain the reason, it was found that these
' gentlemen ' had pledged their military honour and broken their
pledge. This and the abominable trick of the day before, worthy
only of untutored savages, are enough to stamp with infamy the
character of a nation whose Regular Army it was that did these
things ; but how are the horrible deeds they had further com-
mitted to be described 1 Can what we saw yesterday have been
an ugly dream 1 No ; it is only too terrible a reality. Let me
only tell what the Staff saw as they rode up yesterday afternoon.
Passing up the narrow winding road, with heaps of rough stones
and boulders at every step, we came upon dead bodies of such as
had fallen, out of the power of the Turk. There they lay, with
that expression fixed on their faces which came from their hearts
at the moment when they fell. An officer told me of one case he
had seen of a wounded Mussulman with smashed thigh lying on
the ground. "When the Russians came to give him help he
writhed his body into a half-sitting position, then, with gnashing
teeth and grin, like a savage animal, fired at and wounded an
officer. In a moment Cossacks sprang forward and transfixed him
with their lances, but the same savage expression of perfect rage
and hatred remained on his face after death. His lips were drawn
back over his teeth, his face wrinkled, his eyes, though dulled, yet
wearing an expression of ferocity. But the dead killed in battle
have often placid faces, for the warrior's mind has turned to softer
thoughts before nature fixed the last expression. Presently we
are met by men carrying downwards on a stretcher the headier
i n

92 APPENDIX.

body of an officer, and it begins to be told that this is not a solitary
example. On the top of the pass the whole truth is told. The
Turk, that 'gentleman' of English drawing-rooms, regularly en-
rolled in the army of the Sultan, well-dressed and Avell-fed on the
savings of the Bulgarians and on English money — this creature.
led by regular officers, has mutilated every Russian soldier that
fell into his hands, dead or alive. . . .

" Returning towards the other, or eastern flank of the position,
we pass a group of Turkish wounded — some fifty or so — whose
wounds are being dressed and cared for as if that group of heads
had never been seen. The men look afraid — as well they may,
for they cannot believe that the'Russians are less barbarous than
themselves. They are most distinctly men of the Regular Army.
well fed, well clad, driven by no pangs of hunger to commit crime,
cleaner and finer men than the little tirailleurs. But like most of
their race whom one meets here, a retreating forehead and small
cranium, with wandering eyes, give the impression of ferocity
and cunning. A few paces further on is a circle of Russians —
officers and men — gazing, fascinated, at a spectacle within. There,
at last, are the. bodies collected together for examination ; all head-
less, some cut limb from limb, some treated in a manner which is
universally regarded as the deepest insult that can be paid to the
body of a man alive or dead. But were these men alive or dead
when they were thus treated ? With regard to some there may be
a doubt, but with regard to others no doubt. Here was to be seen
a body with wounded finger dressed and the rest cut off ruthlessly,
perhaps in struggling with the knife. There lay what was a
man, in an attitude showing plainly that he had striven to save
his throat; near him was another with the red cross on his arm.
having, perhaps, dressed the wounded finger of the first-named ;
one in the terrible exhibition lay with bared belly, slashed across
with knives, and showing that blood had run from the wounds ;
another had been cut limb from limb. A young and well-shaped
form, with clearer skin than the rest, had been beheaded and
otherwise shamefully mutilated — but there was not a single wound
of any description on his body produced by regular warfare

A FEW REMARKS ON THE ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES. 93

These are only instances. The proof was all too plain.
There lay men who had been wounded or unwounded
prisoners in the hands of the Turkish 'gentlemen,' who had
foully murdered and mutilated them, showing thus that they are
savages as cruel as any in Africa or India. And but a few paces
distant the Eussian medical men were dressing the wounds of
these savages, and soldiers standing round guarded them from all
evil, even the righteous indignation which filled their own breasts.
This was not a scene in a theatre. No one knew that a corres-
pondent would be there, but the effect was such as no sensational
tableau could produce. On the one side civilization, rough if you
will, but still civilization based on the precepts of Christianity :
on the other side barbarism and the worse than bestial ferocity of
cruel men. What purpose could be served by such diabolical mis-
chief ? They would not hold out a day longer for it or obtain
better terms. It was the ferocity with the slyness of the monkey
or the idiot.

" In the few communications which the obstacles placed in my
way have enabled me to make to you, I ask your readers to bear
witness that I have at least endeavoured to be impartial. If then-
had ever been a doubt that my path was to be a thorny one, it
was soon removed. The Times having taken an independent line
in criticizing the conduct of the evildoers here, was, with another
English journal, on the black books of the authorities, and every-
thing which a petty and childish system of persecution could
devise was done to render the performance of their duties difficult,
if not impossible, for the representatives of both newspapers.
Telegrams were handed back days after receipt, because a word
had been erased or altered, or because what shoidd have been
French was English, because the Turkish was incorrect, because
they had been addressed to a private individual when they were
intended as press communications, because they were addressed to
editors when only communications to private persons were allowed
(the regulations being altered every few days), because they were
inexpedient, and because they had been stopped ' by order.'

" For a day or two before I left for the front (remember, at the

H 2

94 APPENDIX.

Bey's suggestion) there had been a very brisk business doing in
Cossack atrocities. Humane man that he is, Tevfik's soul was
moved at the inhuman doings of the Muscovs, and both he and
his other self, Selim Effendi, were indignantly anxious that the
English public should immediately have full details of all the
butcheries and other foul doings which the different commanders,
who were too busy to tell him anything about the fighting, found
time to telegraph in harrowing fulness. I Avas informed that both
gentlemen were grieved that I did not avail myself of their per- ]
mission to telegraph these sad facts, but for reasons which even \
now appear to me sufficient I politely but firmly refused to do so. ]
More than that, my last words on leaving to my deputy were,
' Remember, no Cossack atrocities unless you see and talk with
the victims.' This was well known in Shumla, some of my col-
leagues having commented upon my scepticism in the matter.
Now, will it be credited that, my back being turned, and my
educated substitute being forcibly got out of the way, the tele-
gram which I enclose was given to the elderly gentleman who had
been so strongly approved as an agent for me by the Bey, with
injunctions to attach my name to it and send it off to you im-
mediately. They put their official seal on it, as you will see, and
the good-natured old soul ran towards the telegraph office for fear
it would be late. On the way, however, he felt a little nervous
about forging my name, and called in upon a friend of mine to
ask if he thought I should like it. The result of the interview
was that he, to please the authorities, pretended to send it, but to
please me did not, and here it is : —

" TO AUDITOR, ' TIMES,' LOXDOX.

" Bulgars in Balkans risen and murdered Jatva and Dobnitcha population.
At Tchaily, near Basgrad, 200 refugees from Sistova, Mussulmen, murdered by
Bussians and Bulgarians. At Ostrancha and Costova all Mussulmen killed,
including women and children, refugees from Armoutton, all massacred. In
town itself eleven women and tea children. "Whole population of U tch Destin
massacred by Bulgars. Bussians took whole population of Bechpinar prisoners
violating the women. " Coxingsby.

When I wished to telegraph to you the fact that my deputy had

A EEW REMARKS ON THE ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES. 95

been arrested and my telegrams from the front had not reached you,
the political agents blankly refused to allow me to communicate
by telegraph at all ; I might write. I did write a long letter —
sixteen closely-worded pages, equal to two columns and a half ;
handed it in open, according to regulations, to be ' glanced at.'
The same evening I received the following letter from Mr. Prior,
special artist of the Illustrated London News ; —

" Shumla, July 17, 1877.

" Dear Mr. , — I have not the slightest objection to give you in writing

the information that I saw this evening reading and striking out passages

from your letter to the Times at the house of Tevflk Bey. If you open that
letter, which is now sealed with Tevfik's Bey's seal, you will find that very
long passages have been struck out. As I tell you, I was asked ' to be dis-
creet,' and consider that I am so in being loyal to you, as we have travelled
together.

"I am, dear Mr. , yours faithfully,

" Melton Prior.

" Upon opening my letter upon its return to me officially sealed
for the post, I found more than a fifth abstracted, cut away, and
what was left had such extensive and thorough erasures that you
would have thought I had taken leave of my wits to have sent
you such an epistle. Every impartial criticism — in fact, every-
thing which gave the letter any value — was so effectually inked
out that it was impossible to read a word.

" Next I was credibly informed that my name had been attached
to a sort of round robin or memorial to the world at large on the
subject of the atrocities by Cossacks and Bulgarians, of which I
had never even heard, the authorities well knowing that I was
very dubious about such atrocities altogether, although I regret
to say that since then I have had good evidence that some
women and children have been wounded with lance thrusts ; but
the victims who have come under my immediate notice admitted,
under very sharp cross-examination, that the hurts were all got
during the fight. I hear of other cases at Rasgrad and elsewhere,
but cannot speak for any but those at Shumla," and Truth tells us
that " this official whittling was performed by no less a personage

96 ATPENDIX.

than the Hon. W. Drummond, censor of Avar correspondence in
the Turkish service, and correspondent of more than one English
journal / ! ! "

It is evident from the foregoing evidence from English, Ger-
man, French, and other correspondents, that the humanity of the
Eussians is ecpml to their valour, and that no army of any
nationality has ever conducted itself better; and few would have
acted with the same noble and generous self-restraint under the
provocation of the dastardly and ferocious cruelty of those human
hyamas, the Turks.

Even if the accusations against the Eussians were true, we
should recollect that in the Peninsula, and especially at Badajoz,
the conduct of our own troops was not always irreproachable,
and we should not lose sight of our conduct in suppressing the
Jamaica rebellion and the Indian Mutiny, as well as to the
Dyaks of Borneo. With reference to the French, who have
always claimed to be at the head of civilized nations, the late
Colonel Sir John Cowell Stepney, M.P., who was in the Cold-
stream Guai-ds, says in his published Diary: — "Were it not
disgusting by its irreverence, it would have been amusing to see
the tricks they (the French) played with their own dead, stowing
them away in all conceivable places, enclosing them in large
chests, placing them upright, in full uniform, in the recesses of
houses and convents, tying them on to the top of windmills with
their arms in their hands, pointed as if levelled at those who
advanced, and worse than all, throwing them down wells.
While halting near the banks of the Alva, I found in a roofless
house, which had been destroyed by the flames (by the French),
a poor old man lying on his own threshold, shot through the
body; a young woman, apparently enceinte, suspended by the
neck to a beam, and a child of tender age lying at her feet with
its throat cut. . . . Lord Wellington about this date wrote
to Lord Liverpool as follows: — 'I am concerned to be obliged to
add to this account, that their conduct (that of the French)
throughout this retreat has been marked by a barbarit}- seldom
equalled, and never surpassed.' . . . The provost marshal

A FEW REMARKS ON THE ALLEGED RUSSIAN ATROCITIES. 97

did his duty by hanging two British soldiers detected in the act
of robbery."

The correspondent of the Turcbphile Cologne Gazette writes from
Kazanlik on the 21st July : — " Russian officers have related to
me the acts of cruelty and atrocity committed by the Turks on
the defenceless wounded. I must say that these deeds are
perfectly true, since impartial correspondents, who have seen
the corpses, have entirely confirmed to me the assertions of the.
Russian officers."

The patriotic eagerness with which the Turks are ardently
rushing to enlist in the Ottoman army is shown by the following
letter in the Times, from " B.," dated from Ingatestone, Essex : —
"I was "in Jaffa on the 14th of July, and saw there 1,500 new
recruits — the last reserve — who had been collected from the
neighbouring towns and villages. These men u -ere driven to Jaffa
manacled together in files of ten to twenty men. They daily curse the
Sultan and his government. A number of recruits escaped from
their guards, but were recovered after a sharp fight, in which
some were killed. . . ."

The Turcomaniacs, I may say on concluding this chapter,
appear to say of the Turk what Montroud said of Talleyrand, "II
est impossible de ne pas aimer cet homme : il a tous ies vice .'"

APPENDIX.

SOME REMARKS ON BARON HENRY DE WORMS'

BOOK ON -'ENGLAND'S POLICY IN THE EAST."
(Fourth Edition.)

The French have a proverb that "in the kingdom of the blind
the one-eyed are kings ; " and in the Cimmerian ignorance which
prevails in "Western Europe on the Eastern Question I suppose
one must not give way too much to a feeling of astonishment
that so flimsy and prejudiced a book as that of Baron de Worms
should have been actually translated into French and German,
should have reached a fourth edition in English of, I believe,
about 1,500 copies in all, and should have been lauded by the
Turcophile critics to the skies.

Baron de Worms, the rejected Tory candidate for a con-
stituency which apparently has made a " Sandwich" permanently
distasteful to him, since he did not solicit it again (though he told
the constituency, joking on his own name, that trodden Worms
would turn again), is, I suppose, an Englishman as well as a .lew,
for he speaks of " a free country like curt" "' our fleet," &c. ; but
if so, he is precluded, I believe, by law, or at least by custom, from
calling himself a baron without the permission of the Queen, which
is seldom, if ever, given ; and one is curious to learn what right he
can have to the particle " de " before his name, unless indeed hie is
the hereditary feudal superior of the town of Worms, which pos-
sesses nearly 15,000 inhabitants. Truth tells us that the price of a
Roman dukedom is about £2,500, but I suppose baronies are
quoted low, especially in these hard times ; and one wonders
that Hebrew barons do not become as common as Frenchmen

SOME REMARKS ON BARON DE "WORMS' BOOK. 99

decorated with the Legion of Honour. The eccentric Mr.
Walrond, whose will was recently disputed, was a Spanish marquis,
and I know of many other Englishmen who have foreign titles,
hut who content themselves with a simple Mr., and these
mushroom financial barons without baronies should remember
the lines which were current last season in London : —

Kings may grant title?,

Honour they can't ;
A title without honour

Is a Baron Grant.

His hook is merely a dull pamphlet (for, to quote an old pun, he
is not a Jew d'esprit) of 91 pages, of one single chapter, which,
if it was printed in the same type as my work, would occupy about
60 pages. The remainder of the hook, other 9-i pages, is mere
padding, consisting of the following undigested materials, pitch-
forked into the appendix apparently at random : — 1. The Treaty
of Paris. 2. The Audrassy Note. 3. The Berlin Memorandum.
4. Lord Derby's Despatches. 5. Colonel Sir H. Havelock on the
Importance of Constantinople, with the latter half against Turkey
omitted. G. Table of the Population, Trade, &c, of each of the
Powers Concerned in the Eastern Question. 7. Table showing
the Religious Creed and Population of each of the Nationalities
of the Ottoman Empire. There is, besides, a notice to this fourth
edition of eleven lines, a coloured map, and what the author calls
an index, but which is, in fact, a repetition of the marginal titles,
whereas an index should be alphabetical.

In short, the book is a device for making the public pay a con-
siderable sum for what in reality would be a Jew's bargain at
the smallest coin in the realm ; and this Jew's harp does not give
forth one single melodious note.

It would require the same number of pages which Mr.
Worms has taken to expose the numerous errors in fact and
statistics of this volume, and the utter fallacy of his borrowed and
often-refuted alignments, and I have only time, space, and inclina-
tion to remark upon the more prominent ; indeed, to quote a well-

100

APPENDIX.

known saying, lie seems to " have drawn upon his imagination
for his facts, and upon his memory for his arguments."

This veracious and accurate author tells us that " our exports
to the former country (Turkey) amounted last year to nearly
£13,000,000, while to Russia they were only £3,100,000."
Now the fact is, as appears by the "Annual Statement of the
Trade of the United Kingdom with Foreign Countries for the
Year 1876," which now lies before me, that the entire value
of the exports of British, foreign, and colonial produce not only
to Turkey properly so called, but to Wallachia and Moldavia,
Egypt, Serbia, Tripoli, and Tunis also, was only £9,933,204, and
to those parts of Turkey which are not tributary, but directly
governed, only £6,379,962, or less than half what Mr. Worms
pretends.

Again, our exports of British, foreign, and colonial products t<>
Russia in the same year were no less than £8,633,655, being
£2,255,693, or upwards of 35 per cent, more than to the directly-
governed portion of Turkey, and nearly three times as much ;:-
this author, with astounding recklessness, in his blind, ignorant,
and foolish hatred of Russia, pretends.

In a succeeding passage our author tells us that Montenegro was
"encouraged to make war upon their Suzerain ; " but as appears
by the Blue-books on the Turkish Question, Austria and most of
the Great Powers have never recognized the suzerainty of the
Porte over the chivalrous Montenegrins, who have for centuries
resisted this preposterous claim.

Our author next favours us with his advice, not gratis, but for
the small sum of five shillings, which is the price of his work, and
which is also the usual fee of similar quack doctors, but not of the
Jew chiropodists, who, when you have only one corn, pretend to
extract several, which they conceal in their hand, and then charge
as many guineas as they can extort ; and he asks us " whether
Ave should not wage a second Crimean War with the same
objects as the first, the Bulgarian atrocities notwithstanding? . .
Tli at England should quietly look on while Russia is establishing
herself in a position from which she may at any moment swoop

SOME REMARKS OX BARON DE WORMS' BOOK. 101

down upon our communications with India, would simply reduce
our country to the position of a vassal of Russia, depending for its
prosperity and comfort on the good pleasui'e of the Czar." These
observations, the reader will observe, do not refer to the
annexation of Constantinople, but to the establishment " of a
species of police intervention in Turkey ; " and if the Christians
of Turkey were thus very inadequately protected from Turkish
tyranny, England, it seems, may expect national bankruptcy, and our
population will lose their roast beef and plum-pudding and other
comforts. He adds, " England should make war against Eussia
directly the Russian troops cross the Danube." However, even
our bungling Ministry have been wiser than our author, and have
not converted the Danube into a Russian Rubicon at the insti-
gation of this second Solomon.

Mr. Worms, after a tirade of abuse of the Russians, a little
farther on, in one of his rare lucid moments, admits, " We
know that the Russians as a nation do not yield to any in
humane and philanthropic feelings.

We have afterwards an account of the conduct of the Russians
in Poland, taken from the letters of the Times correspondent at
Vienna, but these reports were merely from hearsay and chiefly from
anonymous Polish sources, and are obviously grossly exaggerated,
one illustration of which is that a magistrate rejoicing in the
euphonious name of Swiderski says, " The Imperial troops, after
killing four insurgents, whom we buried, murdering my daughter,
and wounding my son-in-law, killed six servants of the household
(their names are given). The above were first castrated, and then
ticlee stabbed with bayonets." Now, it is not likely that all the six
servants were men, and it would therefore seem that the women-
servants and the daughter were subjected to the operation which
it has been hitherto supposed can only be inflicted on an Abelard,
and not on an Heloise. It is a pity that Swiderski, when shoot-
ing with this remarkably long bow, did not add that one of the
men-servants who was with child was ripped up, which would
have given a novel and finishing touch to the picture.

Even Bashi-Bazouks usually kill the men first, and if they

102 APPENDIX.

have had insufficient sport they then violate and kill the women ;
hut Swiderski's (should it not he Swill- whisky, as he evidently
sees double ?) Russians began, according to his account, with
bayoneting the daughter, and only wounded the son-in-law. In
the first clause of this cock-and-bull story Swiderski says, " The
soldiers entered, killed my daughter with two bayonet stabs,
wounded with two shots my son-in-law, and began to plunder."
In the second clause he tells a totally different story, for the soldiers.
instead of beginning by killing the daughter, first began by killing
four insurgents, and at the end they killed six servants, whom he had
forgotten in the first account, whilst the plundering is suppressed
and the castration is added. It will be observed, too, that by a
singular coincidence every one of the persons killed was twice
stabbed with a bayonet, none of them having been stabbed more
or less than twice ; and that whilst in the first clause the son-in-
law is said to have been wounded with two shots (Swiderski is
evidently partial to that number), the last clause says that he was
stabbed twice.

Again, it is said the Russian soldiery readily obeyed the instruc-
tions they had received to bury the prisoners and the wounded
with the dead, so that the Baron's authority — at the distance of
about 350 miles as the crow flies from Vienna to Warsaw — knew
not only everything that was done, but even the feelings and in-
clinations of the individual Russian soldiers. Like the Deity, he
could read the heart.

The author shows his intimate acquaintance with the opinions
and feelings of the Croatians, Bohemians, and Moravians by
stating, contrary to the most convincing evidence, that they
" have no sympathy with Russia ; " whilst nothing can possibly
exceed the enthusiasm which they have openly displayed in
favour of that country, as appears from the articles quoted by me
from the regular Times correspondents, and not from anonymous
writers to that or any other journal.

He then says, "The suggestion that she (Italy) would take
advantage of a war between Russia and Austria to seize the
Trientino can only be regarded as a libel on the honesty and

SOME KEMAB.KS ON BAEOX DE WOBMS' BOOK. 103

sagacity of her statesmen. . . . Such an attempt would be a
piece of base treachery that would bring down upon the new
Italian kingdom the reprobation of Europe."

I hold the very opposite opinion ; and if Austria foolishly and
selfishly attempts by force of arms to prevent Russia from
enfranchising the Christian serfs of Turkey, after having nobly
emancipated her own, I trust Italy will make common cause with
Russia, in which case she would be justly entitled, if victorious,
to insist, as a condition of peace, not only on obtaining the
Trientino, but all the Italian-speaking portion of Austria,
including G33,000 souls; and Austria would run considerable
danger of being deprived of her German provinces by Germany,
who would no doubt side with Russia, especially if that country
offered her the whole or a portion of the German-speaking pro-
vinces of Russia.

I have now to remark that the author of this precious
volume speaks "of the so-called atrocities" in Bulgaria. Well, I
am not surprised at such a description of these massacres from a
Jew, for after all they sink into as utter insignificance in com-
parison with the atrocities committed by the children of Israel on
their invasion of Palestine as a day's shooting on Salisbury Plain
would be in comparison to" one on Lord Stamford and
Warrington's best preserves ; and as Gibbon informs us, the Jews
massacred no less than 460,000 individuals in Cyprus and Cyrene
alone, besides, probably a much greater number in Egypt, or in
all most likely upwards of a million of persons. This beats the
Turks hollow.

I come now to Mr. Worms' Table of Population, &c, and I have
only had time to undertake the dreary task of verifying his statistics
respecting Russia and Turkey. All of those which I have thought
it worth while to cite, with three exceptions, are grossly inaccurate;
and I have no doubt that if any one had leisure to examine the
rest they would prove equally apocryphal.

I now give Mr. Worms' statistics, for which he cites no authority,
with the correct figures, taken from the Almanac dn Gotha of this

104

APPENDIX.

Statistical Table.

1. — The Statistics of the Eussiau Empire, from the Almancu
dc Gotha, are placed above, those of Mr. Worms below. *

Revenue. Imports. Exports.

Diff.

Population.
86,586,000
86,586,000

Nil.

£76,688,400
£71,347,250

-£5,341,150

Imports.

£64,817,500

£5S,925,000

£59,372,500
£53,975,000

£5,892,500 —£5,397,500

Public Debt.

£241,074,883
£301,197,498

Diff. + £57,122,615

Army in Time
of Peace.

565,277
837,853

Army in Time
of War.

1,358,557
1,789,571

Total
Navy.

196
124

4- 272,576

+ 431,014

It will be observed that whilst the revenue, exports, imports.
and navy are enormously underrated, the debt and army arc
prodigiously overrated. It is quite clear that the figures have
been got up to injure Eussia without any regard to correctness.

2. — Statistics of the Turkish Empire from the same source.

Population.
24,833,400
28,500,000

Revenue.
£19,106,352
£21,494,640

Imports.
£18,500,000
£18,500,000

Exports.
£10,000,000
£10,000,000

Diff. + 3,666,600

+ £2,388,288

Army in Time
of Peace.

157,667
154,376

Nil.

Nil.

Public Debt.

£197,159,022
£200,954,420

Armv in Time
of War.

586,100
629,736

Total
Navy.

165
97

Diff. +£3,795,398

— 3,291

+ 43,636

— 68

As anyone might have anticipated, the statistics are cooked to
favour Turkey, as the others were contrived to injure Eussia ; ami
as there is a balance of no less than £8,000,000 against Turkej
on the exports and imports — whilst Turkey does not, like England.

* The Rouble is taken at 2/9, which ha9 bpcn the average for the last ten
years, whilst it varies in exchange from 2/ to 3/2 ,;\-.

SOME REMARKS ON" BARON DE WORMS' BOOK. 105

buy any considerable amount of foreign bonds, &c. — or nearly one-
half the whole, it is clear that she is on the road to financial ruin.

It would be a waste of my own and my readers' time to analyze
the whole or even any considerable portion of these ludicrously
inaccurate statistics, but I will select a few as specimens.

Mr. Worms estimates the Servians at 3,027,067 (no round
numbers here), whilst the fact is, according to the Almanac de
Botha, there are only 1,871,800; he fixes the number of the
Bulgarians at 4,800,000, whilst the same authority says 1,860,500 ;
and the Greeks at 2,000,000, whilst Mr. Bianconi states that
there are 6,600,000.

Mr. Worms appends to his book (for I cannot call his specious
romance a work), some of the opinions which the press have given
respecting it.

The Morning Pod is most enthusiastic, for it calls the book " a
perfect handbook to the question of the day, which should be in
the hands of everybody. ... Its pages contain not only
valuable arguments and excellent suggestions, but are a perfect
storehouse of information culled from books, diplomatic docu-
ments, and newspapers. . . . In a word, all who wish to make
themselves masters of the political situation ought to study and
keep by them this valuable and ably written compendium.'' Now
I have already shown that the imagination can hardly conceive
greater statistical inaccuracy than characterises this book ; but as
Jenkins, *uhe oracle of the fashionable world, says that Mr. Worms
has produced a " perfect " handbook in what is equal to 60 pages
of my work, whilst with the utmost possible condensation I have
been unable to do so in upwards of 500 pages, I may mention that
the only individuals and works whose words he very briefly
quotes are the following — Mr. Ashworth, Freeman, Lord Derby,
Mr. Forster, Mr. Gladstone, the Times, Schuyler, Kauffman,
Golovatchef, the Nabat,* Captain Burnaby, Mr. Lowe, Lord Palmer-
ston, the Andrassy Note, the Berlin Memorandum, the Treaty of
Paris, the Pall Mall Gazette, Mr. Cyrus Hamlin, the Manchester

* Query, the father of Jerohoam, who made Israel to sin, returned to earth in
the shape of the " Wandering Jevr."

106 APPENDIX.

Guardian, General Facleef, Swiderski, and Sir H. Havelock, being
22 authorities in all, whilst I have quoted about 280 ; and the
only additional names which are even mentioned in the text are
Mr. Baker, Mr. Bright, Mr. Baring, Sir A. Buchanan, Count
Beust, Count Schouvaloff, Saltan Mourad, Napoleon III., Lord Odo
Russell, Lord Beaconsfield, the Pope, Consul Holmes, Dr.
Gumming, Sir A. Loftus, and Sir H. Elliott, being 15 in all.
The Pall Mall Gazette, after the intense appreciation of the Post,
rather damns our author with faint praise ; but the Globe, which
turned its coat some years ago, says " it is a work which fairly
ranks high among the best that have appeared on the Eastern
Question ; " whilst Lloyd's Paper talks of this pamphlet as
•'•' a solid volume ; " the Hornet, perhaps a descendant of those which
drove two kings of the Amorites out of Palestine, calls it " a
splendid defence of the policy of the Government, full of new and
instructive information ; " and the Whitehall Review calls it " the
most complete handbook and guide to the Eastern Question." If
this is true, the Russians, whatever they may think of their
friends, are m3st fortunate in having the feeblest opponent who
could possibly be found, and the blows our author administers
are as little injurious to them as those which are administered
by clowns at a fair with bladders full of wind. In short, as
in a recent song, our author seems to sing, " I'll strike you with
a feather ; " indeed, the blows are scarcely so hard as those which
a better-selected feather than his goose-quill might inflict.

0 ye descendants of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, if this
trumpery book is all you can produce in support of that Anti-
Christian cause to which you have always entertained such
inveterate and uncompromising hostility, the Pro-Christian and
Russophile party have nothing whatever to fear; and 0 ye
already quoted incapable, ignorant, prejudiced, and pretentious
critics, go to school and learn geography and statistics before
you presume to discuss the Eastern Question again ! As far as
I ] am concerned, as you have praised this "Worms' England's
Policy, I hope you will abuse my Defence of Russia, for I regard
" your praise as censure, and your censure praise." I can imagine

SOME REMARKS ON BARON DE WORMS' BOOK. 107

that when a work so ridiculously puffed as that which I am
criticizing appeared in Russia, the Czar must have trembled, and
been inclined to sue for terms, fearing that if he performed so
base and immoral an act as freeing the Christians in Turkey, for
which no vermifuge would avail, like Herod, he might be eaten
with Worms till he died, and that after death he would be sent to
that place where their Worms die not, and their fire is not
quenched.

108 APPENDIX.

LORD E. MONTAGU'S " FOREIGN POLICY AND THE
EASTERN QUESTION."

Loed Robert Montagu, after being a considerable time in labour,
has been confined of a -work called " Foreign Policy and the
Eastern Question." Until his book appeared the public was not
aware that "thirty-eight generations of Christians have quarrelled
and hated and mstled off into eternity." Surely a large majority
of Christians do not quarrel, but agree to differ, and do not hate
each other, especially those of their own creed, though tbey may
look with pity or contempt on those who hold opposite opinions
to their own. Hitherto one was under the impression that the
majority of Christians die noiselessly, but where Lord Robert or
his friends have been present, it appears that in the great
majority of instances there has been a rustling noise which I
wish he had more particularly described.

"We are then told that " Russia claims to found the great
empire of the Slavonic race which spreads from the Elbe almost
to the Himalayas and from the gelid sea of the north to the sultry
Persian Gulf — a Pan-Slavonic Empire of 550,000,000 souls, with
its centre in Constantinople."

Now, the fact is that the Russian Government has never been
in favour of Pan-Slavism, nor of conquests towards what Lord
Robert has christened the gelid sea, and which perhaps, on ac-
count of the number of a transparent fish he has seen there,
he calls jelly-ed.

As to figures, Lord Robert has completely trumped Baron
Henry de Worms in portentous ignorance and exaggeration, for

LOUD E. MONTAGU ON THE EASTERN QUESTION. 109

a Pan- Slavonic Empire would include, as he will find on looking
at Haydn's '; Dictionary of Dates," page 663, only 90,365,033
Slavonians in Europe, besides some in Asia, whilst this master
of the long bow estimates them at 550,000,000, or about half the
population of the globe; in fact, if we add the population of the
Japan, Siam, Burmah, Chinese Empire, and India to Lord
Eobert's imaginary Slavonic Empire, and deduct the total,
which is about 1,238,000,000, from the entire population of
the globe, which is 1,228,000,000, there will remain for the
other races, populations, and nations of Europe, and for the
whole of Asia, Africa, America, and Australasia, 10,000,000
less ilv.n nothing !

We are next informed that the Pope ought to be the " supreme
interpreter of the moral law " between nations, and "from his
decision there can be no appeal." I should doubt if the Slavonic
or Chinese Empires, when they have swallowed up the other-
nations of the world, would be willing to accept the Pope as
supreme judge, but if they did, after the world had been thus
divided, his duties would be comparatively easy.

I trust the reader, if he is not already asleep, will lend me his
ears, or rather his eyes and understanding, while I quote the
following, which I promise him shall be one of the last specimens
of Lord Eobert's bathos and rhodomontade : —

" Events never happen, they are done {sic). [The reader who
has paid 14s. for this unique work will, perhaps, consider him-
self done.] Events are the effects of mind. [The fire of London,
for instance, may have been caused by the operation of the mini1
of the reigning Pope brooding over the heretical state of Eng-
land.] It is a change of maxims which produces a new course
of conduct. [This seems rather a truism, for if our opinions are
changed, it is probable our course will be altered ; for instance,
when Lord Eobert Montagu became convinced of the errors of
Conservatism and Protestantism, he very naturally crossed the
floor of the House and became a pervert.] National sympathies,
expressed though they be in the droning of platforms and
twaddle of quidnuncs, have nothing to do with that which is
done."

i 2

110 APPENDIX.

Until the world was enlightened by Lord Eobert, we had sup-
posed that national sympathies and antipathies had a great deal
to do with events. For instance, when Belgium was fighting for
its independence against Holland, France illustrated the truth
of this paradoxical statement by sending an army to help the
Belgians, and now Russia is incurring a colossal debt and sacri-
ficing tens of thousands of lives to liberate the Christians of Tur-
key from the intolerable yoke of the Ottomans. I quite admit,
however, that if Lord Robert means himself as one of the indivi-
duals alluded to in the " droning of platforms and twaddle of
quidnuncs," what he said or wrote would "have nothing to do
with what is done ; " on the contrary, what is done would most
certainly be the very reverse of what he recommended.

Here comes an enigma almost as inexplicable as the Sphinx :
il The secret will and the veiled thoughts of a few men unsus-
pected in their aims and unknown as to their power, are the
causes of every historical movement. There is a multitude
throughout all nations, who form a secret band of diplomatists
and warriors, and who are strictby united in carrying out the
subversive aims which these men in secret devise." This mo-
mentous sentence — this Socratic utterance — contains an original
discovery made by Lord Robert, on which the fate not only of
England, but of the world depends. How strange that 658
members sitting on the same benches of the House of Commons
have, in their blindness, not even yet discovered in the person of
Lord Robert a guide, a prophet, and the saviour of society.

Lord Robert can fathom the secret will, and unmask the
veiled thoughts of those who are at the same time " a few men,"
and V a multitude," and " a secret band " of diplomatists and
warriors who are banded together to carry out their subversive
schemes. The world has hitherto doubted whether secrets of any
kind known to several men can be kept inviolate, and one would
like to know whether it is through spiritualism or by what other
means that Lord Robert has obtained exclusive information, so
" important, if true." I would fain hope that, in pity towards his
countrymen, though they are heretics in his opinion, he will reveal

LOUD R. MONTAGU OX THE EA.STERX QUESTION. 1 1 1

the names of some of the "multitude of diplomatists and warriors "
who are the wire pullers of society. We had thought in our
ignorance that such men as Napoleon, Bismarck, Peel, and Glad-
stone had some trifling influence on the course of events; but
it appears we are mistaken, and it is hard, ungenerous, and un-
patriotic to keep us in ignorance of the volcano on which we are
standing, the pitfall from which Lord Robert alone can save us.

Is it really possible that the author of this ultramontane and
foolish rhapsody can suppose that any sane man will give four-
teen shillings for such trash ? If there was in England, as in
France, a conseil de fatnilh in his case, and I was a member, I
have no doubt as to the course I should pursue. His book
reminds me of an amusing passage in a work of the late witty
Captain Marryat, called " How to Write a Fashionable Novel."
Arthur Ansard is forced to write to pay his tailor, and his friend
Barnstaple assists him thus: "The Honourable Augustus
Bouverie no sooner perceived himself alone than he felt the
dark shades of melancholy ascending and brooding over his
ininci, enveloping his throbbing heart in their — their adamantine
chains. Yielding to this overwhelming force, he thus exclaimed,
' Such is life ! We require but one flower and we are offered
noisome thousands; refused that we wish, we live in loathing
of that not worthy to be received. Mourners from our cradle to
our grave, we utter the shrill cry at our birth, and we sink into
oblivion with the faint wail of terror. Why then should we
ever commit the folly to be happy '? (" Arthur, hang me, that
is a poser ! " ) Conviction astonishes and torments ; destiny
prescribes and falsifies ; attraction drives us away, humiliation
supports our energies. Thus do we recede into the present and
shudder at the elysium of posterity.' ' Arthur, I have written
all this down, but I cannot understand, upon my soul, one word
of it.' Barnstaple : ' If you had understood one syllable, that
syllable I should have erased.' "

In the case of Lord Robert's book there is no fear that from
such a cause any syllable would require to be erased.

112 APPENDIX.

"THE JEWS THE IMPLACABLE FOES OF TH1
CHEISTIANS."

( '.vrEFiGUE tells us that Napoleon complained that the English
press did him. more h?.rm than all the armies of Europe ; and
most unfortunately, by reckless puffing, by unprecedented men-
dacity, an unlimited command of money, and by other un-
scrupulous means, the Jews have contrived (often under changed
or assumed names of Christian sound) to monopolise a very large
portion of the newspapers, not only of England but of Europe.
These Jews are wolves in sheep's clothing. Poman Catholic,
Greeks, and professors of other religions do not degrade them-
selves by owning and editing newspapers ostensibly not only
Christian but Protestant; but the "Wandering Jew " will do
any mortal thing for a consideration.

As it is quite evident that the nucleus of the Turcophile party
and its most rabid clement consists of the race of Shy lock, and that
it will be no fault of theirs if the British nation is not hounded on
to a dangerous and disgraceful war, without allies, with our
oldest and best ally, Russia, in aid of the unspeakable Turhs,
on the pretence, not of justice — for what are justice and mere}-
to Shy locks? — but of imaginary British interests, I now proceed,
lance in rest and vizor up, to tilt at tho irrepressible Jews past
and present.

Now that morally I draw the sword against them I fling away
my scabbard ; I pass the Pubicon, an 1 burn my ships vestigia
nulla retrorsum; and, as I shall give them no quarter, I ask and
expect none in return.

"the jews the implacable foes of the christians." 113

I have already in another chapter severely criticised Baron.
Ilonry De Worms' book on (the Jews' notion of ) "England's
Policy in the East," -which siniply means a war with Russia to
avenge the real or fancied injuries of the Jewish race, on the
< onvenient principle that we should find the blood and money —
or, rather, borrow the latter from these monopolist usurers, — and
that they should reap all the profit on the footing of heads I win,
tails you lose. Mr. Worms, in his book, which palms off on the
reader mosaic gold instead of the sterling metal, but which is per-
haps after all " worth a Jew's eye," tells us that there are three
millions of Jews in Russia ; and he complains that only a very
smaU number are allowed to settle in St. Petersburg — that they
are not allowed to own land, and of various other grievances.
The baron is apparently fond of round numbers, for he has added
nearly a quarter of a million, or ten per cent., to the real num-
bers of the Jews in the Russian empire ; but to people accus-
tomed to usury at 100 to 200 per cent., as appears from the
authority I have already quoted to be the case in Turkey, a
trifling exaggeration of a quarter of a million is hardly worth
mentioning.

As the whole number of Jews throughout the world, according
to Balbi, is only sis millions, I must say I heartily condole with
Russia in having nearly half that unsocial and undesirable race
in their, in this respect, unfortunate empire, for the fair share
with which they might expect to be afflicted, in proportion to
the population of the globe, would be only about 400,000, so
that they have more than seven times as much as their just
Jewish burden; whilst in Turkey in Europe, where, our author
tells us, the Jews receive " the contemptuous toleration of the
Turk" — like Maw- Worms, they apparently like to be despised —
out of a population of 8,477,214, only 75,165 are Jews ; so that it
seems that where they say they are oppressed they have increased
so as to form one twenty-seventh of the Russian population, and
where they are leniently treated they form only 1 in 113; con-
sequently either oppression suits them better than toleration, or
the story of their oppression is false.

114 APPENDIX.

I certainly do not wonder that Russia, seeing that the Jewish
flood mounts so high, under present circumstances does not
afford that nationality any further encouragement, and that they
especially admit but few money-lenders into St. Petersburg to
ruin their upper classes, and prevent them from acquiring land,
lest, as in the case of England in the time of Roman Catholicism,
an enormous proportion of the land falls into their hands, and
the poor peasantry are financially bled to death.

To enable the reader to judge what sort of a people the Jews
really are, I will now give a slight sketch of their career from
the earliest period to the present time.

In reading Genesis, one is surprised to observe that Abraham,
with more discretion than courage, told King Abimelech that
Sarah was his sister and not his wife (and Isaac adopted the same
course), the result being that the king took Sarah as his wife,
Abraham thus ensuring his own dishonour. Then we have the story
of Jacob taking advantage of his brother's hunger to extort from
him his birthright, and afterwards, with his mother's assistance,
defrauding him of his blessing. Jacob then cheated his father-in-
law out of his sheep, and went off with his household gods.
He, however, does not seem to have been a connoisseur in the
female sex, since whenLaban brought Leah, who apparently was
ill-favoured and had sore eyes, to Jacob as his wife, he did r.ot
find out that she was not the attractive Rachel till next morn-
ing, and Rachel seems to have been very accommodating and
free from jealousy, since she handed over Bilhah to Jacob as his
concubine, -whilst Leah bribed him to be with her by a present
of her son's mandrakes.

We have afterwards an abominable act of cruelty and
treachery committed by Jacob's sons, Simeon and Levi, towards
the Hivites. Shechem had seduced Dinah, daughter of Jacob,
and though he was willing to marry her, they induced the
Hivites to circumcise themselves, and when they were sore, they
killed them all ruthlessly and stole all their goods.

Reuben seduced his father's concubine, and Judah had two
eons by his daughter-in-law.

"the jews the implacable foes of the christians." 115

All the sons of Jacob, except Reuben, wished to slay Joseph,
but their Israelitish avarice prevailing over their blood-thirsti-
ness, they sold him into slavery in Egypt. As to Joseph, he
does not seem to have been remarkable for affection for his old
father — who was only distant a four days' journey (I havo
travelled the distance myself on a camel in that time), and who
was evidently devotedly attached to him — since for twenty years
he never seat to inquire after him, or even told him that he was
alive, and left his blind father a prey to the most agonizing
grief.

When the years of famine came in Egypt, Joseph, like a true
Shylock, took the whole of the money of the Egyptians, then
their cattle, and lastly their lands ; and this is hardly compensated
by his conduct in the affair of Potiphar's wife, who very likely
was not tempting, and perhaps was even repulsive.

"We now come to the blessing bestowed on Lis sons by Jacob,
in the course of which he compliments Issachar by telling him
that he is " a strong ass," whilst " Dan shall be a serpent in the
way, an adder in the path ; " and one cannot resist the evidence
which points to the conclusion that there must have been an
enormous number of marriages between the tribes of Issachar
and Dan and the tribe of Judah ; and one is at a loss to gueso
which of these alliances was most frequent, in other words,
whether the asinino or serpentine types most prevail among the
Jews.

The Israelites, who are always complaining of oppression, do
not seem to have been so badly off in Egypt, since at the time of
the Exodus they took away "flocks and herds, even very much
cattle," and the good-natured Egyptians were silly enough to
lend them "jewels of silver and jewels of gold, and raiment,"
which the Israelites wilfully stole, and we are afterwards told
that they wished to return, and regretted not the dry bread and
hard fare, but "wept for the flesh-pots of Egypt," and Dathan
and Abiram spoke of Egypt as a land flowing with milk and
honey.

I come now to consider some of the enactments of the cere-

110 APPENDIX.

monial law b}r which the " Peculiar People " are still bound. If
a man is lame, blind, or mutilated in a particular way, from no
fault of his own, he is excluded from the congregation. If
money is lent to a poor person, no interest is to be charged.
Unless one is much mistaken, the Jews entirely disregard this
precept. The sacrifices were to be performed by Aaron and his
sons, morning and evening, for ever. This is not done by the
Jews either in Jerusalem or anywhere else, though neither
Turkish or English law prevent it, so I suppose the present
century in their opinion is beyond the period meant as " for ever."
Then, the males were to go up to Jerusalem so many times a
year, but even the wealthiest and strongest of the Jews seldom
if ever go there.

The Jews are commanded to eat no fat, and of course no lard,
dripping, or gravy, and to carry out this injunction it would be
necessary for the rich Jews to dismiss their French cooks and
have cooks of their own persuasion.

Moses, we are told, sprinkled Aaron and his sons with oil
and blood, which must have had rather an unpleasant appear-
ance, and I propose to visit a synagogue to see if this is still done

Aaron, who made a golden calf, and induced the Israelites
to dance before it stark naked, seems to our modern ideas rather
an unsuitable choice for a High Priest, and certainly if the
Archbishop of Canterbury was to act in the same way, he would
not only lose his archbishopric, but would be driven for ever
with ignominy from the Church.

The Israelites are further told that a garment or a house
may be infected with leprosy, and if after being closed for seven
days the leprous spots had spread they were to destroy the
garment or house. Do they observe this regulation ?

Then the 10th, loth, and 23rd days of the seventh month were
to be kept for ever as sabbaths, and there was to be a sabbatical
year, but this law does not seem to suit the present generation
of Jews, nor the regulation that they should not wear dresses
containing a mixture of linen and woollen, and to put fringes of
blue ribbon on their garments for ever.

" THE JEWS THE IMPLACABLE FOES OF THE CHRISTIANS." 117

When the Jews plant fruit trees, the fruit for the first three
years is to he considered uucircumeised, and shall not be eaten
in the fourth year ; and this being so, anyone might go down to
any Jewish country seat, and have an abundant supply of
delicious fruit. The Jews are again told to cut boughs from
trees, and dwell in booths seven days ; but I have never observed
any of them following out this precept.

In the seventh year they were not only not to sow or prune
the vineyard, but the grapes were to be for the stranger, so that
any poor person who requires the grape cure can easily try it
gratuitously ; and I hope, unless the grapes are sour, they will
send me some in return for my writing this laudatory chapter.

The Israelites are further prohibited from lending money on
usury, that is at interest. How then do they justify the fact
that they are the most notorious usurers in the world ?

The Israelites, however, are allowed to eat locusts, beetles,
and grasshoppers, and John the Baptist seems to have been
particularly fond of the first of these. As there seems to be a
redundant and miserable population of Jews in Russia, the
Czar might humanely export a large number to America to grow
fat on the Colorado beetles, which are inexhaustible, and tho
farmers there would certainly make them welcome for that pur-
pose at any rate.

In Numbers viii. we learn that all the gold and silver offered
hy about two and a-half millions of Israelites to the Lord at the
dedication of the altar by Moses, was only £510, or less than
one-fifth of a farthing each, so that they can hardly be considered
to have been then very liberal or pious.

When the Israelites, under Moses, conquered the Midianites —
one of whom Moses had married — without the loss of one man,
he ordered them, after slaughtering all the adults, to kill all the
male children and all the women who were not virgins, which
was done.

It appears that the Israelites in the wilderness did not pay
much respect to the Mosaic law, since, from Joshua v. 2, none
of the Israelites who were born during the forty years they

IIS APPENDIX.

wandered in the wilderness were circumcised ; but Joshua
caused this painful and dangerous operation to bo performed on
the whole of the males.

In the appalling history of the Israelites as related in the
Old Testament, we learn that in a very brief period they de-
stroyed no less than thirty-one nations with their kings, exter-
minating men, women, and children, and even destroying the
houses, which they might have occupied themselves, and in many
cases even the cattle and sheep, and the very fruits of the earth.

Their barbarities, however, were not perpetrated solely on the
ancient inhabitants of the land, who had never done them any
wrong, but even on their own countrymen, for we read that the
Gileadites killed 42,000 flying Ephraimites, merely because they
said, "Ye Gileadites are fugitives of Ephraim among the
Ephraimites and among the Manassites."

And, again, to quote only one more among innumerable ex-
amples, we are told that a certain Levite took a concubine, who
was a woman of bad character, whom he, however, valued ap-
parently all the more, and went after her when she had deserted
him to bring her home from her father's house, where she was.
They seem to have had a very pleasant time of it at the residence
of the concubine's father, who invited them to "lodge here that
thine heart may be merry." The Levite having taken a lodging
in Gibeah, " the men of that city " beset the house, desiring to
commit an unnatural crime on the Levite : and as not one of the
men of the city is excepted, this vice must have been very general,
not to say universal, in Israel. To avoid this outrage the man
of the house obligingly offered his virgin daughter and the con-
cubine of his guest as prostitutes, "but the men would not
hearken to him ; " so the Levite took his concubine and with
cowardly cruelty brought her forth unto them, "and they knew her
and abused her all the night until the morning." When the man
came to his house he showed his affection for his concubine and his
humanity thus : " he took a knife and laid hold on his concubine
and divided her, together with her bones, into twelve pieces, and
sent her unto all the coasts of Israel." When she was immoral

"THE JEWS THE IMPLACABLE E0E3 OF THE CHRISTIANS." 119

of her own accord he appreciated her ; when he compelled her
to submit to violation, he killed her ! The children of Benjamin
having been summoned by the other tribes of Israel to deliver
the people of Gibeah to be all put to death (for a rape which
time would not have permitted them all to perpetrate between
night and the time " when the day began to spring"), and who
were numerous enough to send 700 chosen men to battle left-handed
besides, one would suppose, a much larger force of chosen men
who were, as is usual, right-handed, and those who were not chosen,
and having refused to permit so excessive a punishment, no less
than 400,000, exactly, without any odd numbers, came up to do
battle against 26,700 Benjamites, which appeal's at first sight
rather an unncessary force — like using a hammer to break an
egg. However, the Benjamites, at the end of the first day's
battle, gained a complete victory, and destroyed "downtotho
ground " of the Israelites that day twenty and two thousand
men. The second day Benjamin destroyed, "down to the
ground " eighteen thousand men ; all these " drew the sword,"
so that I suppose others, such as camp followers, were destroyed
who did not draw the sword. Thus in two days the Benjamites
had killed 40,000 men exactly, besides camp followers, &c.,
without any odd fractions of a' thousand, being half as many
again as their total numbers.

The third day the children of Israel at last were victorious
over the plucky BeDJamites, and killed no less than 25,000 men,
whilst 600 fled into the wilderness; consequently they could only
have lost, at the utmost, 1,000 men in fighting against and
killing 40,000 men on the two first days. Not content with the
pretty severe lesson they had given the Benjamites, " the men of
Israel turned again upon the children of Benjamin, and smote,
them tciih the edge of the sword, as well the men of every city,
as the beast, and all that came to hand; also they set on fire all
the cities that they came to." As the Israelites found that there
came none to the camp to massacre the Benjamites from
Jabesh-Gilead, they utterly destroyed the whole of the inhabi-
tants of that city, saving only 400 virgins : but for some icexpli-

120 .APPENDIX.

cable reason, though, they thought themselves bound to extermi-
nate all the other Benjamites, they saved the 600, who were on
the rock Eimmon, and advised them to commit another rape of
the Sabines on the daughters of Shiloh to get wives, which tho
men accordingly did, and almost the whole of the Israelites were
continually relapsing into the idolatrous worship of Baal and
other gods, so that in the time of Ahab the Lord said, "I have
left me seven thousand in Israel, all the hiees which have not bowed
down unto Baal, and every mouth which hath not hissed him."

Time and space will not permit me to make many further
remarks on this part of Jewish history, but one cannot forget
the unnatural conduct of Jephthah, in murdering his innocent
daughter on account of a foolish and wicked vow, which it was
a sin— not to violate, but to perform ; the treacherous conduct
of Jael, the wife of Heber the Kenite, who murdered Sisera,
the guest, whom it was her duty to protect if she chose to receive
him ; the dastardly murder of King Eglon by Ehud, one
of their judges ; that of David, who caused Uriah to be slain, and
then married Bathsheba, tho widow of a Hittite, contrary to the
Mosaic law ; and that of Solomon (who also married a stranger,
the daughter of Pharaoh, King of Egypt), of whose wisdom we
find few traces in any of the books which are attributed to him.
which should contain 3,000 proverbs and 1,005 songs,* and
who strangely enough wondered at "the way of a man with a
maid," since with doubtful wisdom he encumbered himself "u i b
a harem of 700 wives and 300 concubines, mostly strangers.
not one of whom apparently was a maid, or why did he entcr-

* It is strange that chapter x. of Proverbs begins with the words, " The
Proverbs of Solomon," as if the preceding nine chapters 'were not by him,
Ihough they contain those most generally read. Chapter xxx., again, contains
the words of Agur, the son of Jakeh. Chapters xxv. to xxx. are proverbs of
Solomon, which were not copied out till the reign of Hezekiah ; and chapter
.\xxi. contains the words of King Lemuel, who must have been a heathen
monarch. It is remarkable that Solomon says, " All the brethren of the poor
do hate him, how much more do his friends go far from him ? " so that appa-
rently charity and family affection did not exist among the Israelites. "We are
told, too, that "the plowing of the wicked is sin," and it is no doubt -well that we

''THE jews the implacable foes of the christians." 121

tain this wonder ? and as his duty of marriage to each wife was
not diminished, his obligations exceeded the labours of Hercules.

Abijah mercilessly slew half a million of the Israelites, which
is about two hundred times the number of English slain at the
famous battle of "Waterloo; and Pekah, the King of Israel,
returned the compliment by slaying 120,000 of the men of Judah.

I now propose to consider the conduct of the Jews to our
Saviour, from a Jewish point of view. All dispassionate persons,
including those who reject Christianity, must admit that the life
of Christ, even if He is considered as a mere man, is the noblest
that has ever illustrated humanity. He went about doing good,
healing all manner of diseases, and uttering the most original
and sublime precepts of morality and religion which have ever
been uttered ; and even the Jews themselves were so impressed
by His unparalleled merits th at when He rode into Jerusalem
" a very great multitude spread their garments in the wa}*,
others cut down branches from the trees and strawed them in the
way. And the multitudes that went before and that followed,
cried, Hosanna to the Son of David, Blessed is He that cometh
in the name of the Lord ! Hosanna in the highest. And when
He was come unto Jerusalem all the city was moved, saying,
who is this ? And the multitude said, this is Jesus the prophet
of Nazareth of Galilee." And we are further told that all
Jerusalem and all Judcca went out to John the Baptist, and were
baptized confessing their sins, and yet John told them that
Christ was the Messiah. They must, then, have believed him,
or else, if John falsely asserted that Christ was the Messiah, why

should be informed that, " "Where no wood is there the fire goeth out," and that
"the earth is disquieted for an odious woman when she is married." It appears
that Solomon had the worst possible opinion of the Jews, for he says, Eccles.
vii. 27, 28, " Behold, this have I found, saith the preacher, counting one by
one, to find out the accoiint : which yet my soul seeketh, but I find not : one
man among a thousand have I found ; but a woman amori;' all those have I not
found." A race of men which contains only one good man in a thousand, and
not a single good woman in its entire female population, must indeed be at the
very bottom of the scale of humanity.

122 APPENDIX.

■were they baptized by him ? So that it is false to say that the
Jews never recognized Christ as the Messiah.

No doubt afterwards Christ irritated the Jews by telling them
that they had made the Temple " a den of thieves," reminding
them that the prophets, whom they professed to venerate, had
been sanctified by the process of killing and stoning. He also
exposed the spurious religious pretences of the Pharisees and
scribes who "devour widows' houses, and for a pretence make
long prayers. . . Ye compass sea aud land to make one
proselyte, and when he is made ye make him tenfold more a
child of hell than yourselves. . . Ye shut up the kingdom
of heaven against men, for ye neither go in yourselves nor suffer
ye them that are entering to go in. . . Ye fools and blind.
. . Ye blind guides which strain at a gnat and swallow a
camel. . . Ye are like unto whited sepulchres, . . full of
dead men's bones, and all uncleanness. . . Ye serpents, ye
generation of vipers, how can you escape from the damnation of
hell?" In fact, their chances of eternal salvation seem infini-
tesimally small, since the Book of Revelation says that only
12,000 of the Tribe of Judah were " sealed."

The Jews, irritated at these and other home truths, bribed
Judas Iscariot to betray Jesus, and this villain treacherously did
ko with a kiss ; they then capture Him at night for fear of the
people, and on bringing Him before Caiaphas, the High Priest,
for judgment, they suborned a number of witnesses to swear
falsely against Him, but none of them agreed together, and
nothing was proved. Caiaphas then, with an utter disregard
of what in civilised countries is considered fair play, adjures
Christ to say whether He is the Christ, and on His stating this
to be the fact He is sentenced to death, and then spit upon and
buffeted. Now supposing that, according to the opinion of the
Jews, He was not the Messiah, at least He was a benevolent and
irreproachable man, far superior even to Howard the Philan-
thropist, who would not have been executed in any other country
than Judeea, if he, for instance, had imagined himself, as others
have done, to be the Christ ; especially if, as in the case of Jesus,

"THE JEWS THE IMrLACABLE FOES OF THE CHRISTIANS." 123

He never obtruded His claims to the Messiahship, but only
mentioned them when urged to do so.

That the trial of Jesus was not only a mockery of justice,
but even a violation of the Draconian Jewish law, appears from
what Mr. Innes, iu his " Trial of Jesus Christ," in the Contem-
porary Revieio, remarks : — " "We read in the oral law the saying
of Eleazar, the son of Azarias, that ' the Sanhedrin, which so
often as once in seven years condemns a man to death, is a
slaughterhouse.' " Mishna treatise Mackboth.

Yet the Jews not only condemned but executed Jesus for doing
good, and two thieves for mere stealing, in one day. The oral
law which existed in the time of Caiaphas is precisely the same
as that which was afterwards, about a.d. 200, reduced to writing
in the Mishna. Dupin, the great French advocate, says that
"Annas was not a magistrate, and certainly that would add to
the irregularity of interrogating the accused." The Mishna says,
" The latter (capital trials) are commenced only in the daytime,
and must also be concluded during the day. . . They may bo
concluded on that day if there is a sentence of acquittal, but
must be postponed to a second day if there is a condemnation.
And for this reason capital trials. are not held on the day before
a Sabbath or feast-day." The crucifixion of Jesus took place, as
has scarcely ever been doubted, on the Friday, the day before
a Sabbath, which was also a high-day, and the meeting of the
Council took place on the same Friday morning. Such a meet-
ing on such a day was forbidden. . . In no case was such a
rule so absolutely necessary to justice as when the accused, arrested
after nightfall, had been put upon his trial by daybreak, without
the least opportunity of summoning witnesses for his defence. One
of the strangest sights the world has ever seen must have been the
adjuration or solemn address to the witnesses who came to speak
against the life of Jesus, by the magistrate, who had, no doubt
with perfect sincerity, held it expedient that one man should
die for the people — (they had got Barabbas, the robber, to execute,
but preferred the luxury of murdering Christ). The evidence is
overwhelming that at repeated meetings of what the Fourth

124 APPENDIX.

Gospel even calls a Council, and which, may have been formal
meetings of the acting committee of that body, the suppression,
and, if need be, the death of Jesus, had been resolved on. As to
the lawfulness of the High Priest's adjuration to Jesus, and the
consequent sentence to death, Maimonides says, "Our law con-
demns no one to death upon his own confession ; " andBartenora
states, " It is a fundamental principle with us that no one can
damage himself by what he says in judgment."

Christ is then brought before Pilate, the Koman Governor,
who acquitted Him, saying, " I am innocent of the blood of this
just person : see ye to it," but wickedly and weakly handed Him
over to the cruel and bloodthirsty Jews, who said, " His blood
be on us and on our children ; " and it has been and will be on
them till they repent of their atrocious conduct to the being whom
the Christians louk upon as God, and whom they cannot deny (for
even Mahomet acknowledges the fact) to have been at least the
holiest and best of meu. The Jews then scourged, insulted, and
tormented Him, spat on Him, put a crown of thorns on His head,
made Him, while fainting with pain, bear the cross till He broke
down under its weight, crucified Him, and mocked Him even in
his last agonies. Can it be wondered at that there is a gulf
which can never be bridged between the Jew and the Christian?

It may be alleged, however, that the generations of Jews who
succeeded that which crucified Jesus were less unjust and in-
human ; but the lion can no more change his skin or the leopard
his spots than the Jews can lose their distinguishing character-
istics both of appearance and disposition ; and even to this day
the hook nose, the shambling gait, and the peculiar accent of the
race are unmistakable.

If a colony of negroes had been introduced into England a
thousand years ago, and had continuously intermarried, as the
Jews have done at the present day, they would not have changed
an iota, but would have had the same black skin, woolly hair,
and thick lips. Neither has the Jewish type or the gipsies, who are
supposed by some to be the lost ten tribes of Israel, altered, which
may be seen in one of Punch's recent woodcuts of two vendors of

"the jews the implacable foes of the christians." 125

" Old clo'," who congratulate themselves that through the war,
though many thousands may be killed and wounded, old clothes
will be cheap. Gibbon's imperishable work on the "Decline and
Fall of the Eoman Empire," moreover, shows us that the Jews
during the Middle Ages, so far from amending and becoming
humanized, became immeasurably worse ; and from this splendid
monument of learning and genius I extract the following
passages : —

"The Jews, who under the Assyrian and Persian monarchies
had languished for many ages the most despised portion of their
slaves, emerged from obscurity under the successors of Alexander
. . . . The sullen obstinacy with which they maintained
their peculiar rites and unsocial manners seemed to mark them
out a distinct species of men, who boldly professed or who
faintly disguised their implacable hatred to the rest of mankind.

" Nota. — Duni Assyrios penes Medosque et Persas Oriens fuit
despectissima pars serventium. — Tacit. Hist. v. 8.

Tradidit arcano qusecunque volumine Moses,
Non monstrare vias eadem nisi sacra colenti ;
Quscsitos ad fontes solos deducere verpas.

" The letter of this law is not to be found in the present volume
of Moses. But the wise, the humane Maimonides openly
teaches that if an idolator fall into the water a Jew ought not
to save him from instant death.

"The former (the Sadducees), selected from the most opulent
and distinguished ranks of society, were strictly attached to the
literal sense of the law of Moses, and they proudly rejected the
immortality of the soul as an opinion that received no counten-
ance from the divine book. . . The doctrine of the immortality
of the soul is omitted in the law of Moses.

" From the reign of Nero to that of Antoninus Pius, the Jews
discovered a fierce impatience of the dominion of Rome, which
repeatedly broke out in the most furious massacres and insurrec-
tions. Humanity is shocked at the recital of the horrid cruelties
which they committed in the cities of Egypt, of Cyrus, and of

K 2

126 APPENDIX.

Gyrene, where thy dwelt in treacherous friendship with the
unsuspecting natives ; and we are tempted to applaud the severe
retaliation which was exercised by the arms of the legions
against these fanatics, whose dire and credulous superstition
seemed to render them the implacable enemies, not only of the
Eoman government, but of human kind. The blind superstition,
the abject slavery of those unfortunate exiles (the Jews) must
excite the contempt of a philosophic emperor, but they deserved
the friendship of Julian by their implacable hatred of the
Christian name. The barren synagogue abhorred and envied
the fecundity of the rebellious church; the power of the Jew-
was not equal to their malice, hit their gravest rabbis approved the
private murder of an apostate.

''Their (the Jews') obstinacy converted his (Mahomet's) friend-
ship into implacable hatred, with which he pursued that unfortu-
nate people to the last moment of his life, and in the double
character of an apostle and a conqueror his persecution -was
extended to both worlds. The Kamoka (a Jewish tribe) dwelt
at Medina under the protection of the city. He seized the occasion
of an accidental tumult, and summoned them to embrace his
religion or contend with him in battle. ' Alas ! ' replied the trem-
bling Jews, 'we are ignorant of the use of arms, but we persevere
in the faith and worship of our fathers ; why wilt thou reduce us
to the necessity of a just defence ? ' The unequal conflict was ter-
minated in fifteen days, and it was with extreme reluctance that
Mahomet yielded to the importunity of his allies and consented
to spare the lives of the captives. But their riches were confis-
cated, their arms became more effectual in the hands of the
Mussulmans, and a wretched colony of 700 exiles were driven with
their wives and children to implore a refuge on the confines of
Syria . . The Jews had excited and joined the war of the
Koreish. Ko sooner had the natives retired from the ditch ihan
Mahomet, without laying aside his armour, marched on the same
day to extirpate the hostile race of the children of Kor
(Jews). After a resistance of twenty days they surrendered at
cHscretior. They trusted to the intercession of their old allies of

"THE JEWS THE IMPLACABLE FOES OF THE CHRISTIANS." 127

Medina ; they could not be ignorant that fanaticism obliterates
feelings of humanity. A venerable elder to whose judgment they
appealed pronounced the sentence of their death; 700 Jews were
dragged in chains to the market place of the city, they descended
alive into the grave prepared for their execution and burial, and
the apostle beheld with an inflexible eye the slaughter of his
helpless enemies. Their sheep and camels were inherited by the
Mussulmans; 300 cuirasses, 500 pikes, 1,000 lances composed the
most useful portion of the spoil. . . . The chief of the tribe at
Chaibar (a Jew) was tortured in the presence of Mahomet to
force a confession of his hidden treasures.

" If the justice of Tarik protected the Christians, his gratitude
and policy rewarded the Jews, to whose secret or open aid he
was indebted for his most important acquisitions. Persecuted
by the King and synod of Spain, who had often pressed the
alternative of banishment or baptism, that outcast nation em-
braced the moment of revenge; the comparison of their past
and present state was the pledge of their fidelity, and the
alliance between the disciples of Moses and of Mahomet was maintained
till the final era of their common expulsion.

[No wonder, then, that when the Spaniards banished the
Moors they got rid of the Jews also.]

" In Cyrene they (the Jews) massacred 220,000 Greeks ; in
Cyprus 240,000 ; in Egypt a very great mulitude. Many of
these unhappy victims were sawn asunder, according to pre-
cedent, to which David had given the sanction of his example.
The victorious Jews devoured the flesh, licked up the blood, and
twisted the entrails like a girdle round their bodies (see Dion
Cassius, 1. 68, p. 1145)."

No wonder, after Gibbon's account of the Jews, that race has
always been either despised or hated in all ages and by all
nations and all religions, except, perhaps, the modern Greeks,
for reasons which it is not difficult to divine.

The massacres of Cyrene and Cyprus, perpetrated by the
Jews, included 460,000 victims, besides a very great multitude
in Egypt ; probably, therefore, they murdered about a million

128 APPENDIX.

of human beings, or a greater number than the rest of the
human race have ever killed of their unsocial and vindictive
race. In comparison with these atrocities those of the Turks
even sink into insignificance, for including the massacres during
the Greek war of independence at Chios and elsewhere, those of
Damascus and Syria, the Bulgarian atrocities, and all the other
abominations of the Turks, do not amount either in number or
in horror to the conduct of these Shy locks and Fagins, who
devoured the flesh and drank the blood of 460,000 Greeks,
besides their Egyptian victims, and made girdles of their
entrails !

It may be said that I have related events which took
place many centuries ago ; but that the Jews retain in recent
times the same savage ferocity which formerly distinguished
them, appears by the following fact, which took place on
21st April, 1821.

" One of the principal causes which hastened the ruin of the
Turkish Empire was the murder of Gregory, Patriarch of Constan-
tinople, a revered prelate 80 years of age, who was seized on Easter
Monday as he was descending from the altar where he had been
celebrating divine service, and hanged at the gate of his arch-
episcopal palace, amidst the ferocious cries of a vast crowd of
Mussulmans. The blameless life and exemplary character of this
prelate, the proof of fidelity to the government which he had
recently given by his proclamation against the insurgents, the
courage he evinced at his last moments, while they were unable
to move his enemies, enshrined his memory in the hearts of his
grateful countrymen. . . . After hanging for three hours
the body was cut down, and delivered to afeiv abandoned Jews, hj
whom it was dragged through the streets and thrown into the sea.,J

When the Turks defeated the Greeks at Navacta and killed
4,000, the historian tells us : " A band of Jews who had no part
in the action, 600 in number, followed in the rear of the
victors merely for the pleasure of beating out the brains of the
Christians with their clubs. One of them boasted that he had in
this manner dispatched 68 victims." Remembering this and other

"the jews the implacable foes of the christians." 129

atrocious circumstances, the Jews need hardly be surprised that
the Christians of Turkey have shown some hostility to these per-
sistent allies of the Turk.

With reference to the present generation of Jews (with whom
we mix like oil with vinegar), it is a great satisfaction to me to
see by the Almanac de Gotha that in the United Kingdom
we have only about 46,000 Jews, and this may partly account for
our prosperity, whilst the special prevalence of the Jewish
element may account for the comparative poverty of the Russian
Empire.

I see by an Indian paper, in an address soliciting subscriptions
to a fund exclusively for the Turkish wounded, that the Mussul-
mans of India are quite aware of the close ties which unite Jews and
Turks, who, it will be observed, are specially bracketed together
in our English Prayer-book (like the lion and the lion's provider,
the jackal) as the only races whose transcendent wickedness
requires special mention in our prayers, for they say, " Followers
of Moses, you are bound by the holiest of ties to the sufferers we
seek to relieve."

The Russophobe Jews, however, do not appear to observe that
if they succeeded in entrapping us into a war with Russia, as
the Jews are included in the Russian conscription, thousands of
their countrymen would be killed, and the cost of the war would
involve increased taxes, which their co-religionists, who they say
are now in the lowest depths of poverty, could hardly bear.

A well-known story may be thus adapted to the present state
of affairs. A Russophobe Jew meets a Russophile bishop of his
acquaintance, and says to him, " Do you know the difference
between a bishop and an ass ?" " No," says the bishop ; upon
which Mr. Howard Guelph Plantagenefc, alias Mr. Judas
Iscariot, answers, "The one wears a cross on his breast, the
other on his back." "Good," says the bishop; "but do you
know the difference between a Turkomaniac Jew and an ass? "
" No," says the Jew. " Nor I either," replies the bishop to the
discomfited Hebrew.

Everyone who has read the report of the Select Com-

130 APPENDIX.

mittee on Foreign Loans* knows of what untold millions we are
robbed by Jews who bring out rotten loans, and other public
companies, then rig the market, and wriggle out themselves, and
the cement in the edifice of their fortunes is moistened with the
tears of the plundered widow and orphan. We ail know
the villainous mock auctions and knocks-out which are chiefly
carried out by Jews. At the former incautious people are
deluded into buying spurious articles by sham competition and
outrageous lying, whilst the latter are managed in this -way :
The widow of a clergyman, officer, or professional man is com-
pelled from poverty to sell her furniture, which may have cost
way £i,000. On the day of sale the room is crowded with dirty
Jew brokers, smelling most abominably, and of the rudest
manners, who hustle and anoy intending purchasers, especially
ladies, and if necessary bid far more than the value of articles
for which honest persons offer, so as to choke them off. By
these and other means they then buy up the whole for perhaps
£100 to £200, and then they have a real auction at the nearest
public-house, where the articles fetch perhaps £500 to £600,
and the difference is divided amongst these scoundrels, to the
prejudice of the poor widow. The genial and unrivalled Dickens,
in the whole of his delightful works, has drawn, as far as I am
aware, but one portrait of a Jew, namely Fagin in " Oliver Twist,"
and he is far more repulsive than Shylock ; in fact, I do not
remember one favourable sketch of a Jew in the whole compass
of my reading of English literature. Fagin, it will be observed,
trained young Gentiles (not Jews) for the gallows, and taught
thieving, robbery, and murder as a regular profession or
trade. "Whilst he contrived, "put up," or "resetted" crimes of
various kinds, and was a receiver of stolen goods, he took the
utmost care to keep his own carcase out of all danger, using
the criminals he had trained, and others whom he ferreted out,
like cat's paws to get the chesnuts, of which he took an exorbitant

* The Jews in England always persuade our gullible statesmen to let them
bring out British loans at enormous commissions, whilst in France loans are
by free competition much cheaper than from financiers.

"the jews the implacable foes of the christians." 131

share, out of the fire. The reader of "Oliver Twist" cannot help
feeling a much stronger aversion to Fagin than to Bill Sykes ;
and it is an inexpressible relief when Fagin is caught, in spite of
all his cunning, and meets with the fate he so richly deserves. If
there were no Jew receivers of stolen goods, and no Jew re-
setters or planners of robberies, there would be far less crime.
Most of the few eminent men they have produced looked with
contempt on Judaism ; for instance, Spinoza, who, after
endeavouring to bribe him into an apparent and dishonest com-
pliance with Judaism, they excommunicated, and Heine, who, in
1829, in the sketches styled " The Town of Lucca," called them
(the Jews) " ' the people of original sin,' who came out of Egypt,
the land of crocodiles and priestcraft, and brought with them, besides
their skin diseases and their stolen gold and silver vessels, a so-called
positive religion and so-called Church." In short, I think I
have established that the Jews are not, and never have been,
worthy of our esteem and regard, and that they are the eternal
and implacable enemies of the Christian • consequently, it would
be madness to follow their advice to go to war with Eussia, but
wisdom always to take the opposite course to that which they
recommend.

The position of the Jews in the East is shown in the following
extracts from a letter in the Daily News of October 13th, 1876 : —

"But if there is anything in the eyes of a Turk more mean,
more contemptible, more degrading, than the appellation of
' Giaour,'* it is that of ' Jahoudi 'f (a Jew). And with all re-
spect to English Israelites, who have nothing in common with
the Eastern Jews but religion, and who are as dissimilar from a
Balata Jahoudi as a Magyar is from a Tartar, it will
be admitted by every one who knows anythiug of the
East, that there is no occupation sufficiently dishonourable,
and no work so unspeakably demeaning, that a Jew will not

* Which means an infidel or miscreant, so that a Jahoudi is worse than a
miscreant.
t Query, Dean Swift's "Yahoo."

132 APPENDIX.

undertake in Turkey for the sake of ' filthy lucre.' In fact,
you have only to walk through the streets of Constantinople in
order to understand what are the callings toward which Jews
tend by predilection. And even in that classic city of mire there
is nothing that can compare with the Jewish quarter of Balata,
which, in spite of the well-known hoarding of its inhabitants, is
retained in such a condition as to have been almost depopulated
during the last visitation of cholera.

11 We have lately heard of the proceedings instituted in English
courts of law against certain members of the Jewish body, who
can scarcely have acted under their approved leaders in their
shameful dealings with inexperienced undergraduates and other
young noblemen. Still these ravenous depredations — degrading,
unscrupulous, and contemptible as they are — bear no comparison
to the systematic manner in which the ignorant Eouman
peasantry are enticed into drinking on credit, are encouraged to
run themselves into fearful debts, and are actually made slaves,
body and soul, to a professional and well-organized class of
Jewish usurers, who cover the land as locusts, and who thus exer_
cise on entire provinces a power more supreme than that of the
central Government.

"In fact, the British Protectorate, in spite of the repeated
application of the Ionians, persistently refused to the Jews
in Corfu and the other islands those civil rights which they ob-
tained ipso facto by the union of the Ionian islands to Greece.
Indeed, the Jews of Corfu were amongst the most enthusiastic
supporters of the Union, and as a token of their gratification at
being raised to a civil status, which was denied them by the
English, they spontaneously decided upon sending a contingent
of volunteers to the Greek army."

That the Jews are a most undesirable element in the popu-
lation appears from the following extract from Mr. Mackenzie
Wallace's " Ivussia" : —

" Of all the colonists of this region (The Steppe), the least
prosperous are the Jews. . . . These Jewish colonies were
founded as an experiment to see whether the Israelite could be

"the jews the implacable foes of the christians." 133

weaned from his traditionary pursuits and transferred to what
some economists call the productive section of society. The
experiment has failed, and the cause of the failure is not difficult
to find. One has merely to look at these men of gaunt visage
and shambling gait, with their loopholed slippers and black
threadbare coats reaching down to their ankles, to understand
that they are not in their proper sphere. Their houses are in a
most dilapidated condition, and their villages remind one of the
abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel the Prophet. A
great part of the land is left uncultivated or let to colonists of a
different race. What little revenue they have is derived chiefly from
trade of a more or less clandestine nature." In short you might as
well attempt to make pigeons out of hawks as industrious farmers
out of Jews.

'As the first Christians were Jews, and as all Christians receive
the Old Testament, from which the Jews think it is evident that
Jesus was not the Messiah, they consider our estrangement from
the true fold of Judaism as wilful and culpable, and hate us with
all the rancour which true believers usually feel towards
apostates.

The Jews are divided into two principal sections — the Tal-
mudists, who accept the oral law and all the additional
absurdities which have been engrafted by the rabbins on the
Old Testament ; and the congregation of British Jews, formed in
1840 and 1841 by certain families of Spanish and German Jews
for uniting two sections of the community, diminishing the in-
fluence of Talmudism, and simplifying the rituals — recognizing
the Mosaic Scriptures as the only authority for faith and practice,
and rejecting the oral law or Talmudic rabbins as not binding
on the consciences of reformed Jews. In short, the bulk of the
Israelites are a species of Jewish Catholics, and the Ee formers
are a species of Old Catholics or Protestants.

The Americans have the same dislike to the Jews as the Eou-
manians and Servians, as will be seen by the following extract
from the New York Times : —

The topic of the day is whether Jews ought to be excluded

134 APPENDIX.

from hotels, and to this burning question the New York Times has
devoted eight solid columns of pretty close type. A wealthy
Hebrew family of this city applied for rooms at the Grand Union
Hotel in Saratoga (where they had been in the habit of spending
their summers for several years), and were informed that by
direction of the proprietors all Jews were hereafter to be excluded
from the house. Now, it so happens that the Israelite against
whom the decree of banishment has just been enforced holds a
place among Jews corresponding to that held by the Grand Union
among hotels. He is Mr. Joseph Seligman, a member of the well-
known banking firm at present concerned in the syndicate which
has undertaken the placing of the new national loan. He is
Vice-President of the Union League Club, a prominent member
of the Chamber of Commerce, a man who stands high in Wall
Street and in society, and is somewhat noted for his activity in
charitable enterprises. The rule of the house is a general one,
and Mr. Hilton declares very frankly that Jews ruin the business ;
they are obnoxious to the other guests. Of course there is but
one opinion expressed of this case in public. It is denounced
on all hands as an outrage, for which the Grand Union Hotel
deserves to suffer. But I am constrained to confess that in
private the expressions of indignation are not so very hearty.
Mr. Hilton tells the plain truth when he says that there is a
prejudice against Israelites at watering-place hotels, and that
•several pleasant resorts, once fashionable, have lost caste and
lost money since the Israelites began to frequent them.
Many admit that they prefer not to receive Hebrew families, and
the landlords of Long Branch in particular (which has become
known of late years as " a Jew place ") seem to be pretty
nearly of one mind that " Jews are not desirable boarders."
It is notorious that there are some large hotels in New York,
of which the St. James's is perhaps the most conspicuous, where
■Jews cannot obtain accommodation. They are not excluded on
account of their race, but the landlords apply the process known
as " roosting them out " — give them rooms next the roof, and
charge them extravagant prices. It i> a curious circumstance

"THE JEWS THE IMPLACABLE FOES OF THE CHRISTIANS." 135

that the managers of the Grand Union, by their treatment of
Mr. Seligman, have made themselves liable to a fine of 1,500 dols.
and imprisonment for a year under the provisions of the Civil
Rights Bill, passed in 1875 for the protection of the coloured
people.

In 1852 there was a violent outbreak against the Jews in
Stockholm, and, in fact, when any Christian is in the hands of
the Jews, we give them up as hopelessly lost as the Canaanitish
nations whom they exterminated.

The Jews were banished from England from A.d. 1290 till
1650, and I never read that we were the worse for their absence,
so that Shakespeare's typical Shylock must have been drawn with
his usual masterly skill from imagination and reading.

Stow tells us that " every Jew money-lender was compelled to
wear a plate on his breast signifying his trade, or to quit the
realm ; " and as cabmen and omnibus conductors are obliged to
wear badges, I see no reason why usurers, whose trade is as
noxious as that of the other is beneficial, should not be subjected
to the same regulation.

If a man falls into the hands of a Christian money-lender, he
contents himself usually with bleeding him, as it were, in a single
vein, while the Jew, who is hostis Gentili generis, bleeds every vein
and artery, and leaves you penniless, like a squeezed orange,
or like the stock-meat which a cook makes into a transparent
jelly by pressing out the whole of the juice, so that even the dogs
will not eat the tasteless fibre which remains. Whilst with the
Christian your debt might increase in an arithmetical progression,
the Jew would make it increase in the same time in an geo-
metrical progression, so that in an incredibly short time, if you were
to become ultimately a millionaire, not a shilling would remain.
It is a crying sin and shame that when a youth comes up from a
happy home to the university or the army, these Jewish harpies
are allowed to go and tempt him by displaying jewelry at two
or three hundred per cent, profit to Mr. Verdant Green, who at
last — partly to get rid of importunity, as he thinks he must take
something, having allowed the Jew to expend so much time in

136 APPENDIX.

showing his mosaic treasures, and partly to gratify a sister or a
sweetheart — on the verbal, but not written assurance, that he is to
have an indefinite time to pay, consents to purchase something;
or else he backs a bill to save a friend from ruin and disgrace, and
then his own fate is sealed, and Shylock treats him with no
more mercy than a spider does a poor fly whom it has caught
within its toils.'-'

I might say something further on Jewish mock auctions and
" knocks out " by which widows and orphans are robbed.

It is very strange, if the Jews really believe in their religion,
that they do not kill the paschal lamb and perform the various
ceremonies of the Mosaic law, nearly all of which they totally
neglect ; and the leading representative of the Jewish community
gave an entertainment to a Koyal personage the other day, when
the sanctity of the Jewish Sabbath was wholly disregarded.

If the wealthy Jews of London are so passionately fond of that
howling wilderness which they call the promised land, and which
is so cleverly described in " Eothen," why do they not go and build
houses and live there, at least for part of the year 1 and why do
not they spend the evening of their days in Jerusalem 1 Xot
one of them, however, does so, and few Jews ever visit Palestine ;
whilst those who do seldom, if ever, return there.

The rich Jews throughout the world could easily afford to buy
up Palestine from the Turks and to rebuild the city and the
temple in greater splendour than ever ; but they prefer whining
by deputy at the Jews' wailing place at Jerusalem, Jgroaning
in England over their imaginary grievances and waiting on Pro-
vidence, instead of helping themselves.

The Jews, however, are perhaps as useful in relieving us of our
money as leeches are in depleting us of our blood.f

Even in England the Jews were not allowed to sit in Parlia-
ment till 1860, and the World says that the Queen refused to make

* It is about as easy to extract sunbeams from cucumbers as mercy to a
Gentile from a Jew.

t Bianconi says the Jews lend money at 200 and 300 per cent, interest.

"THE jews the implacable foes of the christians." 137

Baron Rothschild a peer ; whilst a Jewish M.P. told me that he
and his family received notice to quit their lodgings at a watering-
place because they were Jews.

Tacitus says of the Jewish character : — " Between themselves
an invincible fidelity, a charity always active ; against the rest of
the world, an indomitable hatred."

In order to excite prejudice in the minds of the British public
against the down-trodden Christians of Turkey, the Government,
with their usual Philo-Turkish unfairness, have, apropos de bottes,
issued a Blue Book containing indeed 30 pages with reference
to the recent alleged and much exaggerated ill-treatment of the
Jews in Roumania, but also 329 pages relating to accusations
against the Servians and Roumanians, going back to 18G7, the
object being to attempt to show that the Christians of Bulgaria,
Bosnia, and Herzegovina are not fitted for freedom, since they
would, it is asserted but not proved, ill-treat that part of the
population which consists of people of other races and religions,
and more especially the Jews.

I have to remark that, contrary to the usual practice, the des-
patches and other statements of the Roumanian Ministers are
not translated, and as French is about as unintelligible as Chinese
to the great majority of the English population and of the
members of both Houses of Parliament, this places their Jewish
accusers at an enormous and unfair advantage, to redress which
I will now translate some of these despatches.

I shall commence by quoting three important, lucid, and able
despatches from Vice-Consul St. John, which completely take
the wind out of the sails of the Judomaniacs.

Vice-Consul St. John to Earl Granville. — {Received May, 14).

(Extract.) Jassy, April 29, 1873.

Having now resided several months at Jassy, where the Jews
of this country may be said to have established their head-
quarters, I have the honour to report to your lordship that I have
made myself acquainted with the condition of the Jews in
Moldavia, but more especially of those inhabiting this town.

1 38 ArrENDix.

The population of Jassy, which now amounts to nearly 90,000
souls, contains about 50,000 Jews, out of which number 40,000
are Austrian subjects, the remainder being made up by Rou-
manians and Russians.

In the year 18.30 the Jews in this Principality amounted to
10,000 only, whereas at the present time there are, at the very
least, 200,000, so that during the last forty years their number
has increased more than twenty fold.

Owing to the natural disposition which the Jews possess for
trade and commerce, they have now not only acquired great
wealth, but, by their industry, perseverance, and frugal habits,
have succeeded in monopolizing every trade or calling by which
money can be turned.

The great prosperity which many of the Jews have enjoyed in
this country of late years has caused considerable immigration
from Galicia and Russia, as, in order to evade conscription,
thousands were induced to abandon their own country and to
settle in Roumania, where greater facilities exist for pursuing
profitably their various vocations.

This influx of Jews, proving to a certain extent detrimental to
the welfare of the Christian population, has now engaged the
attention of the Government, and has resulted in a law having
lately been passed by which all foreigners and Jews are to be
prohibited from selling spirits.

The new law, which is to be enforced next year, will have the
effect of throwing hundreds of Jewish families out of employ-
ment.

Various opinions are entertained as to the advantages of this
sudden change.

Some assert that the sale of spirits was more profitably carried
on while in the hands of the Jews ; others allege that the
hitherto existing privileges led to great abuses, and tended to
demoralize the working classes.

Many of the Jews at Jassy have now intimated their intention
of leaving the country, but it is generally believed that none
will be compelled to carry out this resolution.

"THE JEWS THE IMPIACABLE F0E3 OF THE CHRISTIANS." 139

Being fertile in resources, it is supposed that they will have
sufficient time between this and next year to adopt other means
for earning a livelihood.

The coming law has caused a good deal of dissatisfaction among
the land-owners, as many of them have concluded profitable contracts
with the Jews for the sale of spirits.

Although the prohibition includes all aliens as well as Jews,
and is obviously directed towards the latter, I have to report to
your lordship that during my experience in this town not a single
case of persecution has come to my knowledge, and that my
Austrian colleague, having 40,000 fellow- subjects of the Jewish
persuasion in Jassy alone, whose interests it is his duty to look
after, has repeatedly stated to me that no complaint of that
nature has ever been brought before him.

Many persons who have spoken to me on the subject, and who
are amicably disposed towards the Jews, have expressed their
regrets that the Jewish Alliance should not have turned their
attention to civilizing their co-religionists, rather than to so
readily giving credence to a number of false or exaggerated
reports that were so widely spread at the beginning of last year,
and which I have since ascertained to have originated in this
town, and to have been circulated throughout Europe and the
United States by means of pamphlets written in the Hebrew
language.

The marked antipathy existing in this town towards the Jews
arises not so much on account of the difference of religion as
from their persistency in not conforming to civilized habits and
dress, and more particularly from their palpable want of cleanli-
ness— a fact which any one may easily ascertain by passing a
few hours at Jassy.

Vice- Consul St. John to Lord Granville.

July 31, 1872.
Having now passed several months in the Principalities, I

140 ArFENDIX.

have had ample opportunities for hearing the Jewish question
discussed by the most competent persons, and the more the facts
of the case are brought to light, the more convinced am I that
persecution in the sense conveyed by Sir Francis Goldsmid's
speech in the House of Commons does not exist and never has
existed in these Principalities, at all events not under the last
three Governments.

It may appear bold in me to make such assertion, in the face
of everything that has been said on that subject in the House of
Commons, but I beg to assure your lordship that the same views
are entertained by all my colleagues, and that they are repotting
to their respective Governments in the same sense.

The question has often been put to me, " Why, if the Jews
find themselves systematically persecuted, do they continue to
avail themselves of every possible stratagem to elude the vigilance
of the functionaries at the frontiers in order to settle in these
Principalities by thousands ? "

The number of Jews said to have taken up their abode in the
Moldo-Wallachian Principalities is about 300,000, out of which
40,000 only are descendants of Jews who have inhabited the
country for generations back; the remainder is composed of
immigrants and their children from Galicia and Russia.

The antipathy which is often found to exist against the Jews
in other countries is, perhaps, aggravated in this, on account,
probably, of the overwhelming numbers to be found in certain
towns, such as Jassy, where out of 70,000 inhabitants 40,000 are
Jews ; as also by reason of their enterprise, industry, persever-
ance, and parsimony, in contrast with the apathy and extrava-
gance of the owner of the soil.

Mr. St. John to the Earl of Derby. — [Received March 31).

Belgrade, March 20, 1877.

My Lord, — I have the honour to report that M. Pisfitch, the
Servian Minister for Foreign Affairs, in reply to my questionVith

"the jews the implacable foes of the christians." Hi

regard to the future condition of the Jews in this country, in-
formed me that Servian subjects of that persuasion were on the
same footing, and enjoyed the same privileges, both civil and
political, as the Servians ; with the restriction, however, of not
being permitted to establish themselves permanently in the rural
districts, or in any town except Belgrade.

On my putting the same question to Prince Milan, and receiv-
ing a similar reply, I asked him what the objection was to the
native-born Jews enjoying the same liberties as their Christian
fellow-subjects. His Highness said that a strong feeling existed
against them among merchants and shopkeepers, who were
under the impression that were every privilege accorded the
Jews, an encouragement would be given to those of Poland
and Poumania to settle in this country, whereby the native
Christian trader would be driven out of the field, and the
peasantry, by the establishment of public-houses and usury,
utterly demoralised.

Prom Yice-Consul St. John's dispatches, it thus appears that
nearly half the filthy Jewish population of Jassy are vagabond
foreigners, whose increase the Principalities have as much right
to restrain as the Californians and Australians to stem tho flood
of Chinese immigration.

It is certainly singular that persecution seems to add so
enormously to the numbers of the Jewish inundation, for whilst
in 1830 the Principality of Moldavia was only subjected to the
infliction of 10,000 Jews, she was burdened with 200,000 in
1873, which, though Jews breed like rabbits, must have been
chiefly caused by immigration of foreign Jews to enjoy the sweets
of alleged intolerance.

As the Jews "have succeeded in monopolising every trade or
calling by which money can be turned," of course the Christians
should be duly grateful, and quite willing to be their hewers of
wood and drawers of water. The immigration, it will be ob-
served, is stated by Mr. St. John to be from Galicia as well as

l 2

142 ArPENDIX.

Russia, so that the Poles and Austrians do not seem to treat the
Jews in a more brotherly way than the Russians.

The Jews complain bitterly that they are no longer allowed
to demoralize the country by selling spirits, for, of course, the
Gentile only exists to afford food to his parasite the Jew, and I
wonder our Jeroboams, Nadabs, Baashas, Ahabs, Jehorams,
Jehoahazs, Ahazs, Zedekiahs, &c, do not complain that the
English Government some years ago, in contravention of the
principle of free trade, put down the profitable gambling houses,
or "hells," which they established in Albemarle Street, Leicester
Square, &c, where the unwary got any quantity of drugged
champagne gratis.

Mr. St. John, it will be observed, says that during his experi-
ence in Jassy, " not a single case of persecution has come to my
knowledge," which is confirmed by his Austrian colleague, and
he adds, "the marked antipathy existing in this town (Jassy)
towards the Jews arises not so much on account of their religion
as for their persistency in not conforming to civilized habits and
dress, and more particularly from their palpable want of
cleanliness;" and an Englishman, seeing how they pig it, on
visiting their place of worship, called it the Jewish 'swine-
agogue."

In short, the Moldavians must either fraternise with these

human badgers and risk pestilence, or be accused of intolerance .

I come now to the despatch from M. Cogalniceano, Minister

of the Interior of Roumania (Inclosure in No. 284 of Blue Book),

of which the following is an extract : —

" In Roumania the Jews do not only constitute a distinct
religious community, but also, in all the force of the term, a
nationality foreign to the Roumanians, by its origin, language,
manners, and even its sentiments.

"In Roumania the Jews are not what they are in other civilised
countries, that is to say, French in France, English in England,
Italians in Italy, Germans in Germany, differing from the natives
only in religion, and for the rest entirely assimilated to the other
classes of the population, and that long before they had obtained

"THE JEWS THE IMPLACABLE E0ES OF THE CHRISTIANS." 148

the right which they claim in Eoumania before becoming
Roumanians in fact.

" The Government and the nation have then the right and the
duty to interest themselves in the progress of this foreign popu-
lation which lives in the midst of us, and which grows incessantly
by the emigration of the Jews of Galicia and of Podolia, neigh-
bouring provinces of ancient Poland.

" There is no question of religious persecution, for if it was so
the Israelites would meet with obstacles or restrictions in the
exercise of their religion, which is not the case. Their syna-
gogues would not be freely built at the side of Christian churches ;
their religious teaching, the publication of their holy books,
would be equally forbidden.

"If the Rabbinate, if religious instruction, if the establish-
ments of education, and of beneficence, are much less advanced
among the Jews than among the the Christian', that is in conse-
quence of the little initiative and the backward state of culture
of the great majority of the Israelites, especially those beyond
Milcov. For the little progress that the Israelites of Moldavia
have made in these last few years in these branches of religious
and moral improvement, they are indebted to the Roumanian
Government, and permit me to say, to me also, to me especially,
who during the three occasions on which I have had the honour
to be put at the head of the Ministry of the Interior, at the risk
even of compromising myself before my countrymen, and I must
say against the will and the prejudices of the majority of the Israelites,
1 have worked with perseverance to enlighten their young men, and
to assimilate them to the other inhabitants of Roumania. I
will not enlarge further on my labours. I prefer leaving the
accompanying documents, which have been addressed to me by
the most influential Israelites of Jassy and Bucharest — their
names must be known to the Israelite Alliance of Paris.

" By reading these documents the Marquis of La Valette will
be convinced, I think, that even the most enlightened Israelites
complain of the ignorance and the prejudices of the great
majority of their co-religionists, and that that is the most serious

144 APPENDIX.

obstacle which still retard the progress of instruction among
the Israelites,, and consequently their assimilation to the
Roumans.

" His Excellency will see again that whilst the other popula-
tion and communities of the country claim an extension of rights
in the management of their affairs, the most influential Israelites
demand the abolition of the autonomy which has been granted
to them, as a fatal gift, because it makes them the prey of the
ignorance and the prejudices of the multitude.

" In short all these same documents will show to the French
Minister all which in the successive periods of my administra-
tion I have done to enlighten and instruct the Israelites, and
will prove to him consequently that one cannot stigmatise with
the name of barbarians and of persecutors on religious matters
the administration of which I have the honour to form a part,
and myself in particular.

" I have treated the question in a national point of view, and
in passing in a religious point of view ; I will now discuss the
question on its economic side.

" All those who have visited the Principalities, and especially
Moldavia, have been alarmed at the sad aspect, not to use a
stronger term, which the Polish Jews present by whom our
towns are encumbered. Their alarm has only redoubled when by
an examination of the commerce, industry, and means of exist-
ence of this multitude, these travellers have convinced themselves
that the Jews consume without producing ; and that their great,
or rather their only, industry is the trade in drink. The repre-
sentatives of the Powers who live in Jassy have acknowledged
themselves, I am convinced, this terrible scourge which devours
the life of Moldavia. And if it was permitted to me to call as
a witness one of the agents of the European Powers, who, in their
character as Christian Powers, owe also a share of their com-
passion to the Christians of Moldavia, I should only have to
address myself to the Consul of France itself at Jassy.

1 • This is why, not to-day, but for long years, at all times, and
under all governments, all princes, all the statesmen of Roumania,

" THE JEWS THE IMI>LACABLE FOES OF THE CHKISTIANS." 145

all those who take a serious interest in their country, have
occupied themselves with the imperious necessity to prevent
the victimisation of the Eouman people by a foreign people — by
the Jews. ... I am animated by no sentiment of hatred
against the Jews. As far as the laws of the country permit, I
exert myself to enable them to partake the advantages of in-
dustrial liberty, and as a proof here are my ordinances (letter D)
which even in villages grant a temporary domicile to different
categories of Israelitish workmen, such as machinists, distillers,
masons, cabinet makers, tailors, shoemakers. To go further,
contrary to the express laws and the interest of my country,
would be to compromise public security ; for the Eouman popula-
tion, not finding in the Government the protection and the
defence which it has a right to expect, might have recourse to
extreme measures of which the Jewish publicans would be the
first victims. . . . The Israelites enjoy the most absolute
liberty of conscience and religion ; they have obtained many
civil rights ; they can exercise several professions which were
formerly interdicted to them ; they can be professors and doctors,
and as such become State functionaries ; they can also be
druggists and lithographers, which was formerly forbidden to them.
By the communal law, several categories of Jews, and in par-
ticular those who have passed through the schools or the army,
have acquired communal rights. In short, the Israelites enjoy
to-day several constitutional rights. Respect for their domiciles
and their persoD, the right of instruction paid by the State,
liberty of conscience and of meeting, as well as that of the press,
they possess on the same footing as the Eoumans."

In proof of M. Cogalniceano's statements as to his kindness
to the Jews, I quote first, part of a letter of the President of
the Israelite community at Bucharest to M.Cogalniceano, dated 5th
May,1869:—

" The native Israelitish community created, by the establish-
ment of a ' gabelle,' or tax on the sale of meat, funds which
have served for the foundation of primary schools, where 450
boys and 180 girls study the Hebrew, Eoumanian, and German

146 AITENDIX.

languages. Besides religious teaching, the community has aho
founded institutions of beneficence, such as the hospital, which
possesses twenty-eight beds. It has besides distributed to the
poor assistance in money and in kind at regular interval?, or in
difficult circumstances. Things have gone on in this way with
more or less facility until the end of last year, 1868.

" Now, however, after having been constrained to suppress
some of the benevolent institutions, and to cease the distribution
of alms, after having renounced the construction of a school
already projected, the community sees itself reduced on the one
hand to suppress definitively the ' gabelle,' which produces
hardly anything, and, on the other hand, to shut the hospital
and even the schools in consequence of an absolute want of funds.
Some retrograde Israelites, who establish their oxen gabelle, arc the
cause of this deplorable situation ; but as they are only a small num-
ber, and their institutes are very restricted, they put little or
nothing in the shape of taxes on the sale of meat, and cause
consequently a disastrous opposition to the native community,
which organizes and keeps up considerable establishments in the
shape of those of which we have spoken above.

" In presence of this lamentable state of affairs, the undersigned, in

his character as President of the community, entreats you, as Minister,

to be so good as to abolish definitively the autonomy of the commune,

and to place it again under the orders of the Ministry of the Interior.

(Signed),

Adolphe Vaimberg."

I now add the address of the Israelite notables of Jassv to
M. Cogalniceano, Minister of the Interior, dated 29th April,
1869:—

•' Excellency, — Your presence at Jassy awakens in us agreeable
recollections — those of the flourishing state of the Israelite reli-
gious community at the epoch of your administration in 1860 and
1 864. Then our community developed itself rapidly, thanks to the
sincere and energetic support of your excellency, and the
Israelitish youth began to warm itself at the sun of progress and.
civilization.

"THE JEWS THE IMPLACABLE FOES OF THE CHRISTIANS." 147

" Already more than 1,000 young Israelites enjoyed the ad-
vantages of a moral education ; and the study of the language
and the history of Eoumania was followed with zeal and assiduity,
beside the careful study of the Hebrew religion in five primary
Eouman and Israelitish schools, which were founded under
the auspices and by the benevolent protection of your ex-
cellency.

" The Israelitish children began to assimilate by language
and manners to their Eouman brothers of the Christian rite, and
marched rapidly in the path of progress. Already the Israelite
hospital was enlarged ; from day to day the number of beds was
raised to 130 ; the sick Israelites and all Eoumania found there
an asylum ; and the sanitary state of all the country was equally
progressive. The servants of our religion had their future as-
sured, pensions were granted to their widows," &c.

I think it is now clearly proved that M. Cogalniceano was
fully justified in all that he states in his dispatch as to his
equitable and benevolent conduct towards the Jews of
Eoumania.

As another illustration of the barbarous condition of the Jews,
I cite the following sentence from a letter of M. Bratiano, one
of the Ministers of Eoumania, to the Mayor of Jassy, dated
May 24th, 1867 :—

"I yesterday visited the Jewish hospital. It is in a most
deplorable state — want of space and cleanliness, and the crowd-
ing of the patients to the extent of putting two in a bed ;
infection, and, in short, a state of things endangering the public
health of the town of Jassy. I therefore require you, Mr.
Mayor, to take urgent measures to remedy these evils, and to
see that the sick are placed in spacious and well- ventilated rooms,
sufficient for their number, and also that the necessary care be
taken to avoid the spreading of epidemic diseases."

Perhaps, however, to enforce sanitary regulations on the Jews
is considered by them to be persecution, just as a bath is con-
sidered a severe punishment by a casual pauper in a workhouse.
That the Jews are really subjected to much worse persecutions

148 APPENDIX.

by their dear masters, the Mahometans, than those from which
they pretend they suffer at the hands of the Christians, appears
from (Inclosure in No. 90) the following portion of a letter from
M. Manuel to Sir F. Gold smid, dated Universal Israelite
Alliance, Paris, August 19th, 1867 : —

" Sir, — The acts of violence committed against the Israelites
of Zliten, in the Hegency of Tripoli, as to which your attention
has doubtless been directed, have given occasion for an inquiry,
commenced in pursuance of instructions which the Consuls-
General of France and England have received from their Govern-
ments. This inquiry, the results of which are perhaps known
to you, terminates with the conclusion, which the consuls have
agreed to, to demand from the local government the following
redress : —

" 1. The punishment of the Cadi of Zliten and his assessors,
who have excited the fanaticism of the Mussulmans against the
Israelites.

" 2. Punishment of the guilty as soon as they shall have been
discovered.

" 3. Eeconstruction of the Israelite Synagogue, at the expense
of the district of Zliten.

" 4. Indemnity for the Bibles destroyed.

"5. Protection of the Israelite cemetery against the inter-
ference of the Mussulmans.

" G. Setting apart a special guard for the defence of the
Israelites.

4 ' The Turkish Government has done us the honour to com-
municate to us the dispatch by which it demands itself the
punishment of the guilty and the restoration of the damage
caused to the Israelites, in order to prevent by these measures
the repetition of such acts of fanaticism. But the Pasha of Tri-
poli does not seem so well disposed to our co-religionists, and
these cannot regain safety if the offences of which they have
been victims remain unpunished.

" We hear from Tetuan, in Morocco, that a pasha has arrived
with 500 men to protect the town from the brigands. But this

" THE JEWS THE IMPLACABLE TOES OF THE CHTUSTIANS." 149

pasha seems very ill-disposed towards the Israelites. He for-
bade them passing through a gate of the town which leads to a
cemetery visited daily by men and women. This gate has been
open to the Israelites since the occupation of the country by the
Spaniards. Besides, Israelitish men and women who have been
struck in the by-ways of the town by Moors have in vain com-
plained to the pasha to obtain redress for these acts of violence.
It would appear as if this pasha wishes to accomplish the revival
of a fanaticism which has been dormant for years, thanks to the
protection given to the Israelites by the i epresentatives of the
European Governments." The Jewish and other Turcomaniac
enemies of the cause of the Christians of Turkey do not even
allege such severe persecution as M. Manuel describes, on the
part of either the Roumanians or Servians.

M. Matitsch, another of the Serbian Ministers, says of the
Jews, "The Israelites of Servia, persisting in their ancient
tradition, continue unfortunately to cause the rest of the popula-
tion to feel strongly that, far from wishing to assimilate them-
selves to it, they only seek to isolate themselves, morally and
materially.

"It is thus that, in the da-ys of trial of a nation, they have
hastened to abandon their country, only to return when the
danger had disappeared. Latterly, again, on the occasion of
the bombardment of Belgrade, they have given proof of the
same disposition, notwithstanding that the origin of this deplor-
able conflict must be attributed to the care which the Servian
authorities took to cause the inviolability of the domicile of an
Israelite, his lodger, to be respected by his Mussulman landlord.

" The Israelites hasten to leave the country as soon as they have
amassed some fortune. There are some even who, having
quitted Belgrade before the bombardment of 1862, and fixed
their domicile in a neighbouring foreign town, persist still in
residing abroad, whilst passing every day at Belgrade to look
after their commercial and other affairs.

" Their excessive aversion to military service, to which all Ser-
vian citizens are bound, wounds the sentiment of their country-

150 APPENDIX.

men. It is disagreeable to them to send their children to the
State schools to such an extent that these establishments are only
frequented by Eome few scholars of their persuasion, and one
often meets amongst them individuals who, though born in the
country, do not know its language. Their distrust towards their
fellow-citizens is such that, on the occasion of the last epidemic
of cholera at Belgrade, they would not send their native sick to
the great hospital ; and the Government was obliged to establish
for them a special hospital, served by two doctors of their reli-
gion, and paid by the State. These essentially exclusive tenden-
cies of the Israelite population in Servia — this isolation in which
it is their pleasure to shut themselves up — is not of a nature to
favour the weakening of the restrictions of which it is the object.
nor to facilitate to the Government the realisation of the liberal
intentions by which it is animated towards it."

I will now quote the following extract from the Moniteur
Roumain of September 2nd, 1869 : —

" The Minister of the Interior has addressed the following
note, dated 16th August, to the Prefect of Belgrad.

"Prefect, — Our country during the last few years is hlled
with vagabonds. Finding no place in our towns, they have
begun to spread themselves in our villages ; and in several locali-
ties, principally beyond Milcov, they have become a veritable
scourge for our population. The evil increases from day to
day. It is the duty of the Administration to have recourse to
the most energetic measures to put an end to it as quickly as
possible,

"No country in the world can force Eoumania to become or
to continue the asylum of vagabonds flying or driven from
neighbouring countries. Every commune, as well as the State
itself, has the right and the duty to repel from its bosom men
who are not born on its territory, people without occupation, in
a word, those who do not offer society the necessary guarantees
of honest labour and usefulness to the other inhabitants.

"Here, however, a difficulty presents itself. The commune
and the State may repel such vagabonds, but the country from

"the jews the implacable foes of the christians." 151

■which, they come refuses in many cases to let them repass the
frontier. That being so, we must seek for a means of avoiding
this evil. "We must continue in some way to constrain to a use-
ful labour those whom we cannot drive from our country unless
they can themselves find means to quit it. One of these means
would be, in my opinion, the establishment of agricultural
colonies. . . ."

The Prince of Eoumania stated to Consul Green that he had
received a telegram from M. Ion Bratiano, stating that the
reported persecution of the Jews was quite false ; that hygienic
measures had been taken to prevent a new outbreak of cholera ;
and that police regulations had been applied to the foreign
vagabonds investing the country ; but that these measures had
been carried out with even more care than had been the case at
Bucharest. With respect to the necessity for steps being taken
in the interest of the public health in the Jewish quarters of
Jassy, his Highness observed that he could himself bear witness,
as he had seen single rooms in which ton families were living in
a state of filth of which it was impossible to form an idea from
any description.

M. Golesco, after complaining to Consul Green of the vagrancy
of the Jews, attributing the evil to their having Austrian pass-
ports— although, as he observed to him, passports were not
required in Eoumania — said that the greatest evil the Jews had
to complain of was the tyranny of their own elders, who subject
them to heavy taxation ; and that the Government was about
taking measures, as it was its duty to do, to put a stop to these
abuseg. Mr. Green could not help thinking, while M. Golesco
was speaking in this sense, of the well-grounded fears of
M. Halfon, and no doubt of all the upper classes of Jews, that
the Government would invent some means of insuring their
docility. It would not be difficult to obtain by intimidation the
signatures of any amount of poor Jews accusing their richer
brethren of oppression and fraud.

M. Boeresco stated to the same Consul, ''Son Excellence
M. le Ministre est aussi tres-mal informe quand il croit que les

152 APPENDIX.

Juifs n'ont pas chez nous le droit de fabriquer des spiritueux, do
tenir des cabarets ou de vendre des liqueurs.

"lis exercent tous ces droits. Le fait est facile a constater.
Leurs fabriqueurs de spiritueux sont nombreuses daus le pays, et
meme aux environs de la capitale. II en est de meme des caba-
rets, qu'ils ont dans toutes les villes.

"Ce qui leur a etc defendu, par une recente loi sur
les spiritueux, e'est le droit de tenir cabaret et de vendre
des liqueurs dans les communes rurales et sur les grandes
routes.

"Mais cette disposition, que n'est du reste que le renouvelle-
ment d'une ancienne coutume, est une simple mesure d'hygiene
et de police rurale. Ce n'est pas chez nous, les premiers, qu'elle
a etc prescrite ; nous avons imite en cela, comme en bien d'autres
cboses, des nations bien plus civilisees et plus experimentees que
nous. Une pareille disposition, et dans des term.es encore plus
restrictifs, a existe en Prusse, dans le Wurtemburg, dans le
Grand-Duche de Bade jusqu'en l'annce 1869. Des dispositions
restrictives dans les meme sens existent encore aujourd'hui en
Eussie."

I conclude my quotations with the following dispatch from
Vice-Consul St. John : —

Bucharest, August 21, 1872.

My Lord, — In a conversation which I had some months ago
with Mr. Peixotto, the American Consul-Greneral, on the subject
of the Jews in this country, and the evils occasioned by their
overwhelming numbers, I suggested to him that, as he had their
welfare so much at heart, he should propose some scheme for
their emigration to the United States. It occurred to me that,
if the Jews of this country possessed all those habits of industry,
thriftiness, and order, which he never ceases to attribute to
them, they would doubtless prove a useful community in
America, and would at the same time be rescued from that
persecution at the hands of the Christians which he so per-
sistently makes it his business to proclaim to the world.

"the jews tiie implacable foes of the christians." 153

Mr. Peixotto, at the time, expressed no opinion, but from
what has now taken place it is evident that he has considered
and adopted the idea, as, in a recent report by the Eoumanian
Minister for Foreign Affairs to the Council of Ministers, a
letter is stated to have been received from the American Consul-
General inquiring what assistance would be offered here were
such a scheme set on foot.

In their report to Prince Charles the Council of Ministers
recommended to his Highness that the proposal should be
brought before the Assembly on its meeting, and that free pass-
ports should be supplied to poor Jews who may desire to
emigrate.

It is, however, doubted by those most competent to judge
whether many Jews would avail themselves of the opportunity
to emigrate even should the joint action of the Government here
and of benevolent societies in America and elsewhere enable
them to do so.

Should the facility for emigration offered by such a scheme
be insufficient to induce the Jewish population to avail them-
selves of the opportunity, it would go far to refute the accusa-
tions brought by Mr. Peixotto against the authorities in this
country.

I have, &c.

(Signed) C. L. St. John.

I have now sufficiently proved that though there may have
been rare and insignificant acts of persecution performed by
the Eoumanians and Servians on the Jews, these have been
usually occasioned by their own misconduct, the filthiness
of their persons and dwellings, their unsatiable avarice
and usury, and the demoralization caused by their selling
intoxicating liquors contrary to law ; and it appears that, so to
speak, a box on the ears received by a Jew from a Servian or
Eoumanian Christian is less endurable than being knocked down
and stunned by his dear friends the Mussulmans at Tripoli and
Morocco.

1.54 appendix.

In one respect, however, they have scrupulously observed a
line of conduct which is warmly approved by Christ, for every
stranger who has had recourse to them invariably exclaims,
4t I was a stranger, and ye took me in."

Ol'IXIONS Oi' TRAVSLLSRS OX TURKS if. 1 "> >

OPINIONS ON TURKEY BY TRAVELLERS OF
VARIOUS NATIONALITIES.

M. DE Lamartine says : —

"The Turks, by the inherent and irreclaimable viciousness of their adminis-
tration and of their habits, are incapable of governing their present territory
in Europe and Asia, or either of them. They have depopulated the countries
■which owned their sway, and have destroyed themselves by the slow suicide of
their government." — Travels in the East, p. 752.

" The Ottoman empire is no empire at all ; it is a misshapen agglomeration
of different races without cohesion between them, with mingled interests, with-
out a language, without laws, without religion, without unity or stability of
power. You see the breath of life which animated it— namely, religious
fanaticism — is extinct. You see that its fatal and blinded administration has
devoured the race of conquerors ; and that Turkey is perishing for want of
Turks."

Mr. J. L. Stephens, the American traveller, who was in that,
region in 1835, describes the city of Constantinople in these
words : — ■

"We float around the walls of the seraglio, enter the Golden Horn, and
before us, with its thousand mosques, and its myriad of minarets, their golden
points glittering in the sun, is the Roman city of Constantinople, the Thracian
Byzantium, the Stamboul of the Turks ; the city which more than all others
excites the imagination and interests the feelings ; once dividing with Rome the
empire of the world; built by a Christian Emperor, and consecrated as a
Christian city; ' a burning and a shining light ' in a season of universal dark-
ness, all at once lest to the civilized world, falling into the bands of a strange
and fanatical people, the gloomy followers of a successful soldier ; a city which
for nearly four centuries has sat with its gates closed in sullen distrust and
haughty defiance of strangers, which once sent forth large and terrible armies,
burning, slaying, and destroying, shaking the hearts of princes and people—

M

156 APPENDIX.

now lying, like a sullen giant, huge, unwieldy, and helpless, ready to fall into tlu>
hands of the first invader, and dragging out a precarious and ignoble existence,
but by the mercy or policy of the great Christian powers." — Incidents of Travels
in Turkey, p. 54.

We will take next the opinion of Mr. Eliot Warburton, as able
and accomplished a man as ever visited the East : —

" Sultan Mahmoud was one of the five great men who have heen the
instruments of signalising our age. He ventured on the glorious attempt
which few have survived, and none have ever lived to see accomplished — that
of regenerating a corrupt people. The attempt failed utterly, as regarded ttu
creation of new powers and capacities : the old were destroyed, but there was no
reproductive principle in the Turkish character. . . . They are a gallant
people, yet, those Osmanlis ; and, though they feel that their empire is drawing
to a close, and are prepared for the fulfilment of one of those strange old
prophecies, like that which prepared the Ynca3 for the subjugation of their
country, they will doubtless die fearlessly in defence of those walls so fearlessly
won by their fierce ancestors." — Crescent and the Cross, p. 390.

Mr. Walsh says : —

" There is more of human life wasted and less supplied (in Turkey) than in

any other country We sec every day life going out in the fairest

portion of Europe, and the human race threatened ivith extinction in a soil and
climate capable of supporting the most abundant population." — Kings of the East*
pp. 2—11.

Under this head, we give the opinion of Mr. Thackeray : —

" The Government of the Ottoman Porte seems to be as rotten, as wrinkled,
and as feeble as the old eunuch I saw crawling about it in the sun." — Xotcs of
a Journey from Cornhill to Grand Cairo.

Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe, in a speech delivered at a banquet given to him
at Constantinople in 1852, deplores "the corruption which eats into the very
foundations of society, and a combination of force, fraud, and intrigue which
obstruct the march of progress, and poison the very atmosphere in -which they
prevail."

M. Guizot says : —

" Christian Europe has reason to desire that no private ambition may hasten
the downfall of those dilapidated Mussulman states that are languishing and
falling into ruin at her gates. . . . Providence, however, has issued visible
decrees, and we have a right to be pre-conscious of these, and to hold ourselves

OPINIONS OF TRAVELLERS ON TURKEY. 157

in readiness to acknowledge them. The Turks will go out of Europe. The
Christian faith and Christian civilisation will not give up their expansive energy.
. . . . It is an act of prudence as well as of moral sense for all Christian
states to pay great regard to this in their policy, and not to place themselves
in direct and permanent conflict with facts which will infallibly one day come
to pass, and which, when they do come to pass, will be a triumph for humanity."
— Guizot's "Life of Peel," p. 152.

M. de Tocqueville, writing to Mr. Senior, says : —

" What say you of our friends the Turks ? Was'it worth while to spend
so much money and to shed so much blood in order to retain in Europe savages
who are ill-disguised as civilised men ? " — Life, vol. ii., p. 414.

Mr. Spencer says : —

" A welcome sight to the traveller, in these provinces, who may travel from
tea to sea, from the Danube to Constantinople, without beholding the slightest mark
of improvement either in the as})ect of the country or the industry of the inhabi-
tants. About ten years ago, I traversed nearly the same route from Con-
stantinople to the Danube. The country was without road?, as it is now, and
several of the bridges that then existed have been carried away by the flood, or
fallen from decay, without either the inhabitants or the Government attempting
to replace them. . . . It is not alone the absence of any change for the
better that so forcibly arrests the attention of the traveller, as the deep settled
gloom that characterises country, town, village, people, wherever the Osmanli
rules." — Vol. ii., pp. 361 — 2.

Mr. Crowe says : —

"This Asia Minor is, indeed, the greatest disgrace of the Turk, the chief
accusation that raises itself against the Ottoman, It is a land capable of the
greatest fertility and production, traversed by numbers of rivers — a blessing so
rare in so southern a clime. It abounds in ports and minerals. It commands
two seas, lies between north, aud south, and west, and offers itself as the great
channel of communication between the different parts of the globe. There is
no country in the world with so many of the elements and capabilities of pros-
perity. Yet for centuries it has been a desert, a land of oppressors and poverty,
spoliation and torture, the very charnel-house of the human kind, counting ten
millions of Turks, who can neither thrive nor live industrious themselves, nor
allow others to do so. Talk of Turkey in Europe, and of the state of the
Christian rayahs under the Turks — they are ten times more happy, and the
country some hundred times more prosperous and rich, with the small element
of a Christian population, even oppressed by the Turks, than can be found in

the land which the Turks may be said to have all to themselves "

The Greek and the Turk, pp. 175, 176.

M 2

158 APPENDIX.

No loss explicit is the language of Mr. Bayle St. John, also a
traveller in Turkey, in his work entitled, " The Turks in Europe."

" We have but to east a glance over the vast provinces which stretch from
the banks of the Danube to the limits of constitutional Greece, to see the
natural results of the system I have described, carried on by a people so brut al
and barbarous as the Turks. These provinces do not contain one quarter of the
population they are capable of supporting, and, unlike other countries, the plains
are almost desert, whilst the mountains and a few large cities contain the chief
part of the inhabitants. Wherever there is a centre of Turkish authority
established, a wilderness is at once created around. The greater proportion of
the Bulgarian population is dispersed in villages far from the high roads, and
wholesome terror, as I have hinted in a previous chapter, is from time to time
struck into them by invasions of armed tax-gatherers. Nothing can be more
melancholy than a journey southward from the Danube towards Constantinople.
The Bulgarians are naturally a mild and good people, but, as is well known,
thoy have more than once been goaded by excessive oppression into rebellion.

. . . If we traverse the Balkan range, and enter upon the vast plains of
Thrace, the deserts become naturally more dismal than ever. We are approach-
ing the capital. Adrian ople is surrounded by vast expanses covered with
cemeteries, and the whole country between the city and Constantinople seem3
as if it had been just visited by a pestilence. It consists of a vast undulating
plain, entirely denuded of trees, and cut up by numerous streams of water,
which were once bordered by flourishing towns and fields. Now and then a
miserable hamlet occurs ; but there are places in which during twelve hours of
hard marching there is not a house visible, not a tree, not a shrub." — P. 154.

We will next produce a French witness, M. Blanqui, who was
sent by Louis Philippe on a mission to Bulgaria and Constanti-
nople in 1841, and who published his observations in 1845, in a
work entitled " Voyage en Bulgarie " : —

" From Adrianople to Constantinople is a distance of about fifty leagues.
The vast space between the two cities is entirely destitute of trees, and presents
the aspect of a long, wide, undulating plain, traversed by more than thirty
watercourses

" There is something more tristful in the unparalleled journey between these
two capital cities. This is the countless number of cemeteries one finds in
places where every sign of human habitation has disappeared. What signify
these cemeteries ? When were they formed ? Why do they exist in their
entirety, while one cannot find the slightest trace of the towns and villages
which stocked them with so many dead ? . . .

"But there are things even more sad than these cemeteries without villages

0FIXI0XS OF TRAVELLERS OX TURKEY. 159

— I mean villages without inhabitants. I saw a good many such between
Adrianople and Constantinople : the houses were open to wind and rain, the
roofs had fallen in, the domestic hearth was empty. Lizards, rats, screech-owls,
bats, had taken the place of human beings, destroyed by plague or by poverty,
or dispersed by emigration ; and these villages were surrounded by fertile lands,
and everywhere flowed rivulets and brooks, and the sky overhead was pure and
serene ; and if, now and then, a tree existed near a fountain, it was so grand
and so beautiful, that fifty men on horseback might shelter themselves in its
shades. What then, has transformed these fertile countries of Thrace into
desolated steppes ? What but Mussulman barbarity ? The mosque alone stands
erect in the midst of the ruin which it has caused. The only living creatures we
saw were birds of prey. .

a The desert extends to the very ramparts of Constantinople. As we
approached the capital we expected to find some sign of road-making ; there
was none. The Turks have everything to begin."

The Earl of Carlisle visited Turkey just before the Crimean
war, and his verdict as to the condition of the country is summed
up in the following emphatic words : —

" "When you leave the partial splendours of the capital and the great State
establishments, what is it you find over this broad surface of a land which nature
and climate have favoured beyond all others, once the home of all art and all
civilisation? Look yourself; ask -those who live there; deserted vilhges,
uncultivated plains, banditti-haunted mountains, torpid laws, a corrupied
administration, a disappearing people." — Diary in Turkish and Greek Waters,
p. 184.

Mr. Spencer says : —

" With every desire to amend the condition of the rayah, the evil still remains
— religious prejudice and caste — to frustrate the intentions of the most just and
equitable Government, and must cantinue, so long as the laws are administered
by a fanatic, ignorant Mussulman. The traveller is daily reminded of this in
his intercourse with Turk and rayah — in the one he sees an overbearing
ignorance, and in the other a humiliating degradation. In obedience to the old
Muhometan laws, a rayah is restricted from using certain colours when he
paints his house or decorates his person. He is not permitted to enter a town
on horseback, if it is the residence of a Turkish dignitary. Should he meet with
one during his route, he must descend till he passes, or escape by another
direction. The meanest Turk holds the power to send him on an errand, or make
him carry a package. If struck by one he dares not resent the injury; and
should he by chance meet a Turkish lidy, he is not allowed to look at her,
since it is possible he may blight her good fortune with the evil eye. It is true

1 60 APPENDIX.

the higher class of rayahs, such as merchants and traders, inhabitants of towns,
aware of their newly-acquired rights, do not humiliate themselves in the pre-
sence of a Mussulman ; but the poor rayah of the village and tho commune,
ignorant of the privileges which have been accorded to him, still obeys, and,
like a good Christian, if he is struck on the right cheek turns the left ; and
should he be sufficiently daring to assert his rights and refuse the homage
required by the privileged class, the whip of the oppressor quickly reminds
him that his emancipation is nominal so long as the Turk remains in authority."
— Spencer, i. 244.

Mr. Crowe says : —

" Very little experience will suffice to show the traveller the immense difficul-
ties in the way of the most liberal Turkish minister to elevate the Christian to
anything like even fair tolerance. Row up the Golden Horn to visit the old
Christian quarter of the Fanar. Tou will find oppression and forced humiliation
stamped upon every house. Even that of the Patriarch, so powerful and so
much talked of, is a dingy, diminutive prison, built of stone, indeed, for
security, but craving pardon, by its air and its architecture of meanness, for
daring to use so costly a material. The little church — the only church of the
Christian within its walls — is equally begrimed, equally humble. The very
population walk with a bowed expression ; and this feeling of self-degradation,
of which the European cannot divest himself in any part of Constantinople,
becomes in the Fanar so painful that one is obliged to rush out of it. In
doing so, and emerging from the gates, you enter, unawares perhaps, tho
Turkish suburb of Eyoub, famous for the mosque in which all the descendants
of Mahomet gird them with the sword. If you dare approach that mosque, you
will be stoned. You must sneak through the bye-lanes around, and steal a
furtive peep. Curiosity more indiscreet might cost you your life." — The Greek
and the Turk, pp. 183—9.

The Eev. Horatio Southgate thus describes what he himself
witnessed in the streets of Constantinople long after the pre-
tended " Eeform " had commenced : —

" On the morning of the Paschal, after the public prayer was ended, it
belonged to the soldiers to carry back the mats which had served them in their
devotions, to the place whence they were taken. Instead, however, of per-
forming the labour themselves, they dispersed through the crowds, and singling
Out the rayahs who happened to be there, compelled them to take the mats upon
their shoulders and bear them. I saw one Armenian seized. He was a young
man of respectable appearance, and refused when arrested to perform the
scandalous task. Immediately some twenty soldiers set upon him, and
attempted to beat him into submission. He resisted manfully for a few

OPINIONS OF TRAVELLERS ON TURKEY. 161

minutes, while they, standing in a circle round him, kicked him from side to
side, like a football. He offered to hire a porter to carry the burden, but they
persisted in imposing the contumely upon him, and he walked away under his
burden, sobbing with shame and vexation. We know that the insult was forced
upon him because he was a Christian. I witnessed other scenes ®f a similar
kind during the following days of the festival. They filled me with the deepest
indignation, but the oppression of r ayahs became afterwards so familiar a sight to
me, that the first effects gradually ceased. It is only now, when looking back on
those scenes from the favoured home of Christianity, that I feel a return of the
first glow of indignation, and mourn, as I then sincerely mourned, over the
desolate heritage of Zion in the land where she held her earliest and broadest
sway." — Travels in Turkey and Persia, by Rev. Horatio Southgate, vol. i., pp.
113, 114.

The Author of " Eothen " observed the same thing of Damascus.

" Until about a year or two years before the time of my going there,
Damascus had kept up so much of the old bigot zieal against Christians, or
rather against Europeans, that m one dressed as a Frank could have dared to
show himself in the streets ; but the firmness and temper of Mr. Fan-en, who
hoisted his flag in the city as Consul-General for the district, had soon put an
end to all intolerance of Englishmen. ... In the principal streets there
is a path for foot-passengers raised a foot or two above the bridle-road. Until
the arrival of the British Consul-General, none but a Mussulman had been
allowed to walk upon the upper way. Mr. Farren would not, of course, suffer
that the humiliation of any such exclusion should be submitted to by an
Englishman, and I always walked on the raised path as free and unmolested as
if I had been in Pall Mall. The old usage was, however, maintained with as
much strictness as ever against the Christian rayahs and Jews. Not one of
these could have set his foot on the privileged path without endangering his
life. I was walking one day, I remember, along the raised path, ' the path of
the faithful,' when a Christian rayah from the bridle-road below saluted me
with such earnestness, and craved so anxiously to speak and be spoken to, that
he soon brought me to a halt. He had nothing to tell except only the glory
and exaltation with which he saw a fellow-Christian stand level with the
imperious Mussulmans. . . . His lips only whispered, and tremulously,
but his flashing eyes spoke out their triumph more fiercely : ' I, too, am a
Christian; my foes are the foes of the English. We are all one people, and
Christ is our King.' " — Eothen, p. 238.

Dr. Aiton says : —

" In the large cities, such as Smyrna and Constantinople, the Christians
enjoy a certain amount of protection from the surveillance which is usually
exercised over them ; but in the main streets of these cities fifty times have the

162 AITEXD1X.

Mussulmans spit at us, merely because tec were Kazarenes ; and in Palestine aru3
other remote provinces we enjoyed the distinction of being stoned and hooted
by a rabble of Mahometans at our jheels, merely because we were ' Haji,' i.e.,
pilgrims." — The Drying up of the Euphrates, p. 64.

Similar is Miss Martineau's records of her own experience : —

"At Nablous the bigotry of^the people is so great that till of late years no
Christian was permitted to set foot within the gates. Ibrahim Pasha punished
the place severely, and ma de the people so desperately afraid of him that they
observed his commands pretty^much as if he had power in Syria still. One of
his commands was, that Christians should not be ill-treated ; so we entered
Nablous, and rode through it^to our encampment on the other side. During
our passage I had three slaps in the face from millet-stalks and other things
thrown at me ; and whichever way we looked the people were grinning, thrusting
out their tongues, and pretending to spit." — Eastern Life, Present and Past,
p. 529.

"It was near Lizan," says Mr. Layard, "that occurred one of the most
terrible incidents of the massacre, and an active mountaineer offering to lead
me to the spot, I followed him up the mountain. Emerging from the gardens,
we found ourselves at the foot of an almost perpendicular detritus of loose
stones, terminated, about one thousand feet above us, by a wall of lofty rocks.
Up this ascent we toiled for above an hour, sometimes clinging to small shrubs,
whose roots scarcely reached the scanty soil below, at others crawling on our
hands and knees ; crossing the gullies to secure a footing, or carried down by
the stones which we put in motion as we advanced. We soon saw evidences of
the slaughter. At first a solitary skull rolling down with the rubbish ; then
heaps of blanched bones, further up fragments of rotten garmenis. As ws
advanced, these remains became more frequent — skeletons, almost entire, still hung
io the dwarf shrubs. I was soon compelled to renounce an attempt to count them.
As we approached the wall of rock, the declivity became covered with bones, mingled
with the long plaited tresses of the women, shreds of discoloured linen and well-
worn shoes. There were skulls of all ages, from the child unborn to the toothless
old man. "We could not avoid treading on the bones, as we advanced, and rolling
them with the loose stones into the valley below. ' This is nothing,' exclaimed
my guide, who observed me gazing with wonder on these miserable heaps ;
' they are but the remains of those who were thrown from above, or sought to
escape the sword by jumping from the rocks.' " — Researches in Nineveh, vol. i.

Well, Mr. Layard paid a second'visit to the same region, and
this is the description he gives of how the persecuted Nestorians
fared under the shadow' of their Turkish protectors : —

" Their church was in ruins — around were the charred remains of the burnt

OPINIONS OF TEAVELLEES ON TUEKEY. 163

cottages, and the neglected orchards overgrown with weeds. Ahody of Turkish
troops had lately visited the village, and had destroyed the little that had heen
restored since the Kurdish invasions. The same taxes had been collected three
times — and even four times over. The relations of those who had run away to
escape from these exactions had been compelled to pay for the fugitive?. The chief
had been thrown, with his arms tied behind his bad:, on a lieap of burning straw,
and compelled to disclose where a little money that had been saved by the villagers
had been buried. The priest had been torn from the altar, and beaten before his
congregation. Men shoived me the marks of torture on their body, and of iron
fetters round their limbs. For the sake of wringing a few piastres from this
poverty-stricken people, all these deeds of violence had been committed by oMccrs
sent by the Porte to protect the Christian subjects of the Sultan, whom they pre-
tended to have released from the misrule of the Kurdish chiefs."

Take another passage from the same work : —

" The Nestorian community had greater wrongs to complain of than their
Patriarch. The Turkish Government, so far from fulElling the pledges given
to the British Embassy, had sent officers to the mountains, who had grievously
ill-treated and oppressed the Christian inhabitants. The taxes which the
Porte had promised to remit for three years, in consideration of the losses sus-
tained by the unfortunate Nestorians during the massacres, had not been, it is
true, levied for that time, but had now been collected altogether, whole districts
being thus reduced to the greatest misery and want. Every manner of cruelty
and torture had been used to compel ibe suffering Christiana to yield up the
little property they had concealed from the rapacity of the Turkish authorities.
The pasture and arable lands around their villages had been taken away from
them and given to their Kurdish tyrants."

Mr. Crowe says again : —

"The question that naturally arises here is, What becomes of the female
progeny of the poor in Constantinople ? To this one is sorry to have to reply
that the very poor in Constantinople have no progeny, because they can have
no women. "We know not exactly the number of females in the Turkish capital,
which makes up a population of seven or eight hundred thousand ; but the
number, whatever it is, is very* unfairly and unnaturally divided ; for, whilst
the harem of the rich teems with women, there are none in the lowest classes
of the population, and but few even in the class above it. A wife is expensive
in any country, but in Turkey more than anywhere else, inasmuch as a Turkish
wife is not fit for or capable of labour of any kind. She could not sweep a
room ; Bhe durst not go to market. She must have a slave to perform those
menial offices. And there is besides the expense of decorating, covering, and
immuring a wife — another necessity of Mahometanism. No labouiing man,
then — not even an artisan — can afford a wife. What is the consequence ?

164 APPENDIX.

Concubinage ? But there are no women. I will not pursue this subject into
any more of its horrid developments, further than to observe that the lower
orders of a Turkish city do not reproduce their kind — tbey die out on dung-
hills."— The Greek and the Turk, pp. 208, 209.

Mr. McCulloch says :—

" Such is the Government which the great powers of Christendom, including,
we are sorry to say, England, profess themselves desirous to maintain in all ita
integrity ! We hardly, however, ' think that it is destined to a much longer
endurance ; and, happily, into whatever hands it may fall, there cannot he so
much as the shadow of a doubt that the overthrow of the Turkish Government
and power will be productive of the greatest possible advantage to the interests
of humanity." — Geographical Dictionary.

Consul Saunders, under date of Prevesa, April 13th, 1853,
writes : —

" The rural population, oppressed by fiscal exactions, and subjected to intoler-
able acts of violence and injustice, cannot be expected to entertain any but
the most rancorous feelings towards their persecutors. The inhabitants of the
greater part of these villages being, moreover, exclusively Christians, and
seeing no other prospect of relief open to them, are continually thronging the
foreign Consulates with a view to seek some friendly intervention." — Part i.,
p. 37S.

Vice-Consul Baratti writes, Scutari, June 1st, 1853 : —

" All the desperate characters have raised their heads again, and acts of
rapine and robbery are very frequent at the expense of the Christian. Omar
Pasha, the Governor of this province, is a Mussulman, and sees with perfect
indifference all these excesses. The Christians, who are exposed to the vengeance
of their enemies, live in a continual state of alarm." — P. 379.

Consul Neale writes, Tumour, June 28th, 1853 : —

That "the Christian population of Bulgaria are opposed to any foreign
occupation," and that, " were it not for the recurrence of these wanton and
cold-blooded murders, and the consequent total insecurity of life, the Bul-
garians would ask for arms to resist an invasion of the country.''— P. 381.

Here are some further extracts from the letters of Consul

Saunders, March, 1854 : —

" Among other cases brought forward was one where a mother had her son
and daughter bound before her eyes and menaced with frightful tortures, boil-
ing oil being prepared to pour upon them for this purpose, unless a large sum
of money, which the family was supposed to possess, were immediately con-

OPINIONS OF TRAVELLERS ON TURKEY. 165

signed ; while the unfortunate mother, producing every species of valuable
which she could collect, was with difficulty enabled to satisfy the rapacity of
these ruffians, who eventually decamped with a large booty. It should be
observed that the parties concerned in the outrages are mostly wealthy Mussul-
man proprietors, who scruple not to commit every species of atrocity on such
occasions." — P. 127.

"From the details so obtained, I learn that the town of Paramithia, and a
considerable number of Christian villages of that and the adjacent districts,
have been plundered, and in many instances burnt to the ground, by the
Mussulman Albanians, under the command of certain chiefs, whose names are
known ; that churches and monasteries have been pillaged and laid waste ;
women and children carried away captive ; a vast amount of cattle and other
property conveyed to distant parts ; and many individuals, particularly old
men, helpless infants, and females, tortured and slain in a manner too brutal to
describe." — P. 152.

Here is a description, by an eye-witness, of the way in which
the Turks treated our poor wounded soldiers, who had been
shedding their blood to maintain the independence and integrity
of the Ottoman empire. It is from a little book entitled " Ex-
periences of an English Sister of Mercy," published in 1863 : —

"Having access to windows commanding two wharves, we often saw the
sick and wounded from Balaclava brought on shore. This was indeed a piteous
spectacle — a long file of stretchers, each with a gaunt soldier, clothed in his
tattered grey coat, lying helpless (and very often senseless) upon it, being
borne by noisy, careless Turks, who really appeared to resort to little expe-
dients in order to increase the sufferings of the soldier, such as placing the
taller of the four bearers at the feet rather than the head ; when about to rest,
allowing the framework to fall with a jerk ; or lifting it up unevenly, and thus
rolling off the bleeding burden. On one occasion a wounded man was brought
in, and two of the bearers had rested their poles on the ground while the other
two still retained theirs, thus causing the patient to lie on his head and shoulders.
On releasing him we found that he had fainted : a few moments longer
would probably have placed him beyond recovery. On another occasion the
Turkish bearers, while jesting among themselves, threw a sick man off the
stretcher, cutting his face, and giving him a severe shock. "When able to speak,
his first words were, ' Those frightful men have murdered me.' He did not
live long after, though the fall would not have killed a man in health."

Dr. Sandwith, in his volume entitled " Siege of Kars " after
referring to a firman published in 1854, promising legal equality
before the courts to the Christians, says : —

" Since then I have been nearly two years in the provinces, both in

166 APPENDIX.

European and Asiatic Turkey, and have seen Christians frequently wronged,
but have never heard of their evidence being taken. Each pasha, when
questioned concerning this firman, declares he knows nothing of it; no firman of
the kind has ever been officially communicated to him. He must act according
to his instructions ; he cannot take cognisance of firmans conveyed through
European consuls." — Pp. 165 — 7.

As an example of the way in which the feelings of the Sultan's
Christian subjects were rudely trampled on by Mussulman
intolerance, he gives the following faithful translation of a teskere,
or permit of burial, given by the Cadi of Mardin in the spring
of 1855, to a Christian applying for it. He has given and does
give, adds Dr. Sandwith, scores of the like kind to all the Giaours
in his jurisdiction.

" We certify to the priests of the Church of Mary, that the impure, putrefied,
stinking carcase of Saideh, damned this day, may be concealed under ground.
"A.H. 1271.— Rejib. (Sealed)

" (March 29th, 1855.) El Said Mehurred Faizi."

'"What impression does the East produce on you?' said one gentleman
to me.

" ' I have had time,' I said, 'only 1o look at the exterior. I see a capital,
the streets of which are impassable to wheels, and scarcely to be traversed on
foot ; I see a country without a road ; I see a palace of the Sultan's on every
promontory of the Bosphorus ; I see vast tracts of unoccupied land, and more
dogs than human beings; these appearances are not favourable to the Govern-
ment or the people.'

" ' If you have the misfortune,' he answered, ' as I have had, to live among
Turks for between two and three years, your opinions will be still less favour-
able. In government and religion Turkey is a detritus. All that gave her
strength, all that gave her consistency, is gone ; what remains is crumbling
into powder. The worst parts of her detestable religion — hatred of improve-
ment and hatred of the unbeliever ; the worst parts of her detestable govern-
ment, violence, extortion, treachery, and fraud — are all that she has retained.
Never was there a country thai more required to be conquered. Our support
merely delays her submission to that violent remedy.'

" ' You think, then,' I said, ' that it must come to that ? '

"' I can see,' he answered, ' no other solution. The Turk is utterly unim-
provable. He hates change, and therefore he hates civilisation ; he hates
Europeans, he hates and fears all that they propose. There is not a word in
the hatti-i-humayoon that does not disgust, or irritate, or alarm him. Nothing
but force will oblige him to give it even the appear.ince of execution. And

OPINIONS OF TRAVELLERS ON TURKEY. 167

what is the value of apparent reforms in a people without an aristocracy,
without a middle class, without a public opinion, without the means of com-
munication, without newspapers, without even a post-office ; accustomed for
four hundred years to plunder and oppress rayahs, and to he oppressed and
plundered by sultans, pashas, cadis, and janissaries ?' " — Pp. 27, 28.

" He gave a frightful account of the misgovernment of Turkish Armenia.
. . . The amount of tyranny may be inferred from the depopulation. You
see vast districts without an inhabitant, in which are the traces of a large and
a civilised people, great works for irrigation now in ruins, and constant remains
of deserted towns. There is a city near the frontier, with high walls and
large stone houses, now absolutely uninhabited ; it had once sixty thousand
inhabitants."— Pp. 838—9.

"1 do not believe that the Turks are more idle, wasteful, improvident, and
brutal now than they were four hundred years ago. But it is only within the
last fifty years that the effects of these qualities have shown themselves fully.
When they first swarmed over Asia Minor, Eoumelia, and Bulgaria, they
seized on a country very populous and of enormous wealth. For three hun-
dred and fifty yeirs they kept on consuming that wealth, and wearing out that
population. If a Turk wanted a house or a garden, he turned out a rayah ; if
he wanted money, he put a bullet into a handkerchief, tied it into a knot, and sent
it to the nearest opulent Greek or Armenian. At last, having lived for three
centuries and a half on their capital of things and of man, having reduced
that rich and well-peopled country to the desert which you now see it, they
find themselves poor. They cannot dig, to beg they are ashamed. They use
the most mischievous means to prevent large families ; they kill their female
children, the conscription takes off the males, and they disappear. The only
memorial of what fifty years ago was a popular Turkish village is a crowded
burial-ground now unused.

'"As a medical man,' said Y., ' I, and perhaps, I only, know what crimes
are committed in the Turkish part of Smyrna, which looks so gay and smiling,
as its picturesque houses, enbosomed in gardens of planes and cypresses, rise
up the hill. I avoid as much as I can the Turkish houses, that I may not be
cognizant of them. Sometimes it is a young second wife who is poisoned by
the elder one ; sometimes a female child, whom the father will not bring up ;
sometimes a male killed by the mother to spite the father. Infanticide is rather
the rule than the exception. No inquiry is made, no notice is taken by the
police.'"— Pp. 211—12.

"A friend well acquainted with the whole of Turkey said to Mr. Senior as he
was leaving Constantinople, ' You are going to Smyrna and to Greece. When
you are at Smyrna visit Ephesus ; you will ride through fifty miles of the
most fertile soil, blest with the finest climate in the world. You will not see
an inhabitant nor a cultivated field. This is Turkey. In Greece or in the
Principalities you will find comparative numbers, wealth, and population.

168 APPENDIX.

They have been misgoverned ; they have been the seat of war ; but they have
thrown off the Turk.' "—P. 148.

Letter to the Rev. Ernest Hawkins : —

" Few of you in England know the real horrors of this country. You will
see what I mean when I tell you my intention of getting a number of tracts in
Turkish written or lithographed, to be distributed by a Turk on the bridges,
&c. The tract is to consist of such passages as the history of Sodom and
Gomorrah. What can we hope to do with this people ? One Englishman, who
has to do with multitudes of thein, reckons those who are innocent of this
hideous vice at one or two in a hundred. A Turkish teacher told an European
that those who are guiltless as to that are two in a thousand."

" But all these combined will not fully account for the fact that the Turks
are rapidly becoming extinct. . . . The evil lies far deeper. It is one,
however, which cannot be laid bare. The hideous, revolting profligacy of all
classes, and almost every individual in every class, is the main cause of the
diminution. Tbis is a canker which has eaten into the very vitals of society.
It is one, however, which has taken so loathsome a form that no pen dares
describe the immoral state of Turkish society. It must be abandoned to vague
generalities, for happily the imagination cannot picture the abominations which
are fast exterminating the whole Turkish race. ... I have the evidence
now before me of persons at present resident in Turkey, as well as of English
officers high in the civil service, whose duties have made them acquainted with
the real state of society in Turkey ; and in addition to these, I have a volu-
minous report addressed to me by a distinguished foreigner, formerly a colonel
in the Turkish service, and from the varied offices he has filled in that country,
of all men one of the most competent witnesses. I have all this evidence
before me, but it is so disgusting and obscene that I dare not make use of it.
The satires of Juvenal and Petronius Arbiter are decorous in comparison.
Students may remember how rabbinical writers describe the sins of the Ammon-
ites and other inhabitants of the land of Canaan, who for their revolting sins
were driven out by the children of Israel. That description gives but a partial
picture of what is the present state of Turkish society. The Cities of the Plain
were destroyed for sins which are the common, normal, every-day practice of
this people." — The Christians of Turkey, pp. 62 — 4.

But in the following July the explosion did indeed take place
in the fearful atrocities in Syria, by which a hundred and fifty
towns and villages were destroyed, ten thousand people were
massacred, seventy thousand reduced to starvation, and property
destroyed or plundered to the estimated value of four or five
millions sterling. The Druses Avere the immediate agents in the

OPINIONS OF TRAVELLERS ON TURKEY. 169

work of horror, but there is the clearest evidence to prove that
the Turkish officials, civil and military, not only did not attempt
to repress the wholesale murder and pillage going on under their
eyes in the Lebanon and at Damascus — that not only did they
connive at them openly and obviously — but that they instigated
and encouraged them.

" At Hasbeya on the 6th many of the soldiers -were seen leaving ; then the
unfortunate people, when it was too late, saw clearly how treacherously they
had been deceived. They rushed into the outer court and entreated to he let
out. The signal was given, the gates thrown open, and in rushed the Druse?,
armed with any weapon they could seize, and then commenced an indis-
criminate slaughter of all the males. Some, indeed, made their way
through the doir to the outer gate, only to he seized by the Turkish
soldiery. Nor were these passive only in the transaction. Many Christians
whom I have examined have sworn to me that they saw the soldiers
themselves taking part in the slaughter ; and the subsequent behaviour
of these brutal troops to the women was savage in the extreme. From
the wounds I have seen, both on the living and the dead, it would appear
that they went to work with the most systematic cruelty — ten, twelve, and
fourteen deep cuts on the body of one person is not unfrequent. Some of the
wounds show that they were made with blunt instruments. In 8hort,ievery-
thing was used which came to hand, and, according to the nature of the weapon,
hands and limbs were cut off, or brains dashed out, or bodies mangled.

" Of all the men in the Serai, some forty or fifty only escaped. "Women the
Druses did not slaughter, nor, for the most part, I believe, ill-use ; that was
left for Turks and Moslems to do, and they did it.

" Little boys of four and five years old were not safe. These would be
seized from the mother and dashed on the ground, or torn to pieces before her
face ; or, if her grasp was too tight, they would kill it on her lap, and in some
cases, to save further trouble, mother and child were cut down together. Many
women have assured me that the Turkish soldiers have taken their children
one leg in each hand and torn them in two."

At Sidon, on the 1st of June, the Christians were attacked in
similar manner by the Bashi-Bazouks and other Moslems : —

" For several days the slaughter continued. No Christian outside the town
was in safety. If a man, or a male child, he was cut down ; if a woman she
was sure to be brutally ill-used.

" On the morning of the 21st, the Druses collected round the town. One
of their leaders came to the Serai and desired to speak with ihe Governor. A
conversation was carried on in a low voice by means of an interpreter, for the

170 APPENDIX.

Turk did not know Arabic. At lust a question was asked to which they heard
the Governor give the answer ' Hepsi ' — (' Ab ' in Turkish) — i.e., ' all.' There-
upon the Druse disappeared, but in a few moments the gate was thrown open
and in rushed the fiends, cutting down and slaughtering every male, the
soldiers co-operating. ... I have good reason to believe, after a careful
comparison of all the accounts, that from 1,100 to 1,200 males actually perished
in that one day. ... I myself can testify that the accounts are not much
exaggerated. I travelled over most of the open country before the war was
over, and came to Deir-el-Kamar a few days after the massacre. Almost every
house was burnt and the streets crowded with dead bodies, most of them
stripped and mutilated in every possible way. My road led through the town,
and through some of the streets my horse could not even pass, for the bodies
were literally piled up. Most of those I examined had many wounds, and in
each case was the right hand either entirely or nearly cut off; the poor wretch,
in default of weapons, having instinctively raised his arm to parry the blow
aimed at him. I saw little children of not more than three or four years old
stretched on the ground, and old men with grey beards."

The horrible occurrences which have been detailed above were
to be surpassed in a few days at Damascus. The outbreak, which
the Governor, Ahmed Pasha, made not the least attempt to check,
occurred on the 9th of July. The whole Christian quarter was
ruthlessly plundered and burnt to the ground ; 2,000 dead bodies
lajr unburied amid the ruins, and 20,000 houseless wanderers,
whose only crime was that they were followers of Christ, were
left to live on charity and ask for justice at the hands of Europe.

"Hitherto the taxes have been paid in kind, a method which always gives
the gatherer much power to extort bribes, since he can refuse to value the pre-
sent standing corn until half of it he spoiled. But Turkish tax-farmers do not
confine themselves to such dry paths of cheating.

" The following is an instance of what constantly occurs : — Two men agreed
to keep a flock between them — the one in summer on the mountains, the other '
in winter on the plain. The tax-gatherer compels the first to pay for the
whole, promising that he will ask nothing of the other ; he then goes to the
second, and, with a similar promise, forces him likewise to pay for all. In like
manner the Christian can be compelled to pay twice over for exemption from
the army, if the tax-gatherer declare his first receipt forged."

" Since writing the above, we have found these and other stories related at
length in Mrs. "Walker's 'Through Macedonia to the Albanian Lakes.' She
also says, 'The Christians of Ochrida complain bitterly of the murders of their
co-religionists which have taken place in that neighbourhood within the last
three years. No less than thirty lives have been sacrificed, but in no single

OPINIONS OF TRAVELLERS ON TURKEY. I7i

instance have the assassins been brought to justice' (page 211). An American
missionary told us that near Eski-Sagra, in Bulgaria, where he was stationed,
from seventy to one hundred Christians were killed annually by Mussulman*
■without inquiry being made." — P. 7G.

Miss Irby, after describing their visit to a school at the Monas-
tery of Gratchanitza, says : —

"Before leaving the schoolroom, we ventured a very earnest remonstrance as
to the mode in which the pupils had greeted us. At our entrance they had
literally fallen down at our feet, and that with a sort of grovelling action,
which, if not revolting, would have been ludicrous. We asked how ia the
world they came to suppose we should wish to be thus received. Their teacher
answered, ' The Turks taught it us ; their dignitaries require us Christians to
prostrate ourselves before them.'

" The Christian community of Xovi-Bazar is at the mercy of the Mussul-
mans. They enter houses both by day and night, take what they choose, and
behave as they will. Raise an arm or speak a word, and you bring on your-
self death or the loss of a limb. Make a representation to the authorities, and
you are ruined by the revenge of those of whom you have dared to complain."

Captain Warren says : —

"It is not the Christians alone of Syria that the Turk oppresses : the Arab
Moslem is, if not equally, yet most hardly used. Many a time have the Arab
Mislems siid to me, '"When will you take this country and rid us of our
oppressors? anything is better than their rule.' For the Turk has no affinity
of race or language to connect him with, or give him a right to rule, the Arab.
He has no power of sympathising with the Semitic races, and his religion is
hut in name. The Arab, if I may use such an expression, is a Moslem by
nature ; the Turk cannot become a Moslem by art.

" He is sent to Palestine to govern bad. He is given but a small salary
and is obliged to squeeze the people in order to pay his own officials and to
live, to recoup himself for what he has paid for his appointment in the past,
and to carry away with him something for the future wherewith he may buy a
higher appointment, or purchase immunity for the consequences of his evil
deeds, should complaints be made against his rule.

" The Turk can never govern Palestine well ; and until he departs the
country must remain half desert, half prison ; for it is his policy to leave it so.
He wants it to continue impoverished, so that it may not tempt the cupidity of
stronger nations. This was brought home to me once, when, ia conversation
with an eminent Turk, I was pressing the advantages of a bridge across the
Jordan and other matters. He answered me warmly, ' "We want no discoveries ;
we want no attention paid to Palestine ; we want no roads. Leave the place
alone. If it becomes rich, we shall lose it ; if it remains poor, it wil continue

N

172 APPENDIX.

in our hands. God be praised.' In vain I urged that if the country were
well governed there would be no occasion for taking it from Turkey. His idea
was, • If we make it valuable, you will want it. Let us keep it in poverty.'
"Well, he tries to keep it in poverty, and succeeds to some extent in reality, and
to a great extent in appearance. . .

" The fruit-trees are taxed, even from the day on which they are planted,
year by year, though they may not be productive for a long time to come ; so
that, if a man plants a thousand fig-trees or olives, he pays nearly ten pounds
sterling per annum for years before they yieid him any profit. For what pur-
pose can such a system be put in force, except for retarding cultivation, and
keeping back the country ? It certainly cannot be for the purpose of getting a
revenue, for with such a law few will plant.

" The people are treated with equal cruelty in regard to the gathering in of
their corn. When they have thrashed and winnowed, they leave it heaped up
on the floor for the government inspector to see and lake his share ; and often
it happens that a large portion is decayed or destroyed before he arrives." —
Underground Jerusalem, pp. 449 — 54.

" Unexplored Syria " is the title of a work published by Captain
Burton, who [was for a considerable time British Consul at
Damascus.

"Captain Burton," says the reviewer in the Times, "is eminently conscien-
tious and accurate in his observations, and he tells us quite enough to confirm
us in the idea that the administration of Syria, as of other Turkish provinces,
is execrable. So mercilessly have the villagers been oppressed and fleeced by
the tax-gatherers, that for a hundred and fifty years past there has been a
steady exodus from the more settled districts to the remote settlements that
look towards the Euphrates desert. "We have the statement that in the last
five years of Raschid Pasha's administration no less than seventeen mountain
villages were depopulated, while in a single autumn between seven hundred
and eight hundred families had taken their flight to the eastward."

"We can hardly wonder," says Captain Burton, " at the exodus when we
are told that nearly half the settlements of the Jaydur district, the ancient
Jhiraea — eleven out of twenty-four — have been within twelve months ruined
by the usurer and the tax. gatherer. ... It is hardly necessary to dwell
on the short-sighted and miserable management which drives an industrious
peasantry from its hearths and homes to distant settlements, where defence is
much more easy than offence, and where, as Cromwell said of Tease Burn, ten
men to hinder are better than a hundred to make their way. This upon a
small scale is a specimen of the system which keeps down to a million and a
half the population of a province which, though not larger than Lancashire
and Yorkshire united, in the days of Strabo and Josephus supported its ten
millions and more." — Pp. 179 — 181.

OPINIONS OF TRAVELLERS ON TURKEY. 173

Mr. Henry C. Barkley is a gentleman who lias been engaged
for many years in connection with railway work in Turkey. In
his work recently published, entitled, " Between the Danube and
Black Sea," he records principally his experiences in Bulgaria. Of
the Bulgarians he speaks in terms of commendation as a quiet,
industrious, honest people ; but, like all other travellers, he testifies
to the cruel and oppressive character of Turkish rule. He says : —

" The Bulgarians, and also the Turkish villagers, are loud in their complaints
of the injustice and tyraany of the Turkish officials. All — from the governor-
general to the hangman — think it right and just, when on a journey, to quarter
themselves on the peasants, without ever thinking of paying ; and at the same
time they demand the services of their host and his family, and the best of
everything there is to be had. The largest and most prosperous of the villages
are built as far as possible from the main roads leading to and from the
fortified towns, such as Widdin, llustchuk, Shumla, &c. If they are on the
line of march, the troops live on them at free quarters, their carts and beasts
are seized for transport services, and the owners themselves forced to accompany
them a3 drivers, and are obliged to find food for themselves and fodder for the
cattle, for all of which they receive no recompense.

"To assist in the construction of the line which passed by the village, I
caused a road to be made across the marsh, and a wooden bridge thrown over
the brook. The first night after the bridge was completed it was cut down ;
and, on making inquiries about it, a Turk told me that, rather than live with
this easy access to the road, the inhabitants, both Turks and Bulgars, would
burn their houses and migrate to some spot where Turkish officials, Turkish
troops, and, above all, Turkish zaptiehs, could not so easily get at them.
'Above all, zaptiehs,' for they are the constant and never-ending curse of all
the villages, whether Turkish or Bulgar. They are recruitel from the very
lowest and most ruffianly of the Turks. Many, if not most of them, have
been brigands, and all are robbers. Their pay (even when they get it) is not
sufficient to support them, and therefore they depend on their position to secure
the comforts of life. They live on the peasants, and all they have, from their
pipe to their horse, has been robbed from them. Over and over again I have
seen every woman and girl of an entire Christian village disappear as if by
magic at the approach of a zaptieh ; and when he enters the village all the men
stand staring about, watching to see what may take place, like a flock of sheep
when a strange do^c comes among them." — Preface, pp. vi. — viii.

"The Pasha of Varna had some time before this sent orders to a distant
village for a supply of wood. Five arabas, each with a Bulgar driver, arrived
at dusk, just as, the storm commenced. They inquired where they should
deliver the wood, but no one knew exactly where the woodstack had better be

N 2

174 APPENDIX.

made, and the pasha's servants, fearing if it were discharged at the wrong
place that they should have to remove it themselves, determined to do nothing'
till the morning. The arahas were therefore escorted into a large barrack-yard
surrounded with high walls, and there locked in for the night. The cries and
shouts for help from the five men were disregarded, and no further notice was
taken of them till the next morning, when they were found huddled together in
the snow, all dead. No matter ; they were Bulgar dogs, and it was Kismet 1
No one was punished ; the wood was not paid for ; hut payment for the keep
of the wretched bullocks was extorted from the friends of the dead men when
they came to fetch them away a month later."

Mr. Evans says : —

" A village will occasionally band together to defend themselves from these
extortioners. Thereupon the tithe-farmer applies to the civil power, protesting
that if he does not get the full amount from the village, he will be unable in
his turn to pay the Government. The zaptiehs, the factotums of the Turkish-
officials, are immediately quartered on the villagers, and live on them, insult
their wives, and ill-treat their children. "With the aid of these gentry, all kinds
of personal tortures are applied to the recalcitrant. In the beat of summer
men are stripped naked and tied to a tree, smeared over with honey or other
sweetstuff, and left to the tender mercies of the insect world. For winter
extortion it is found convenient to bind people to stakes, and leave them bare-
footed to he frostbitten : or at other times they are shoved into a pigstye, and
cold water poured on them. A favourite plan is to drive a party of rayahs up
a tree, or into a chamber, and then smoke them with green wood. Instances
are recorded of Bosniac peasants being buried up to their heads in earth, and
left to repent at leisure. I will qui'e a single instance of these practices,
communicated by the Princess Julia of Servia to the author of ' Servia
and the Servians :' — ' A poor woman, frantic with agony, burst into the palace
of the princess at Belgrade. She had been assessed by the Turkish authorities
of a village in Bosnia of a sum which she had no means of paying. . .
She was smoked. This failed of extracting the gold. She begged for a remis-
sion, and stated her inability to pay. In answer, she was tossed into the river
Drina, and after her were thrown her two infant children — one of four years
old, the other of two. Before her eyes, notwithstanding her frantic efforts to
save them, her children perished. Half-drowned and insensible, she was
dragged to land by a Servian peasant. She made her way to Belgrade,
believing, from the character of the princess for humanity, that she would aid
her. Of course, to do so was out of the question."

And now we close with the testimony of the last traveller who
has visited Turkey — Sir George Campbell : —

"When," he says, " we come to political lights and trusts, then I fay that

OPINIONS OF TRAVELLERS ON TURKEY. 175

•at this moment, and now perhaps more than at any previous periol of
Turkish history, the Christians are placed in a humiliating and enthralled
position, which has no parallel in the world. Think of a system under which
no Christian can bear arms in any capacity, not even the baton of a policeman,
nor exercise any executive authority, even the pettiest ; under which not only
the whole army, but the whole executive administration — the whole police
down to the village watchmen — are all of the dominant Mahometan minority,
while the Christian majority are entirely and without exception a subject
people ! Compare this state of things with the liberal government of
the Mogul Emperors in India, where the Hindoos were employed in thousands
and tens of thousands, both in the army and the civil administration, where
many of the chief ministers were Hindoos, and where one of the Emperors
^ven went so far as to appoint a Hindoo General to be Governor of Ma-
hometan Cabul. Compare it with the every-day and uncoerced practices of
native States in India at this day. There is hardly a Hindoo State which
has not many Mahometans in its higher offices, and hardly a Mahometan
State which has not many Hindoos in similar offices."

176 APPENDIX.

PROFESSOR MARTENS ON THE EASTERN QUESTION.

Extract from an article in the " Revue de Droit Internatiowd," by
M. F. Martens, Professor of the University of St. Petersburg. — In
1829 "the Emperor Nicholas instituted a secret committee,
under the presidency of Prince Kotschoubey, and composed of the
highest functionaries of the Empire, to study the position of
Turkey, and to fix the conduct of Russia in case the Porte ceased
to exist. In the sitting of September 4th, 1829, Count Nessel-
rode read the memorandum stating ' that the preservation of this
Empire (Ottoman) was more useful than injurious to the true
interests of Russia, and that no state of things which one could
substitute for it could counterbalance for us the advantage of
having a feeble state as neighbour;' but if the fall of the Turkish
Empire is inevitable, Russia should invite her allies ' to deli'
in common on this great question.'

"The committee had also before it a remarkable letter
addressed by Comte Capo dTstrias to the Emperor Nicholas, on
the 31st March, 1828. The celebrated Russian diplomatist, become
president of regenerated Greece, proposed the following plan for
the political reconstruction of the Balkan peninsula. The Otto-
man Empire was to be replaced by five states of the second class.
These states were to be (1) the Duchy or Kingdom of Dacia,
formed of Moldavia and "Wallachia ; (2) the Kingdom of Servia,
composed of Bulgaria, Servia, and Bosnia ; (3) Thrace and
Macedonia, properly so called, with the isles of the Propontis and
those of Finbros, Samothrace, and Thasos, would form the King-
dom of Macedonia ; (•!) Epirus, comprising the provinces of

PROFESSOR MARTENS ON THE EASTERN QUESTION. 177

Upper and Lower Albania, would form the Kingdom of Epirus ;
(5) finally, Greece, properly so called, from the river of the
Peneus, in Thessaly, to the town of Arta, including all the islands,
would form the Greek state. . . Constantinople was to become
a free city, and the centre of the Confederation, which was to
unite all the five states of the Balkan peninsula, and the Con-
federation was to be represented at Constantinople by a Congress.
Count Pozzo di Borgo and M. de Daschkof brought forward
amendments and critical observations relative to this plan ; they
feared that the free city would not have the power to keep the
straits shut to vessels of war which might have the object of
attacking the Russian coast in the Black Sea. From the Protocols
of the sittings, it appears that the committee considered it in-
opportune to decide on any fixed plan before the destruction of
the Ottoman Empire became an accomplished fact, but they
unanimously resolved —

" 1. ' That the advantages of the maintenance of the Ottoman
Empire in Europe are greater than the evils it presents, and that its
fall would be therefore contrary to the true interests of Russia.
That consequently it would be prudent to seek to prevent it by
profiting by all the chances which may still present themselves to
conclude an honourable peace.' Peace, accordingly, was made at
Adrianople."

This, however, was in my opinion as unwise and discreditable
a policy as that which England still pursues, and I trust and
believe that the Russian nation will insist on the expulsion of the
Turks from Europe, and the reconstruction of the Greek Empire,
even if they remain under the delusion that it is contrary to their
interests instead of being, as I have shown, in perfect accordance
with them.

178 APPENDIX.

THE BUCKINGHAMSHIRE BUFFOON" (LORD
BEACONSFIELD).

POLITICAL SQUIB, 1874.

To understand the unfortunate mischances by which the Turco-
phile Conservative party are now in power, and the Russophile
Liberal party in opposition, I subjoin the following satirical
political squib from the Pall Mall Gazette, which was then less
favourable to Conservatism than it has now become.

" Alas ! we are out of our places —

It is but too true, lackaday !
Imagine our woebegone faces,

As we are all packing away.
On Monday our colours we struck — struck —

Resigning the next afternoon ;
And all at the word of a Buck — Buck —

Buckinghamshire Buffoon."1

" I'm told the last Cabinet Council

Was something too painful to see ;
And, though you're aware he don't bounce ill,

You really would feel for poor G. ; f
He's awfully down on his luck — luck,

And if some his wisdom impugn,
He's better at least than a Buck — Buck —

Buckinghamshire Buffoon.

* Mr. Disraeli, now Lord Beaconsfield, formerly M.P. for Buckinghamshire,
f Mr. Gladstone.

"THE BUCKINGHAMSHIRE BUFFOON." 179

■*' There Goschen was rending his garments,

Here Cardwell was tearing his hair ;
And who shall discover the torments

That agonized poor Aberdare 1
The Chancellor showed better pluck — pluck,

Though he, too, was ready to swoon,
He thought how he'd shunted the Buck — Buck —

Buckinghamshire Buffoon.

-' Old Halifax pining with Forster,

Their visages full of distress,
Proved how the sharp pangs of remorse stir

The muscles of men in a mess.
Poor G., who his bottle would suck — suck,.

Confessed he was in a balloon
When he tipped such a chance to the Buck — Buck —

Buckinghamshire Buffoon.

-'' Then Granville and Bright in a corner

Sat sorrowful, sulky, and glum ;
While Kimberley, even forlorner,

Stood moodily biting his thumb ;
But Lowe, as malicious as Puck — Puck,

Flounced like a cantankerous loon,
And scoffed at both G. and the Buck— Buck —

Buckinghamshire Buffoon.

-' There was Hartington drying his eyes,
And Fortescue making his moan ;
While Stansfeld, in vacant surprise,

Did nothing but grumble and moan.
Argyll seemed as if he'd been struck — struck

By fatuous beams from the moon ;
So blank did he look 'bout the Back — Buck —
Buckinghamshire Buffoon.

180 APPENDIX.

" Poor G., 'midst the weeping and wailing

Attempted their feelings to calm,
And promote a return to plain sailing

By giving the tone to a psalm :
But the words in his throttle they stuck — stuck

Besides, he'd forgotten the tune,
Put out, as it were, by the Buck — Buck —

Buckinghamshire Buffoon.

" The Council then broke up in sorrow,

Contrition, and mourning, and tears,
All bitterly feeling the morrow

From power would exclude them for years.
If but to the old house they'd stuck — stuck,

And proffered the Income Tax boon,
They thought they'd have diddled the Buck — Buck —

Buckinghamshire Buffoon.

" But now I must finish my letter,

My pitiful story I've told ;
I trust that we all shall be better

For a time of it ' out in the cold.'
How we have been running a muck — muck,

We see by this inopportune
Unexpected success of the Buck — Buck —

Buckinghamshire Buffoon.

" You know that I am not a novice

In many affairs of the world —
I've long felt that some day from office

We'd be ignominiously hurled.
Poor G. overloaded his truck — truck,

For nobody cared a doubloon,
And thus he's been thrashed by the Buck — Buck —

Buckinghamshire Buffoon."

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 181

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY FOR THE AID OF THE
WOUNDED IN WAR AND THE STAFFORD HOUSE
COMMITTEE.

Nothing can be more discreditable, unfair, and even illegal than
the conduct of the National Society for the Aid of the Wounded in
the present war, but it is only what might have been expected,
considering that the management of that Society is in much the same
incompetent and one-sided hands as during the Franco-German war.

I was glad to observe in the Times a most excellent letter, from
Mr. Auberon Herbert, in which he strongly and justly animad-
verts at the conduct of the Committee, dated 29th July, and
which, though the month of August has arrived, the Committee
have been unable to refute. He states : —

Sir, — I feel assured that my friend, Colonel Loyd-Lindsay,
when placed in a position of responsibility, would not consciously
give his approval to any act of partiality ; but I think that his
letter of Friday will confirm the opinion that the action taken by
his Committee wdl result in a very unequal distribution of-
supplies as between the Turks and their opponents, whether
Russian or Montenegrin.

From Colonel Loyd-Lindsay' s letter we may conclude that the
Committee of the National Aid Society have rested from their
labours since they despatched their ship to the Black Sea. But
who are the persons likely to draw advantage from this ship ?
The Turks have, and from the beginning of the war have had,
the command of the Black Sea ; and whether the good ship
operates on the coast of Asia Minor or of Roumelia and Bul-
garia, it is almost certain that the supplies would have to pass

182 APPSXDIX.

through Turkish hands before any part of them could reach
Russian troops. We are obliged, then, to conclude that the
equitable distribution of these supplies will depend upon the
facilities which the Turks may give to some English surgeon
who, dropped from the ship, presents himself at some point or
other of the coast, and innocently demands to be forwarded
through to the Russian lines. Your correspondent from Shumla
described the other day the fate which awaited the stores
forwarded by the Stafford House Committee. He writes : —

" Shumla, July 8.
"There are 88 wounded in Rustchuk, and the English doctors are not
allowed to attend them. All are packed off with broken legs and arms, without
being dressed, in a most dreadful state, for Constantinople. Soldiers implore
the English doctors to extract bullets, but tbey are helpless, as 28 cases of
medical stores sent by the Stafford House Committee have been seized by the
Turkish doctor-in-chief at Rustchuk, in spite of the protest of English doctors.
They have not been distributed, and are practically useless. Battalions are
marched off without medical stores, while this man keeps everything under lock
and key. AH stores should be consigned to the English doctors."

If it is a matter of such difficulty to succeed in applying for
the use of the Turks themselves what is sent out from England,
the Committee must indeed be of a hopeful disposition if they
are prepared to believe that through the Turks they can also
reach the Russians. I can confidently say that during the
Franco-German War it would have been no easy or pleasant task
to have forwarded supplies through Paris to the German troops,
and the experiment of supplying one army through another army
will not be easier because one of those armies happens to be the
Turkish army. When supplies for the Turks were sent by the
Society through Belgrade during the Servian War, we received
accounts of the unfavourable impression created by such an
arrangement, and yet Belgrade was removed from the field of war,
and, comparatively speaking, might almost be said to have been
in a state of peace. Moreover, it is an entirely different operation
to ship stores at Belgrade and send them down the Danube to
Turkish territory, to landing stores in the rear of the Turkish lines,
for the purpose of passing them through the Turkish troops on

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 183

to the Russian army. Of course when the Turkish troops have
retreated from northern Bulgaria, when the seaports are in
Russian hands, when the Turkish fleet definitely resigns this
part of the seaboard, it may be possible for the ship, should any
stores have been reserved in view of such a future, to communi-
cate directly with the Russians ; but that will not prevent a large
number of persons from feeling that the natural and equitable
course would have been to send one part of the supplies through
Constantinople to the rear of the Turkish Army and another
part down the Danube to the rear of the Russian Army.
» Colonel Loyd-Lindsay can hardly feel satisfied with his own
excuse about Montenegro. Had some one else offered it he
would readily perceive that it crawls upon even a smaller num-
ber of legs than usually belongs to the race of excuses. The
resources of the Society are not inexhaustible ; therefore nothing
can be done for this little State. If I remember rightly, £70,000
was in the hands of the Committee at the beginning of the
Servian "War, and of this not £10,000, not £5,000, not £1,000
could be spared for a country which has such claims both on
account of its want of resources and, as your correspondent
pointed out, the value to the community of each life. The
Society, says Colonel Loyd-Lindsay, cannot operate "in every
place at the same time ; " but that is no reason why the Society
should place all its eggs in one basket, send one ship out to drift
about the Black Sea, with a fair chance of not seeing a Russian,
unless he be a prisoner in the hands of the Turks, during its
whole cruise, and then remain with hands folded while war is
going on and battles are being fought in places not accessible
from the Black Sea. "At the same time," says Colonel Loyd-
Lindsay ; but it was in June that he describes his ship, and we
have now reached the middle of July. I cannot think that there
would have been any need to make time or place responsible for
the present small results if the Committee had striven to make the
most of their fund ; but their apparent apathy gives some excuse for
the harsh belief that, like other distributors of endowments, they
have become bored with the task of dispensing the fund that is

184 APPENDIX.

in their hands, and that ships to the Black Sea, irrespective of
where the principal fighting is going on, suggest themselves as
one of the least troublesome ways of getting rid in large sums of
what so inconveniently remains. No grounds for such a belief
ought to exist, and it is for the Committee at once to remove
them. It is only fair to add that whatever blame falls to the
share of the Committee some of it must rest on the public for
having shown so little interest in the work of the Society ; and
I believe that the best course to be adopted would be for the
Committee at once to call together a meeting of old subscribers
and others willing, if only appealed to, to become subscribers,
and reanimate a movement which has nearly passed from slumber
into non-existence.

I regret to add that Dr. Sandwith has left England.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,

Ashley Arnewood Farm, Lymington. AtTBEROX HERBERT.

The funds of the National Society were subscribed on the un-
derstanding that they should be expended as nearly as possible
equally on the wounded of both sides in every successive war as
lono- as any portion of them remained, and it seems to me a signal
breach of faith to the subscribers, of whom I am one, to adopt
measures by winch, as Mr. Herbert points out, all or nearly all
which is sent out will be monopolised by the Turks, because the
"West-end" is almost to a man anti-Knssian, and the over-
whelming majority even opposed to the Turkish Christians.

The Stafford House Committee is also liable to the gravest cen-
sure for confining their operations to the Turks alone as this is a
breach of neutrality and practically levying war against Eussia,
one of the oldest and best allies of England, besides being a wan-
ton insult to that great country, and it is more than doubtful
whether the course they are pursuing is not even injurious to the
Turks, since they are encouraged to depend chiefly on their assist-
ance for the care of the sick and wounded, and as their soldiers
seldom if ever receive a farthing of pay and are ill-clothed and
half-starved, the sum which the Stafford House Committee have
contributed, and which the Turks have saved by their disgraceful

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 185

and unparalleled inhumanity to their own wounded (to say nothing
of their unfortunate wounded enemies, who may fall by a horrible
misfortune into their hands), would maintain for a considerable
time a battalion of soldiers who may probably wound a consi-
derable number of Eussians and Montenegrins, and thus the,
Stafford House Committee not only do not relieve the Russian
wounded but indirectly increase their numbers. The quotation,
however, in Mr. Herbert's letter from the Times correspondent at
Shumla, shows that after all the Turks not only will not attend to
their own wounded, but will not even allow the doctors and agents
of the Stafford House Committee to aid them, acting, I suppose, on
the principle, " Timeo Anglos et dona ferentes," and the result of
Turkish incompetence and inhumanity to their own people is, ac-
cording to the Vienna correspondent of the Times, that the Sultan
told Mehemet Ali, his renegade German generalissimo, that ac-
cording to the report of Xamyk Pasha the Turkish army had lost
the appalling and unprecedented proportion of forty per cent, of
their numbers in consequence of bad food and bad management.

The Eussians, on the other hand, spare no expense in reference
to their own wounded and those of the Turks, and in evidence of
this I now quote from the Times correspondent : — " An American
surgeon, who is inspecting the hospital arrangements at Bucharest,
pronounces them all that could be desired, and expresses Ins sur-
prise to find all the modern improvements for caring for sick and
wounded men in full operation here in the East. The Eussian
field ambulance trains are very extensive, and contain complete
arrangements for the comfort of the wounded."

Since I wrote the foregoing paragraphs I formed one of a
deputation, consisting of some members of Parliament and others,
who waited on the National Society for Aid to the Wounded, &c,
in order to urge that an equal sum should be expended on the
Eussian and Montenegrin wounded to that which was being
laid out on the Turkish wounded, and that it would be fair to
reckon the whole costs of the ship and cargo sent by them to the
Black Sea to the debit of the Turkish share of our bounty.

In the course of a long discussion, Colonel Loyd-Lindsay

18G APPENDIX.

feebly attempted to justify the one-sided course the committee
had adopted in breach of justice, the statutes of the Society,
the wish of a large portion of the subscribers, of whom I am one,
and the laws of neutrality — since assisting the Turkish side only
is precisely the same thing as placing soldiers in the field against
Eussia — but he gave no explanation of the reasons why annual
general meetings of the society and elections of members of the
committee were not regularly held, in accordance with the rules.
He added that when assistance had been tendered to the Russians
they had replied that they did not require it, but that if we chose
to send any stores they would accept them, provided they were
not clogged with the condition of their being distributed by the
agents of the society ; and he stated that it was contrary to
their regulations to give stores in this manner. Upon this I
stated that it was highly creditable that the Russians, with
a proper sense of national dignity, as long as they believed they
had ample resources to meet the demands of a war which, after
the passage by the Russians of the Danube and of the Balkans>
seemed on the point of terminating, should have been averse to
receive contributions offered with a bad grace by persons who
were notoriously hostile to them, and avowed partisans of their
enemies ; but that the Russian losses at the battle of Plevna, the
total change in the plan of the campaign, and the probable pro-
traction of the war, had now shown them that their resources were
inadequate, and that the Empress of Russia had caused a letter to
be written to Mr. Lewis Farley, on the stamped paper of her
" Chancellerie," and sealed with her seal, saying that the Red Cross
Society would " receive with gratitude " any contributions from the
league for the protection of the Christians ; and of course it follows
that they will equally receive with gratitude contributions from
any other quarter, if tendered in a suitable manner. Mr. Farley has
also received a letter from Baroness Rahden, the president of the
St. Petersburg branch of the Red Cross Society, to the same
effect, and these letters I afterwards sent for the perusal of the
committee of the National Aid Society. I added that in theFranco-
German war I had myself distributed for the National Society a

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 187

considerable quantity of medicines and other stores, without any
supervision on my part or that of any official of the society, in
which I was confirmed by Sir Henry Havelock, who had been for
a long time engaged in succouring the sick and wounded out of
his own private funds, for which, on his return, he obtained very
scant acknowledgment from the society.

The secretary then asserted that he had seen the evil conse-
quences of stores being given during the Franco-German war
without supervision, for some of them were wasted, others spoilt,
and another portion made use of by unwounded combatants in
perfect health ; and, in short, the society took time to consider
their answer.

It appears to me that it is most injudicious and absurd for the
National Aid Society, or any other society for the relief of the
wounded, to purchase any stores whatever unless the officials of
the society with the Turkish, Russian, and Montenegrin armies
write or telegraph that particular stores are required, and the only
stores they should send out unasked are bales of lint and other
articles contributed to them in kind, provided they will bear the
cost of carriage, which, as Colonel Lindsay admitted, is not always
the case. In the Franco-German war I was asked for, say biscuits,
wine, and Liebig's essence of meat at one place, being the only
thing they wanted ; and I could only offer them lint, medicine, or
surgical instruments, none of Avhich could be eaten or drunk, so
that wounded men may have died who might have lived if I had
had enough money to buy as much as was wanted, of which
there was plenty to be purchased in the town.

I feel certain that even if wine, biscuits, and other articles
which would be acceptable to unwounded combatants were handed
over to those who are at the head of the agencies of the Russian
Red Cross Society at the headquarters of the Russian armies, they
would willingly give and honourably fulfil the pledge that nothing
whatever which the National Society gave for the wounded should
be distributed to unwounded men in health ; but if the National
Society consider that these Russian gentlemen, who are often their
equals, and' sometimes their superiors, in social standing, arc so

o

loo APPENDIX.

dishonest as to violate such a pledge, how can their agent see, aftei"
he has given the wine and biscuits to the doctor or nurses of a
hospital, that every morsel of biscuit and glass of wine is given
exclusively to the sick and wounded, and that even the doctors
and officials take none themselves 1

I can imagine the Turks making free with such stores, as their
men are half starved and live almost entirely on bread, whilst
their superiors are notoriously corrupt, and Redif Pasha, the
Minister at War, was dismissed lately for making a shameful
profit by sending rotten biscuits to the Turkish army ; but the
Russians, who are well fed, and whose officers, as well as the
members of the Russian Red Cross Society, are often nobles of old
family and large fortune, are incapable of such baseness.

Besides, nothing would be easier than to send only such stores
as unwounded soldiers in health would not accept even if offered ;
and I suppose even the National Aid Society will hardly allege
that unwounded soldiers made free with their castor oil and senna
in the Franco-German war ; and if they did it would scarcely con-
tribute to the efficiency of the men in battle, and would be a
breach of neutrality highly acceptable to the Turks.

The committee of the Sick and "Wounded Russian and Monte-
negrin Soldiers' Relief Fund, of which I am chairman, send all our
contributions in money, and not in kind, directly to the " chancel-
lerie " of the Empress of Russia, and the Turkophiles will hardly
venture to suppose that she will misappropriate it and apply it in
aid of her pin money. I have no doubt that every pound sent by
our society, which has no expenditure for secretary, offices,
doctors, or agents, and which does not buy useless stores at the
dearest rate, will go as far when expended by the Russians as
treble the money tardily and reluctantly expended, chiefly in
stores encumbered with perfunctory and sometimes usi
doctors and champagne-bibbing agents.

The public may judge of the probable future course of the
National Society by its past history, especially in the Franco-
German War, and I therefore append my experience of ft, and
the strictures which I published at the time in the Times and other

THE XATIOXA.L SOCIETY AXD STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 189

newspapers, witli my name attached, and which they did not even
attempt to refute. Observing that only about half a dozen
members of both Houses of Parliament had gone, either from
curiosity or philanthropy, to the seat of war, I went up to
London and saw the committee, who, morally, threw buckets of
cold water on my zeal in what I considered a sacred cause.
Colonel Lindsay, though I am his superior both in rank and age,
treated me with the utmost hauteur, and strongly advised me to
return home at once, as he did not want my services, and, in fact,
would much rather be without them. I in vain informed him
that I spoke French almost as readily and with as good an accent
as English, that I could make myself understood in German, that
I had robust health and strength, that I was persevering, active,
not altogether devoid of intelligence, and anxious to be of use ;
and that as I was a baronet, the owner of the most extensive
property in my own county, and its parliamentary representative,
my zealous and disinterested services would be more welcome both
to the French and Germans than those of probably any of their
paid agents. All was to no purpose, but finding that I was not
to be put off by any amount -of discouragement, he gave me a
document, which I found of very little use, and I started. The
sequel will appear from the letters I now subjoin.

Colonel Loyd-Lindsay's reply, in the Times of August 21st, to
the memorial presented by our deputation, and which, I suppose
in accordance with a rule of a society (which excluded the press
during that interview) is undated, quotes the letter which the
National Society for Aid to the Sick and Wounded had received
from the Government of St. Petersburg, which clearly shows that
there is no foundation whatever for the indifference which, he
alleged, existed on the part of the Russians to receive aid from
the society.

M. Giers says, " The staff of our ambulances is complete, and
permits us to give help, not only to our wounded, but to those of
the enemy who may fall into our hands. Nevertheless, the
Imperial Government would accept, with gratitude, every help in
kind which the said society may be good enough to send us."

o 2

1 90 APPENDIX.

This sentence certainly does not bear out what Colonel Lindsay
said at the meeting as to the coldness and indifference as to aid
of which he accused the Russians, but flatly contradicts it.

Colonel Lindsay then says, " If, for instance, the proffered aid
of surgeons is declined by the Russian Government, on the
ground that they are amply provided by their own resources in
that respect, and that they do not wish for foreign aid, this does
not, in the opinion of the council, constitute a ground for with-
drawing surgical aid from Turkish sufferers, lest, under a mistaken
view of the subject, the principle of strict impartiality should be
said to have been violated. . . There is no suggestion in the
memorial that any actual need has been left unsatisfied, either in
Russia or in Montenegro, nor are they (the council) aware that
any mention has been made of such requirements by correspon-
dents writing home to English newspapers from the scat of war
in Bulgaria and Montenegro."

All I can say is, that if the council find no evidence of there
being any need in the letters of correspondents in the newspapers,
it must be that either they only read the Daily Telegraph, or that
they keep the eye with which they look on the Russian side shut,
whilst that which is brought to bear on the Turkish side is wide
open, and that none are so blind as those who won't see.

Nobody suggested, as Colonel Lindsay insinuates, " the with-
drawing of surgical aid from Turkish sufferers." What we say is,
give a precisely equal amount, " in meal or in malt," as the saying
is, to the Russians and Montenegrins as to the Turks, as the
society did in the Franco-German war, within a minute fraction,
as was shown by the deputation; but then supposed British interests
and British prejudices were not so decidedly involved.

Colonel Lindsay's argument amounts to this — because the Turks
have provided hardly any surgeons or stores for the wounded, in
order by this disgraceful inhumanity to their own soldiers to put
more troops into the field, whilst the Russians have, regardless of
expense, provided (what was before the battle of Plevna, but per-
haps is now no longer) an ample surgical staff, but is deficient in
ss, of which they could not foresee the amount required,

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AXD STATFOKD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 191

therefore the society will give a premium on the barbarous neglect
of their -wounded by the Turks, and will furnish them with botii
surgeons and stores ; whilst as the Russians, with a proper sense of
national dignity and a dislike of needless waste, do not want our
surgeons, therefore they shall not even have an equal amount of
stores to that which we gave the Turks, and must take their
chance of such stores as the Turks should insist on forwarding to
the Russians through their lines from the Black Sea, or of such as
the National Society's ship may at some future time determine to
convey up the Danube, with almost the certainty of being blown
up by a torpedo. The insulting condition with which assistance
to the Russians is clogged, that a surgeon or other agent of the
society should distribute the stores, which was not rigorously
imposed on the Germans, is simply a device on the part of a Turko-
mauiac committee to avoid the obligation incumbent on them
of giving an equal share of their funds to the Russians, and
it is as much as to say the Russians, " You are such black-
guards that if we gave you the stores you would sell them, steal
them, or misuse them."

It is evident that a wounded Russian soldier would rather
have a surgical operation performed, or a sick soldier would rather
have his malady prescribed for, by a Russian doctor, to whom he
could explain his wants, his symptoms, his sensations, and his
ailments, and who could converse with him, than by an English
surgeon, with whom he could hold no more intercourse than with
a Chinaman ; and in the Franco-German war the two surgeons
sent by the National Society (with me) were not allowed, either
by the Germans or the French, to operate, and refused to attend
the sick, so that all their expenses were as much wasted as money
thrown into the sea. The Russians, if they were not so honour-
able, might nominally accept our surgeons to distribute our stores,
and if they did it would be impossible for them to insist on
operating, or to prevent the misappropriation of the stores if,
which is not the case, the Russians wished to misapply them.

If the Russian claim for aid cannot be otherwise got rid of, I
would suggest that the National Society should impose the con-

192 A1TENDIX.

dition that the parties receiving relief should go down on their
knees hefore their agent, in which case doubtless the Turks, who
are accustomed to do this to their Sultan, would probably agree,
whilst the Eussians would be certain indignantly to decline.

At the meeting Colonel Lindsay stated that the announcement
I made that the Empress of Eussia bad caused a letter to be
written to Mr. Lewis Farley, saying that the Eussians would
''■gratefully accept" aid, threw an entirely now and unexpected
light on the subject ; and on sending him the letter, he wrote to
me that he had perused it with great interest; but no mention is
made of this important communication in Colonel Lindsay's long-
winded reply in the Times.

As the Turks mutilate and murder the Russian wounded, whilst
the Eussians, instead of retaliating, treat the Turkish wounded
like their own, it is quite clear that even if the National Society
gave an equal sum to the Eussians and Montenegrins as to tin-
Turks, the former would still not have their fair share, since the
amount expended by the Eussians on the Turkish wounded would
not be balanced by a similar amount spent by the Turks on the
Russian wounded, whom they not only murder and mutilate, but
rob. The Popolo Romano, as appears by the Daily News, has pub-
lished a letter from its correspondent at Bucharest, in which he
says, in conclusion, "the truth is, the Eussians behave like
civilized people, the Turks like savages."

FROM TIIE '• TIMES."

Lady Sinclair, of Thurso Castle, has kindly favoured us with
the following graphic letter, which her ladyship has received from
Sir Tollemache, who lately paid a visit to the scene of war
operations near Sedan : —

Ambulance Anglo- Amcn'caine,
Sedan, Sept. 13, 1870.

I wrote you a long letter from Arlon, which I trust you duly
received, and I telegraphed to you to-day from here to say that

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOI'SE COMMITTEE. 1 [)3

I am safe and well, that I see my way to do some good
here, and that for the present I intend to remain at Sedan ; but
as I was only one night at Luxembourg, and another at Arlon,
I have not yet received any letters from home, for you could not
have written in time. As I mentioned in my letter from Arlon,
I devoted some hours of the day which I spent there to classify
the stores of the English Society for Aid to the Sick and
"Wounded in War in a book, so that the agents of the Society
might know how much of each article they possessed, but I
found that everything was in the greatest confusion, and that
the contents of many bales and cases were unknown. However,
I at last succeeded, as I thought, in making an inventory, and I
proposed next day to classify the stores, by placing all articles
of the same kind together, instead of leaving them in a confused
heap ; but, as they preferred their own plan, I left them to their
own devices. On the preceding day two waggons were sent off
from Arlon, with two surgeons and two dressers (on foot) to
Beaumont — a distance of about thirty miles — on one of the
wettest da}7s I have ever seen, although carriages could be had
on hire in the town ; but I saw clearly that the waggons were
only half-loaded, and I afterwards found that the articles had
been badly selected, and on the third day the doctors had hardly
anything to eat and were glad of some assistance from the stores
of our part}7. The two doctors, whom I accompanied, very
properly refused unnecessarily to trudge thirty mil'es to Stenay,
and, although the agent could not find any carriage for them,
they themselves found an omnibus and pair, which he at first
declined to hire for them, but at last he yielded the point, and
we made arrangements for our departure. I was anxious that
we should have a good assortment of everything likely to be
useful, and especially drugs, and that the waggons should be
sufficiently loaded ; but I could only secure a very few drugs,
and when everything that they were inclined to give us, out of
the many toas of stores, had been put on, I saw that the
waggons were not even half full. The agent and the store-
keeper, however, maintained that the waggons could not carry

19-1 aitendix.

more, and that the carters' estimate of about two tons per
waggon was about right. I felt certain that they were wrong,
and asked them to weigh one waggonload, but was told that
they had no scales and weights, and that none could be got in
the town. However, I found both at the hotel at which the
head-quarters of the Society are established, and on weighing
the first waggon the load turned out to bo 915 kilogrammes,
instead of 2,000. However, they refused to put any more on,
and the other waggon had a still lighter weight, so that the two
together had not sufficient for one, whilst each waggon cost the
Society 100 francs for going and returning.

We started in the afternoon, and reached Yirton that night,
where we found many French refugees, and, amongst others, a
sub-lieutenant, who had been taken prisoner at Sedan, and who
had escaped. In the course of the evening a Municipal Coun-
cillor from Montmedy, which still holds out for the French, came
in, and asked us to give him drugs, as they were in great want
of medicine ; but finding they had enough iu the meantime, we
refused, and gave them the address of a doctor in Brussels, who
would send them whatever they wanted — a plan which, simple
and obvious as it is, had never occurred to the doctors and
druggists of Montmedy.

Next morning we started early, and reached Montmedy (which
is strongly fortified and somewhat picturesque) about ten a.m.,
when we were at once taken under the charge of a gendarme,
and conducted to the French Governor of the fort. The Germans
had bombarded the place a few days previously, but were
unable to take it ; and though their bombs destroyed some
houses in the upper town adjoining the citadel, the lower town
was wholly uninjured

The Governor at first eyed us with some suspicion ; but on
observing by my passport that I was a member of Parliament,
he said I might have a pass, and asked me if I would take
charge of a Luxembourg ambulance which had arrived at Mont-
medy the day before, but which he suspected was a commercial
venture in stores, for the benefit of the Germans. We were

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 195

then taken to the office, and the clerk asked me to draw up the
pass in my own words, which I did, and it was then duly signed
and stamped ; but just at that moment a French captain of
artillery came in, and intimated more plainly than politely that he
believed our stores were for the Prussians, and that not impro-
bably we were spies, who ought to be shot, or, at any rate,
thrown into prison. I showed him my passport, and he then
was convinced that he was mistaken as to us, but spoke very
roughly to the Luxembourgeois, and told them distinctly that
he would prevent them from proceeding to Stenay, and imme-
diately afterwards they were deprived of their stores and sent
back. He then expressed himself bitterly against the English,
who, he said, all sympathised with the Prussians, although I
had told him that upwards of two millions of francs had been
subscribed in England to aid the French and German wounded
indiscriminately, or far more than the French had subscribed for
their own wounded.

On walking down to the lower town we inspected the hospital,
which was tolerably comfortable, and then ordered our horses
to be put to in order to continue our journey ; but the drivers
refused to go, and added that they had been threatened so much
by the people that they were afraid to proceed. With much
trouble we succeeded in getting them to agree to proceed ; but
a mob collected, who told us that they would prevent us from
going to Stenay, although I showed them the pass signed and
sealed. We, however, ordered them to drive on, when some
men rushed forward and seized the horses by the bridles. I
then took the bridles from them, and led the waggons forward.
After going a few yards another knot of people stopped us, and
then another, and, at last, with difficulty, we reached the top of
the hill ; but here a large collection of people met us, and abso-
lutely refused to let us proceed, and I had to go in search of a
lieutenant, who was most polite, and at last enabled us to
descend the hill. So much for the state of discipline in Mont-
medy.

We baited half-way, at a small village, and I took the oppor-

1<J6 AITENDIX.

tunity of talking to a number of the people, and found that they
no longer feared the Germans, and that only one man out of the
entire population had volunteered for the arm}', and he had only
gone because he had quarrelled with his wife ! I saw clearly
that none of them were ambitious of fighting the Prussians, and
that they did tot care a straw whether France lost Alsace or not.
In fact, the rural population of France is sick of war-glory and
bloodshed. They have no arms, and few of them know how to
use a gun ; indeed, there were only about six fowling pieces in
the village and neighbourhood, and these the Prussians have
taken. I asked them whether, if the Prussians were defeated
and flying past their doors, pursued by the French, they would
stop them, kill them, or injure them ? But they all assured me
that they would not molest them in any way, but would rather
show them any kindness in their power. If, as I believe, this is
a fair specimen of the temper of the people of France, it is clear
that all the tall-talking of the French newspapers about krees en
masse, about francs tireurs, and exterminating the German tra-
vellers, is buncombe. Because the Spaniards half a century ago
formed guerilla bands, and massacred as many French soldiers
as possible, therefore it is urged the French peasantry could and
should become francs tireurs, and destroy as many Germans as
they can. In those days, however, the peasantry were treated
with the grossest cruelty ; women were dishonoured, and the
population reduced to ruin, starvation, and despair ; whereas tow
the invading army treats the peasantry at least as well, and, in
some cases, better than their own ti*oops. They feel that their
rulers are to blame for an aggressive and unprovoked war ; and
they see clearly that, whether victorious or beaten, they will get
but little thanks for the dangers and sufferings which they are
invited to encounter in a war begun because the King of Prussia
.refused to see Benedetti.

In a few hours we reached Stena}r, a town of nearly 3,000
inhabitants, and there we put ourselves in communication with
the French and Prussian medical men, and found that they had
hardly any drugs, and that there was a deficienc}' of almost every-

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFOKD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 197

thing required by the sick and wounded. Though Captain
Brackenbury, the agent for the Society, had forbidden us to
give away any of our drugs, T felt myself compelled by the
urgent necessity of the case to disregard his instructions, and I
distributed nearly the whole equally between the French and
Germans, who were most grateful and obliging. We dined with
the principal surgeon of Stenay, and met a number of French
and German surgeons, who were most civil and agreeable ; but
before dinner was over one of them mentioned that from 2,000 to
3,000 French prisoners from Sedan were expected at Stenay that
night, and that he was afraid that they would not obtain even
bread to eat. I said that I thought it a disgrace to the people
of Stenay utterly to neglect the French prisoners, and that I
could not sit still and drink champagne and claret and hear that
the prisoners had no bread and the wounded no wine. They told
me that little or no bread could be had in Stenay ; but fortu-
nately we had brought 700 pounds of bread from Belgium, and
I resolved to distribute this at my own expense, and refund the
price to the Society, as their funds are only applicable to the
sick and wounded. Only one or two of the doctors accompanied
me, and I had the greatest difficulty in obtaining a few volun-
teers out of the numerous idlers in the streets, to carry my bread
to the prisoners. On entering the church I saw the poor sol-
diers, pale and emaciated, and worn out with fatigue and hunger,
not having had anything to eat for more than twent}r-four hours,
but overjoyed to hear that an Englishman had bread at least to
give them, although their own countrymen utterly neglected
them. When I produced the bread there was a general rush
towards me, and it required two Prussian soldiers, with fixed
bayonets, to keep them from crushing me to death as I passed
through them ; whilst on all sides they besought me, for the
love of God, to give them a morsel, however small. I at last
completed the distribution with my own hands, and my store
provided one-third of a pound for each man, for which the poor
fellows were most grateful ; and I am glad to say that they all
behaved extremely well, and that the strong and healthy who

198 APPENDIX.

contrived to secure the loaves divided them fairly with the weak
and sickly.

About 70,000 prisoners out of 100,000 taken at Sedan passed
through Stenay, staying each one night ; and if the people of
that town had been philanthropic they would have been able,
for 1,750 francs, or £70, to give a pound of bread to each
soldier, which they could have obtained, as I did, by sending
carts to Belgium or putting themselves on half rations. No
doubt the Germans were bound to feed their prisoners ; but if
they could and would not do this, the French should and could
have done it, and, as a precautionary measure, they should at
least hav^e provided a pound of bread a man, even although they
believed that the Germans would provide the usual minimum
and insufficient ration which prisoners receive. How different
is the way in which the Germans treat the sick and wounded
and the French prisoners in their own country ! When the
trains arrive ladies and gentlemen of the highest rank vie with
each other in munificent provision for their wants, distributing
not only bread, which is not needed, but cigars, wine, fruit, and
delicacies of every kind, in profuse abundance ; in short, the
French are infinitely better treated by their enemies than by
their countrymen.

Next morning it distressed me to see many of the prisoners
limping along without shoes and with sore and bleeding feet,
but none of the wealthier class in Stenay were there, as far as
I could see, to say even a kind word to any of them ; and though
I would gladly have taken the boots off my own feet, it was
impossible to delay the march, and not one of the people of
Stenay had provided a carriage or even a cart for those who
were compelled, though quite unable, to march a second twenty
miles without breakfast and without money to buy the food
which some of their more fortunate companions had eagerly
purchased from their grasping fellow-countrymen at usurious
prices. A German Protestant pastor gave me a seat in his car-
riage to Sedan, and my companions followed slowly at a walk
by another road which passes through Beaumont, and where

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 199

they found even more than the usual dearth of provisions and
medicines. After passing through several small villages, where
I distributed chloroform, Liebig's extract of meat, and other
things of which there were an utter destitution, we reached
Mouzon, where there is a beautiful church, which, before the
war, was being restored. I went to the German and French
ambulances, and found that they also stood in want of medicine,
and of almost everything else, and I therefore gave what I could
out of the Society's stores, but not nearly as much as they wanted,
or as I would have wished. Amongst other requirements the
doctors and nurses at the French hospital told me that they
wanted wine, which they said could not be bought in or near
Mouzon. Upon this I went to the principal hotel, when they
told me that they could sell me 100 bottles of Burgundy and
fifty of claret, the latter at fifteen pence per bottle ; but on men-
tioning this to the doctors they said it was far too dear, and as
no cheaper wine could be got, the sick and wounded must do
without, unless I could supply them. I told them that I con-
sidered such parsimony cruel and foolish, for, setting aside
humanity, a soldier was supposed to be worth at least one
hundred pounds in peace and more in time of war, and that
it was sound economy to save their lives by giving tolerable wine
to their patients, as, after all, it was cheaper than medicine, and
one-third of the quantity of claret at fifteen pence a bottle would
do as much or more good as a full ration of the wretched vin
ordinaire at five pence. As argument and entreaty were useless,
I brought six bottles of good claret and served it round myself to
all the patients, saying it was a present from the English
Society for the Relief of the Wounded, and they were all very
thankful, even for this small attention.

The commanding officer of the German Volunteer Depot for
the wounded gave me a chassepot rifle and sword-bayonet, which
I accepted, and offered me a sabre and helmet, of which I did
not like to deprive him, and we then proceeded to Douzy, where
there are many sick and wounded, and from thence to Bazielles,
a large village, every house of which was totally destroyed by

200 ArrENDix.

tlio German artillery buring the battle of Sedan. It is a fearful
and extraordinary sight, and I trust I may never again witness
such a wreck.

A short distance further, after looking at the field of battle,
still strewed with dead horses, which poisoned the air with an
insufferable stench, we reached Sedan, which is a large town of
about 150,000 inhabitants, with what was formerly considered
most formidable fortifications, and to add to their strength the
river had been dammed up, and a large extent of country was
Hooded. As there was no room at any hotel I gladly accepted
the proffered hospitality of the surgeons of the Anglo-American
Ambulance ; and I am now writing this letter in the room where
I am to sleep with the two principal surgeons, who are now fast
asleep, it being nearly one in the morning. The hospital here
accommodates about 500 patients, being far more, I understand,
than any other of the ambnlances here, and every bed is occu-
pied, while a considerable number occupy tents outside. The
doctors seem most attentive, and I believe they have been
unusually successful, and all comforts are liberally provided, whilst
the medical men themselves are content with a diet which is even
too Spartan for me, though I am easily satisfied. Seven French-
men, however, died yesterday, some of them, I believe, in con-
sequence of having been prematurely removed from the German
hospital to make room f 3r Prussians, which is a fatal mistake,
as the French would have had a far better chance if they had
not been moved, and the Germans might have been sent here,
where they would have been better off than in their own hos-
pital.

We breakfasted about seven o'clock this morning, and I after-
wards went with a party to Doncher}', three miles from here,
where the railway is open to Belgium, and there I found about
- 1 1 1 French wounded prisoners, who were to be sent off by train .
many of them on stretchers, having legs or arms amputated, and
I should have thought utterly unfit for the journey, and some of
them nearly certain to die on the road. The poor fellows were
ljing on straw on waggons, or sitting in third-class carriages,

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 201

and they told me that they had received no food that day except
some biscuits, which they saw in a box, and to which they
helped themselves. They said, moreover, that ever since the
campaign began they never had a sufficiency of food, and had
received wine only three times in three weeks. An itinerant
vendor of chocolate having left his box open for a few minutes,
a few of the wounded soldiers helped themselves, but were soon
detected by the owner, who abused them in no measured terms.
Finding that the wounded preferred chocolate to anything else,
I bought enough for the whole of the men, and then one of the
ladies gave them apples, and we then supplied them all with
water to drink, and filled bottles for them in case they were
thirsty on the journey ; but no one but ourselves paid them the
slightest attention, and one of their own officers looked tran-
quilly on, but gave us no assistance, though some of the wounded
were officers. Nothing could exceed the gratitude of the poor
men for our trifling attentions, and we drove off amidst cries of
" Vive l'Angleterre ! "

On my return to Sedan we saw that the camp of the French
prisoners was deserted, but I learned to my horror that they
were half starved, and had little else but horseflesh to live on,
and not enough of that, though Sedan is a rich manufacturing
town, close to the camp, and feeding them all when here with
bread would only have cost about £900. After a rather unsatis-
factory luncheon of dry bread and wine, I drove to see Dr.
Frank, whom you recollect at Cannes, and who seems to be most
active and useful, for those of his patients whom I addressed
speak warmly of his kind and skilful treatment.

On my return I determined to visit every hospital and every
private house where there were any wounded men, and, besides
endeavouring to supply any pressing wants, to offer to transmit
letters and telegrams through Belgium to their relatives, and to
forward replies by the same channel, and I was delighted to find
that many gladly availed themselves of my offer, including
several officers, who for three weeks have never been able to
communicate with their friends, as the plan which I have

202 APPENDIX.

adopted, though easy and inexpensive, had never occurred to
them. One unfortunate officer who, J fear, cannot survive, told
me that he had been robbed of all his money -when lying
wounded on the field of battle, by a French soldier !

It appears to me that the management of the affairs of the
English Society for the Eelief of the Sick and "Wounded is most
unsatisfactory, and, as a French surgeon said to me to-day, before
we distribute half of our stores and money the wounded will
probably be dead or cured, and the war will bo ended ; and I
have telegraphed to this effect to the Society in London, with
the concurrence of the two English doctors who accompanied me
to Sedan. It is quite a mistake to suppose that the peasantry
are starving, and that the necessaries of life are enormously
dear. Bread sells at five pence the kilogramme, which is more
than two EDglish pounds, and on inquiry at Balan to-day I
found that meat was Is. 3d. per kilogramme, whilst butter is two
francs per French pound, and Bordeaux, in cask, 1 franc 25 cen-
times per litre, which is about one-fourth more than the contents
of a bottle.

It is now past two o'clock, so I must conclude abruptly.

Yours, &c,

J. G. T. Sixcl.uk.

REFUSED BY THE " TIMES."

The following letter, from Sir J. G. T. Sinclair, Bait, M.P.,
appears in the Morning Advertiser : —

Sir, — Having returned home to-day from the seat of war,
after an absence of three weeks, I consider it an imperative
though irksome duty to bring before the public, through your
columns, the gross mismanagement of the London Committee
and the foreign agents of the National Society for Aid to the
Sick and Wounded in War.

As far as I can judge, the proceedings both of the London Com-
mittee and of their agents on the Continent have been a strange,
and, to an Englishman, humiliating combination of parsimony

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 203

and extravagance, recklessness and timidity, dilatoriness and
hurry ; the whole combined with an utter want of method, and
an entire absence of any intelligible guiding principles of action ;
and, by their own confession, they have not forwarded from
London more than about one-fourth of the amount of the subscrip-
tions, of which the greater part has not yet been locally expended,
though the war is practically nearly over, and all the great
battles have already been fought.

The society was originally formed in July, and a meeting was
held in London, when a sort of Provisional Government was
formed, much in the same haphazard way as the present poli-
tical Government of Paris, without, as I think, proper considera-
tion as to the qualifications of the individuals to whom the
serious, responsible, and difficult task of directing this important
national object was to be entrusted ; and thus duties of vital
consequence to the sick and wounded at the seat of war, and to
the honour of the English name for philanthropy and liberality,
fell into the hands of a few wealthy and inexperienced amateurs,
instead of into those of officials and men of business like Sir
Charles Trevelyan and others, who would have inspired confi-
dence in the nation, and thus have stimulated subscriptions, and
who would have made half the money go further than the pre-
sent administration with the entire funds.

Any one of the smallest discernment and the most slender
faith in the benevolence of his fellow-countrymen must havs
foreseen, by previous examples of the unbounded generosity of
the British public, that the subscriptions for the sick and wounded
could not and ought not to be below £100,000, and it is already
nearly .£200,000 ; and if the London Committee had been equal
to the occasion, they should have immediately begun operations
on a scale commensurate with such a fund, and if individuals of
such well-known wealth were afraid to incur such a pecuniary
responsibility, a guarantee fund of that amount could have beeD
raised in London within twenty-four hours. Instead of this^the
committee proceeded slowly, timidly, and parsimoniously, with
only faith like a grain of mustard seed in British philanthropy ;

p

204 APPENDIX.

and the critical days after the battles of "Woerth, Weiesenburg,
Spicheren, Gravelotte, Mars-la-Tours, Rezonville, and Sedan
■were allowed to slip awsy without anything effectual having
been done. And now when the worst is over, when the wounded
are dead or have been sent away, the surgeons, agents, and
wagons of the society, loaded with superfluous stores, come out
at last, too late, lumbering slowly into the seat of war.

The first agents selected by the society, as might have been
anticipated, did not give satisfaction, and were consequently
superseded by Captain Brackenbury, who, in the letter pub-
lished from him in the Times, condemns their management in
strong terms ; but he does not allude to one of their proceedings
which he mentioned to me — namely, that they bought £700
worth of carriages, horses, and harness, which have gone off, as
I understood, empty in the rear of the Prussian army of Paris,
and which I have little doubt have been used for other purposes
than those contemplated by the National Society, if they have
not been confiscated by the franc-tireurs, who are as formidable
to the peaceful civilians as they are comparatively innoxious to
Ihe Germans.

My first intercourse with the London Committee was in the
shape of letters which I wrote, enclosing a subscription to the
\unds, and suggesting that if lint could not be obtained in suffi-
cient quantities, it might be made to almost any amount out of
cleansed and selected rags from the paper manufacturers, and
that as the greater number of the wounded (both German and
French) were in the hands of the Prussians, the funds of the
society should not be divided equally among the armies of both
nations, but given rateabty to the proportion of wounded. To
these and other suggestions I received no other reply than a
short acknowledgment of my subscription.

Being impressed with the distressing conviction derived from
the letters in the Times, Telegraph, and other papers, that the
whole management of the National Society was defective, and
that their staff was insufficient, I proceedod to London, and
offered to place my services at the disposal of the cominitt'

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFOKD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 205

they would give me a definite and independent mission), who,
however, told me that they did not see what I could do, as they
had more representatives already than they knew what to do
with. In reply, I said that it was impossiHe that any English-
man going out at his own sole expense, with the desire to do
.good, could fail to find some means of usefulness, and that I was
determined to go. They then offered me one of the very few
parchment commissions, of which, as I understood, they had
then granted but three, accrediting me as one of their agents.
But preferring independence of action, and disapproving of the
terms of the document, I declined it.

I then proceeded to Arlon, and offered my services to Captain
Brackenbury, who also was utterly unable to point out any
shape in which I could assist the society ; but at last, in the
mode pointed out in my letter, which is published in the Times
of Thursday last, I myself had no difficulty in discovering
various ways in which I could have been of great use at Arlon if
I had not been prevented by Captain Brackenbury ; and on my
journey to Stenay, Mouzon, and Sedan, I had the inexpressible
gratification of being able to render important services to the
sick and wounded, but only by disobeying his positive instructions,
and giving drugs and other stores to the various ambulances,
though they did not require the services of the surgeons who
accompanied me. I believe I was the means of saving the lives
of a large portion of 2,400 French prisoners at Stenay, b}'
appropriating and purchasing most of the bread which was sent
with me for the wounded, and which the latter did not require,
•except a few of those at Pouilly ; but of course this was a trifle
hardly worth the consideration of the National Society and its
agents, though I myself would have travelled from the utmost
extremity of the earth to have the inestimable privilege of
being able, especially at an utterly insignificant pecuniary sacri-
fice, to render such a service.

Further, at nearly all the ambulances and hospitals which I
visited there was either a total deficiency or a wholly inadequate
supply of everything beyond the barest necessaries ; and the

p o

206 AITENDIX.

nursing of the sick, when not performed by sisters of charity,
was entrusted to professional infirmiers, who usually discharged
their duty in the most perfunctory and unsatisfactory manner,
and whose average numbers are only one to ten wounded men,
which is obviously wholly insufficient. At the various ambu-
lances the medical men are so overworked that they have not
time to attend to any other than strictly professional duties, and
even the officers complain that their diet consisted merely of
bouillon, which, as many of your readers know, is only another
name for tepid water, with a little grease floating on the top,
into which a little beef has been boiled for a few minutes, and
louilli, which is the said morsel of meat with the food extracted,
and a handful of dry and usually acid bread. And there was
abundant occupation in seeing that a more nourishing and
palatable diet is added by giving Liebig's extract, preserved
meat, chocolate, coffee, jelly, biscuits, good wine, and cigars to
the sick and wounded ; also in writing and sending letters and
telegrams to their relatives, and, in the case of the dying, to
endeavour to prepare them for the solemn event — a task which
is carelessly and indifferently performed at present by a few
ungenial priests — in showing sympathy with their bodily and
mental distress in conveying their last dying messages to friends
and relatives, and in trying, however feebly, to soothe their last
moments. These, however, are services which are best dis-
charged by some of those benevolent ladies with whom Britain
abounds, as it is difficult for men to establish that immediate
and complete feebng of implicit confidence which in such
moments the more sympathetic nature and greater tact and self-
devotion of women so easily inspire. In fact, most of the
wounded seem to die altogether unwarned of their approaching
end, and one of them could get no other book to read than a dry
pamphlet on the Propaganda.

Such services are chiefly, if not solely, needed by the French
officers and soldiers, who, in Sedan and elsewhere, are most
shamefully neglected by their fellow-countrymen and country-
women, and who are utterly helpless when they are in a diffi-

THE RATIONAL SOCIETY A2s"D STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 207

culty, even if they have plenty of money. I visited a consider-
able number of French officers, many of them suffering from
agonising wounds, lying on short, narrow, iron bedsteads, with
a straw and a wool mattress, and a hard, cylindrical pillow,
which catches the extreme back of the head and shoulders, and
leaves a considerable strain on the muscles of the neck ; and
finding that I, though well and fatigued, could not sleep a wink
under such circumstances, I wondered much that none of the
rich inhabitants of Sedan had been willing to give up, even for
a single night, one of their soft, roomy beds, spring mattresses,
and large downy pillows, for any of their wounded officers. In
fact, the selfish and cynical indifference of the French to the
wounded and these who were prisoners was to me astounding
and appalling. I called at one of the largest mansions in Sedan
and saw the proprietor and his wife, who asked me if I could
obtain any intelligence of a French colonel of hussars, who was
lying wounded at Beaumont, and in whose welfare the husband
professed a strong interest. I replied that if he really cared for
his wounded friend he should take his comfortable carriage after
breakfast and bring him home to dinner, instead of giving
others the trouble who were fully employed ; and I proceeded to
dilate in the strongest terms on the conduct of the people of
Sedan and elsewhere to the French wounded and prisoners, as I
also did afterwards at greater length to a large party of French
surgeons and others at the French Ambulance at the Solus-
Prefecture, with the almost entire assent of my audience.

On the morning preceding my departure from Sedan I was
surprised and pained to learn that a considerable number of
wounded were being removed, or, as the phrase goes, evacue,
from the Anglo-American Ambulance, though in the opinion of
our surgeons many were unfit to travel ; and it would have been
better and kinder to have placed a pistol at their heads and to
have shot them on the spot. It was most distressing to hear the
cries of the poor men as they were jolted in wagons without
springs, and with but little straw, over rough roads.

The same evening orders were received that forty out of the

208 Apr-Exmx.

sixty-seven infirmiers, cr hospital attendant?, should leave our
ambulance, at which our doctors were naturally mest justly irate,
and loud were the denunciations of the inhumanity of the
Germans.

I proceeded next morning to the Commandant, who received
me most politely, and told him that as my sympathies were with
the German cause, I was distressed to see and bear his country-
men accused of ordering wounded men to he removed who were
incapable of the journey, and of recklessly depriving the Anglo-
American Ambulance, at an hour's notice, of two-thirds of the
hospital attendants, when there were already too few ; and as one
of the chief surgeons of the German army who accompanied me
round the wards remarked, there was a deficiency of cleanliness,
caused by an insufficient and inefficient staff of servants. The
Commandant said in reply that the Chief of the French Intendance
had called to inform him that many of the wounded in the various
ambulances, and, amongst others, in ours, could and should bo
removed ; and not supposing that he would be guilty of care-
lessness or inhumanity to his own countrymen at any rate,
he gave the necessary orders, but was shocked and grieved to
hear my statement, and would inquire immediately into the
circumstances. He added that on the preceding day the French
Intendance had complained of the excessive number of infirmters
in our ambulance, and said that twenty-seven, instead of forty-
seven, were amply sufficient, upon which (again believing his
representation, and knowing that nineteen-twentieths of our
wounded were French) he permitted forty to be removed. The
Commandant seemed hurt that I could have believed it possible
that he could be intentionally guilty of such inhumanity, of
which no German officer, he said, would be capable; and he
Avent on to say that, while wo English spoke of our neutrality,
it seemed odd that nearly all our wounded were French, and
that none of the stores of our National Society, as far as he
knew, had been sent to the Germans, whilst he saw wagon-
loads outside our ambulance at half-past four that morning. I
told him that the proportion of French was, I felt sure, acci-

TIIE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. '209

dental ; that the French surgeons were, I understood, less skilful
and attentive than the German surgeons, and less provided with
medical necessaries and comforts ; that our stores had only
arrived the preceding evening, and that I would do all in my
power to obtain a large supply for the Germans from our now
superabundant stores ; but the Germans are too proud to ask,
and at the time we had no one authorized to ascertain what they
required, and to proffer such gifts as we could spare.

I also took the opportunity of seeing other German officers of
rank, to ask whether it was true that the 100,000 French prisoners
were half-starved by them at Sedan. They told me that on the
day of the capitulation, and for a day or two after, no bread was
baked, and there was a deficiency of everything ; but they gave
as much food as they could spare to the prisoners, and their own
men were upon little more than half rations at the time. It was
obviously impossible for the Germans to anticipate and provide
against the capture of 100,000 prisoners, and it is wonderful indeed
that things were not much worse. In fact, if the French had
taken the German army as prisoners of war, they would not
only have had nothing for them, but must have fed themselves
chiefly from German stores. Some officers told me that the Ger-
man authorities ordered the people of Sedan to supply the pri-
soners, and they could easily have done this from Belgium — a
distance of about twenty miles — by borrowing money on the
security of the town ; and, in any case, even if the Germans were
bound to find the barest necessaries of life, the French might
have taxed their private and municipal resources to provide
something more than dry bread in addition to the German rations,
or in lieu of them ; and this, as I have shown in my last letter,
would only have cost about £900 to £1,000 ; and even had they
done this, it would have been far inferior to the profuse liberality
of the Germans in their own country, not only to their com-
patriots, but to the French prisoners.

The night before I started from Sedan I dined at the Hotel
d'Europe with an English acquaintance of the Jewish persua-
sion, with whom I had much satisfaction in co-operating in

210 APrENDIX.

various plans for the benefit of the wounded. At dinner we met
with the agents of the Brussels Society for the "Wounded, who
had at last arrived to secure a sufficient number of wounded to
fill 1,200 beds wlrch had been granted at Brussels, as well as
thousands more in other parts of Belgium; but up to that d;iy
(the 14th) they had obtained hardly any, though hundreds had
been sent off by railway without any attempt on their part to
secure them ; and even now, I believe, only a small portion of
the beds are occupied, so that, by a fatal coincidence, the same
mismanagement which characterizes our English National Society
is chargeable, though in a less degree, against the Belgians ;
whilst the Dutch ambulances are admirably managed, and leave
scarcely anything to be desired. — I am, sir, yours, &c.,

J. a. T. Sinclair.
Thurso Castle, Sept. 24, 1870.

A letter in the Cologne Gazette suggests that the balloons now
30 much in vogue should be utilized so as to dispose the French
people towards peace. It says : — " Now that Paris is completely
invested, the employment of balloons for the purpose of dis-
persing over Paris proclamations or other necessar}r information
— particularly accurate information as to the position of affairs
and the whole course of events since the declaration of the war
— is resorted to. It would be desirable if members of the
Geneva Convention and of the international societies for the
relief of the wounded would by means of such communications
disseminate information which would weaken, if not remove,
the blind prejudices of the French population. The statements
of well-accredited correspondents, such as the Duke of Man-
chester, Sir Tollemache Sinclair, and others, would also have a
beneficial effect on the people if made known in this war."

The Times publishes the following extracts from a letter of Sir
J. G. T. Sinclair :—

" At the time of mv visit the streets of Sedan and the cafos

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 211

were full of men, chiefly attached to the French ambulances,
who appeared to have nothing to do but enjoy themselves ; and
the commissiariat clerk of one of these, which, he informed me
(and as I fully believe from his business-like proceeding and
candour) was doing great service in a neighbouring village, told
me that half the French ambulances were partially or entirely
idle, and that some of them had left Paris without either instru-
ments or drugs, and were still without either.

" On paying a visit to the hospital on the evening before my
departure I remained till past nine, and, as the town was in a
state of siege, the drawbridge was lifted, and the sentry told me
that I must remain ; but on finding the guard the sergeant most
good-naturedly brought down six men, who lifted the heavy
bridge with difficulty, and let me return to my hotel, refusing
any remuneration for their services.

" Next morning we started from Sedan for Libramont in my
friend's carriage, with two wounded French officers, and on

arriving at Givonne, visited the Due de B , a French

officer, who was severely wounded, and is now nursed by
his mother ; and it seemed to me strange that other French
ladies did not follow her example, as the Germans make no
difficulties, but are most civil and obliging, and my pass-
port was never once asked for by them. The Due and five
other French officers were under the care of German doctors,
and were loud in praise of their attention and skill ; but here
again there was a great want of everything beyond the bare
necessaries of life, and a scarcity of drugs. In fact, at the very
moment that I arrived a poor soldier was suffering severely
from tetanus, and there was no hydrate of chlorate to give him ;
but fortunately I had a bottle of this, along with other medi-
cines, from my good-natured friends of the Anglo-American
ambulance, which I gave, and which was gratefully accepted.
My friend offered to take one of the wounded officers at
Givonne to his house in Brussels, where he intends keeping a
number of wounded officers at his sole expense till they are
well, and one of them gladly accepted the invitation. He told

212 APPENDIX.

me that the officers of the French Intendance were des canailles,
and that one of them wanted to f evacuate ' him ; but he ordered
him off in double quick time, and told him that he was a cochon.
He added that some of the gentlemen attached to a French

ambulance, consisting of the Due de F and ether Parisian

exquisites, called on them, and asked if they wanted anything ;
but though they required everything but necessaries they were
too proud to ask, upon which a few cigars only were given to
each. Before they left one officer said he wished he could buy
a paletot, upon which these gentlemen told him that he might
have as many as he pleased, as money was no object, and they
had abundance of stores ; but the paletot never arrived, and the
fact is, a large proportion of those who accompany French am-
bulances are faineant, who like the honour and eclat of playing
at philanthropy at the smallest possible cost.

"At Libramont I parted with my friends and went to Luxem-
bourg, where I found that the correspondents of various news-
papers, whose acquaintance I had the pleasure of making on
my last visit there, had gone to the neighbourhood of Metz, and
I therefore started next morning — stayed for a few hours at
Treves, where I saw some handsome churches, the beautiful
Roman gateway, and other objects of great interest ; met Comte
Palikao's daughter, who could not obtain any tidings of her
father, or of her brother and cousin, and whom I could not
assist in her search, and reached Saarbruck that night. At
Saarbruck I found your correspondent, and I put myself also in
commavnication with a medical gentleman, sent by the National
Society from London, of, I believe, considerable reputation in
his profession, who received me most cordially, and was most
anxious to make himself useful, but who had received no precise
instructions, and had nothing whatever to do.

" We took six hours, instead of two, in going to Remilly,
where bread, cheese, wine, brandy, and other articles were being
sold at reasonable prices, and where I saw that the Germans had
even respected the geese and poultry of the French — 'not even
apparently confiscating an egg. Captain Maclaine kindly placed

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 213

his carriage and pair at the disposal of myself and three other
English gentlemen, and we started on a fine afternoon for the
last outpost of the Prussian army at Merci-le-Haut, within
twenty-five minutes' walk of Metz. When we reached the last
post but one it appears that our coachman was ordered to stop,
but neither he nor any of us at first heard the challenge, but on
its being reiterated I stopped the carriage, when we were roundly
scolded for disobeying orders, and told that if the sentries had
done their duty they would have shot us. Our pass was only
for two, and we were four, so that at first I was told that I could
not proceed, but by means of a little civility we soon gained on
the invariable good nature of the Germans, and they allowed us
to go on.

"On arriving at the last outpost the officers kindly sent a
sentry with us, as we were within shot both of the cannon from,
the town and the French sentinels, and we dodged down as near
as we could, and stood behind trees within less than half the
range of a chassepot, which we saw in the hands of a French
sentry, who, however, did not attempt to molest us. "We saw
men, houses, tents, &o, outside Metz, within the French lines,
and heard the band playing in the town most distinctly. I sus-
pect Metz is better provisioned than the Germans suppose, and
that they will have to return to the bombardment which the king-
had humanely ordered them to suspend.

"On returning to Eemilly we stayed a short time at Cour-
celles, and found that a quarrel had occurred between the chief
of the Johanniter there and the military commandant (which an
English coadjutor might probably have appeased), and I was sorry
to learn afterwards that the former, not being able to obtain
reparation, had retired with, I suppose, his stores ; so that it is
probable there is a special opening at present for the English
National Society at that place. The chief of the Johanniter
Bitter at Courcelles is a most intelligent and gentlemanlike man,
and speaks both French and English extremely well ; indeed,
nearly all the German officers I have met with can at least make
themselves understood in French, and many in English.

214 APPENDIX,

" On our return to Eemilly we were stopped by the sentry at
the entrance of the village, as it was half-past seven, and no one
was allowed to enter after seven ; but two of us got leave to go
in search of our Anglo-German officer, who escorted us back to
your correspondent's lodgings, where I was entertained as hos-
pitably as the nature of the case permitted, but had to sleep on
a few handfulls of straw laid on the floor, with the aforesaid
present from the British nation to the German army as my
pillow.

" Next morning I returned to Saarbruck, and had another
long and interesting conversation with some German officers.
On reaching Saarbruck, I went with some English acquaintances
to see if anything could be done in the way of establishing an
hospital there, in anticipation of the fall of Metz, where typhus
and dysentery prevail. "We had an interview with the head of
the local German medical staff, who told us that he thought the
German Government would not be disposed to authorize the
English National Society, under the circumstances, to establish
such an hospital, and that, if more ambulance was required, the
Government would supply them themselves ; also, that the German
Government did not wish to accept gifts of bread, meat, and other
necessaries from any one (unless by some unforeseen and extra-
ordinary circumstance a deficiency arose at any place) ; that he
had power to order wine and any other comforts at the cost of
his Government, where they were absolutely necessary ; but that
they would gladly receive wine, cigars, and other comforts which,
though not rigorously necessary, were highly desirable for the use
of the wounded, and for which at that moment there was want,
as the Johanniter could not afford to give enough. The inter-
view ended, I believe (for I left before its close), by an agent of
the society obtaining permission, as a species of favour, to estab-
lish guch an ambulance, under the supervision of the German
Medical Chief, a condition to which few first-class English doctors
would submit.

" From Saarbruck (after visiting the almost impregnable
heights of Spicheren, which no troops but German or English

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 215

could, I believe, have taken, and where I found hardly any relics
of the battle, and not a single bullet or fragment of shell) I
went to Treves with one of the • correspondents ' of one of your
contemporaries, who had been taken as a Prussian spy and rudely
treated at Bheims ; and thence I went home by way of Brussels,
which is full to overflowing with rich French refugees from
Paris, and where I had the utmost difficulty in securing a single
bed.

" As I have animadverted on the management of the National
Society for Aid to the Wounded, I think it right to state the
course which I think should have been adopted by it, and which
even now might be advantageously pursued ; and I am con-
firmed in my views by an interview which I had with the North
German Ambassador, who seemed to approve in the main of the
views I entertain on that subject.

" The whole of the munificent contributions of the Germans
for the Aid of the Sick and Wounded in war are distributed by
the Johanniter Eitter, or Protestant Knights of St. John, for
North Germany, and by the Johanniter Maltese Eitter, who are
the Catholic Knights of Malta, for the South of Germany. Both
of these bodies consist conclusively of German noblemen of
rank and standing, who are as particular as the members of one
of the best London clubs as to those of their order whom they" will
admit. The German Government place almost unlimited confi-
dence in these Johanniter, who wear a uniform and cross, and
a certain number are attached to each corps d'armee, which is
complete in itself on the decentralized system, which is the
antipodes of that of the French. The Johanniter can always
obtain the use of the railway wagons, carriages, post, and tele-
graph free of expense; they can obtain supplies and horse
transport by requisition at fair prices, instead of at the fancy
prices extorted from our society ; they work in concert with the
military medical authorities ; and they are aided by intelligent
and practical men of business, who have volunteered in large
numbers for the purpose. It appears to me that this system
though it may be open to some objections, is on the whole

216 A1TEXDIX.

admirable, and that the proper course for the National Society
would be to send out an intelligent English gentlemaa, -without
salary, like one of the almoners of the Society for the Relief of
Distress in London, aided perhaps by an intelligent clerk, to act
in concert with the Johannitor in command at each German
corps iVarmee. The English agent should be a gentleman by
birth and manners, and, if possible, one of those who sympa-
thizes -with the German cause. He should have cash or credit
to an adequate amount, but no stores, excepting such articles as
can be bought cheaper and better in London, or are given gra-
tuitously. By concert with the Johanniter and his numerous and
effective staff, the wants of the sick and wounded would bo made
known from day to day, or even from hour to hour, and each
English agent could have frequent intercourse -with the other
English agents and with the corps (Tarmee for mutual advice and
assistance, while he could communicate regularly, rapidly, and
easily with the London Committee, while correspondence via
Arlon is rare, tedious, and intermittent.

" As matters now stand we are likely to send, too late, abun-
dance of stores which the Germans do not want, and which
could usually be bought by them far cheaper, quicker, and better,
while they will not receive in time a sufficiency of those things
which they do want, and however munificent the English sub-
scriptions are in money and in kind (the committee apparently
not having taken the trouble of approximating to value the
latter, which is much to be regretted), the Germans will only
remember receiving too late, sometimes in inadequate doles and
at other times in overpowering profusion, a lot of comparatively
useless stores, which have been bought and transported at
usurious rates, many of which will probably have to be sold at
the end of the war for an old song. Even those who do not
understand or believe in the good management of the Johanniter
must surely see that the Germans would naturally prefer being
aided chiefly through their own people, who know their wants,
and not mainly by foreigners, who generally speak their lan-
guage very imperfectly ; and if so wildly improbable a contin-

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAEEOKD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 217

gency had occurred as that the French had organized a national
subscription for the relief of the distress in Lancashire caused
by the cotton famine, and they had distributed their relief by a
separate and expensive French organization, instead of by the
English association under Lord Derby, every one would have
considered their management wasteful and absurd in the extreme.
A judicious Englishman might do much to correct any faults of
the Johanniter system ; and, besides the advantage which the
English society would have derived from the gratuitous, intelli-
gent, and zealous aid of the Johanniter, a contribution of £100,000
from England in money would have gone, probably both in
appearance and reality, even further than £200,000 in stores,
and would have given us an influence of a salutary and effective
nature with these patriotic and intelligent German noblemen,
besides endearing the name of England to every German heart,
and removing, or at least mitigating, the bad impression justly
produced by our refusal to prohibit the export of arms to either
belligerent.

"With respect to the French, nothing can exceed the ineffi-
ciency and absurdity of their centralized system ; and it seems
to me absolutely essential that English agents and English
medical men should be employed for them. On the other hand,
as probably more than five-sixths of the sick and wounded of
both nations are in the hands of the Germans, it would be evi-
dently unfair to send half the money and stores to the French
armies and hospitals, and it would be only just to proportion
our gifts to the number of sick and wounded with each army as
nearly as can be calculated. The stores of the society should
have been at Libramont, which is by far the nearest railway
station to Sedan, or at the adjoining village ; and, if adequate
storage could not have been obtained, wooden sheds could have
been immediately and cheaply erected for both stores, lodging,
and stabling.

"These stores would then have been within a few hours'
journey by cart from Sedan, instead of two days' distance, as at
Arlon, where the stores were only begun to be warehoused on

218 APrENDIX.

the 9th of September from Luxembourg, instead of sending them
direct to Sedan, and the transport would have cost exactly half
•what it now amounts to, or less than one-quarter if the stores
were weighed, and full loads sent instead of less than half loads,
as usually forwarded by the agent. The depot at Libramont
would have had the further enormous advantage of being at the
point at which nearly all the wounded joined the railway, and
where incalculable good could have been done, and probably
many lives saved, by daily giving them various comforts which
they actually much required, while all that they actually got, so
far as I could see, was some bread and butter, water and cigars,
from the Belgians and Germans. In fact, all but the English
stores passed by Libramont.

" I may add that by a letter in the Times it appears that the
Anglo-German Society for the Wounded, with much more limited
means, but with judicious, timely, and bold liberality, has spent
more on the spot than our National Society, with all its enormous
resources, and has even had to come to the rescue of our Anglo-
American ambulance at Sedaa, where there were hardly any
other than French patients ; that I am told the individual I was
not allowed to assist at Arlon with the stores, and whom I con-
sidered utterly inefficient, but who, the society's agent told me,
was one of the best storekeepers in Europe, is no longer in their
employment ; and Mr. Churchward, of Dover, informed me that
he believed the stores of the society sent by Calais were simply
put into the Erench Government warehouse there, instead of
being sent forward for the wounded.

"I make many apologies for trespassing so long on joux spaco
and on your readers' patience, which extreme haste and the
importance of the subject can alone justify.

"Thurso Castle, Caithness, Sept. 26.

" P.S. — While writing the foregoing I was surprised to see a
letter in the Times of Friday last from Colonel Loyd-Lindsay,
stating that the London Committee is engaged in sending out an
ambulance and twelve waggons from England with Dr. Long-
more, &c, and that the North German Ambassador promises to

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 219

give permission to convey a large stock of ' chloroform ' through
the Prussian lines into the ' besieged cities ' of Metz, Strasburg,
and ' Montmedy.' I believe thero are already far too many
English surgeons and too few dressers, nurses, and clerks at the
seat of war; and I should like to see a return of the work
actually performed by each, as I know some who, when I left,
had done absolutely nothing, and could find nothing to do ; and
except the Anglo-American ambulance at Sedan under Drs,
Sime and Frank, which is only partially connected with the
National Society for Aid to the Wounded, I believe compara-
tively little good has been done by the English surgeons sent out,
generally without any fault of their own, as the foreign surgeons
and chiefs of ambulances keep nearly all the operations jealously
to themselves. Why nof, therefore, utilize those already there
instead of sending others? As to wagons, &c, they could be
bought or hired infinitely cheaper and better close to the seat of
war.

"As no sortie has been made from Metz since September 1,
probably no surgical operations are now requisite, and, there-
fore, chloroform is most likely unnecessary there : and, as Metz is
suffering from typhus and dysentery, other drugs, and not cholo-
form, are required.

"I was at Montmeilv on the 11th inst., which is a mere
village, and not a ' city,' and which was not then, and I
believe is not now, ' besieged ; ' and, as I gave the druggists and
medical men there, as I afterwards did at Sedan (where I found
many drugs at the shops, of which there were supposed to be
none), the address of a Brussels physician who would put them
in communication with the Brussels chemist (which, of course, the
French Ambassador or Consul there would have also done), and as
there were only about twenty sick and wounded at that place, I
refused to give them chloroform, of which I had abundance,
finding that they had sufficient for the present, and could easily,
cheaply, and speedi'y obtain all necessary supplies."

220 APPENDIX-

The folio-wing letter appeared in the Times : —

TO TEE EBHOP OF TITE "TIMES."

Sip, — Observing in the Times of Tuesday, received to-day, a
letter from Captain Brackenbury, in which he attempts to reply
to my letter in the Times on the subject of the mismanagement
of the London Committee and local agents of the National Society
for Aid to the Wounded, I have to request your permission to
state —

1. That on the 8th of September the English Minister at
Brussels was not even aware where I could find the agent of the
National Society, and the Secretaire- General of the Belgian
Society for Aid to the Wounded (Dr. Holsbeek) told me that he
thought the stores were at Bouillon.

2. A store could have been built of wood at Libramont by a
contractor from Namur or elsewhere, before the agent could
have brought his bales and cases from Luxembourg, and store
room could have been hired at the adjoining village to Libra-
mont and at Bouillon on paying an adequate price. Waggons
and carts could have been hired from the villages round Libra-
mont and the adjoining towns, as was done by the Germans,
and wine, cigars, and other comforts and necessaries could have
been ordered by telegraph and sent by rail to Libramont.

3. From Arlon to Sedan occupied two days by waggon, while
from Libramont to Sedan was a one day's journey.

4. The Anglo-American ambulance at Sedan was so badly
supplied, as appears by Dr. Hart's report, that they were obliged
to send special messengers to London for stores, which arrived
the day after an enormous consignment from Avion.

o. Your readers will observe that the correspondents of the
Times at the headquar:ers before Paris, before Metz, and at
Strasburg, unanimously condemn the mismanagement of the
National Society, and that opinion is confirmed in the strongest
terms by the correspondent of the Scotsman.

I may add that I was much amused on leaving Saarbruck for
liemil'y early in the morning to find that one of the agents of

TIIE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 211

the society had followed me in haste to the station in order to
deliver to me a parcel containing the following articles :— Two or
three bandages, one small bottle of Liebig, about a yard of lint,
and as much wadding, two pairs of socks, one pair of slipper*.,
two shirts, two flannel vests, two pair of drawers, two pochrl
handkerchiefs, a bottle of opium pills, and a bottle of other
pills, as a pi'esent from the English National Society to the
wounded and sick of the German army of 309,000 men before
M etz ! Yours obediently,

J. G. T. Sinclair,

FROM THE "MORNING ADVERTISER."

Amongst the many interesting communications which have?
reached this country from the seat of war with respect to the
condition of the sick and wounded, and the arrangements which
have been made for their relief, we have read none more deserv-
ing of attention than that which has been published from the
pen of Sir Tollemache Sinclair. Other writers have mainly
confined themselves to the vast field which the war has opened
to the philanthropy of all who could contribute either in money
or in kind, or in personal service, to assuage the sufferings of
those who have fallen in this disastrous war ; or they have
described, as far as language could do, the more shocking features
of the misery which has come under their notice. The motives
prompting these communications are as excellent as the good
they have effected has been great. They have served to stimu-
late the compassion of the people of this country, ever ready to
respond to such appeals, and they have thereby been the means
of saving many lives, and of soothing the last hours of hundreds,
of poor fellows who were wounded beyond hope of recovery.

But none of the writers of these letters have attempted 1 1
criticize the mode in which relief has been administered, or to
suggest an improvement upon that which has been adopted.
And yet, when we consider how suddenly the war broke out,
and how little time there was to organize a system of ambu-

Q 2

-■222 APPENDIX.

lances and other hospitals, we should not be surprised to find
that the arrangements of our Central Committee have not been
as good as they no doubt would have been with more time fur
deliberation. It is upon this point that Sir Tollemache's letter,
interesting as it is in other respects, deserves our primary atten-
tion at this moment. How long this disastrous war will last it
is impossible to predict, but unhappily it cannot be doubted that
before it can be fought out to the bitter end thousands of soldiers
who are to-day unhurt will be in need of all the help we can
bestow upon them. It is, therefore, of the utmost consequence
that we should look about us, and see whether it is not possible
for us to use our resources to better purpose than hitherto, and
any evidence that can help us to form an opinion upon this point
ought not to be neglected.

We, therefore, turn to Sir T. Sinclair's letter not only beca-ise
anything proceeding from him merits attention, but because he
has carefully examined this subject, and has been in communi-
cation, in regard to it, with those who may be supposed to have
a thorough understanding of what is needed. We learn, in tlie
first place, with surprise that a proposition which Sir Tollemacho
and some English friends made with a view to establishing an
hospital at Saarbruck, in anticipation of the fall of Metz, was
not favourably entertained by the chief of the local German
medical staff, who expressed his belief that the German Govern-
ment would not be disposed to authorize the English National
Society under any circumstances to establish such an hospital,
and that if more ambulances were required, the Government
would supply them themselves. The result of the interview
with this gentleman seems to have been that the society obtained
permission, " as a kind of favour," to establish such an ami u-
lance, but with the condition that it should be under the super-
vision of the German medical chief. Something like a reflection
upon the mode in which the society has organized its resourci B
seems to be conveyed in the exaction of this condition, and Sir
T. Sinclair details at length the course he thinks it ought to have
pursued, and which it is, unhappily, not even yet too late to adopt.

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFOED HOUSE COMMITTEE. 223'

It must be remembered that the Germans already possess an
organization through which their own contributions have been
administered, and which has the advantage that it has not
been extemporized to meet a sudden necessity, but has long been
in existence. It is composed of the Johanniter Hitter, or-
Protestant Knights of St. John, for North Germany, and the
Johanniter Maltese Hitter, or Catholic Knights of Malta, for
South Germany. "Both of these bodies," Sir Tollemache
writes, " consist exclusively of German noblemen of rank and
standing, who are as particular as the members of one of the
best London clubs as to those of their order whom they will
admit." In these bodies the German Governments have almost
unlimited confidence, and place railway waggons, carriages,
post, and telegraph at their disposal, free of expense. More-
over, they can obtain supplies and horse transport by requisition
at fair prices, while those extorted from our National Society are
described as " fancy prices." They are in concert with the mili-
tary medical authorities, and they are aided by intelligent and
practical men of business, who have volunteered in large
numbers for the purpose.

Sir T. Sinclair is of opinion that the system is, on the whole-,,
admirable, and that the proper course for the National Society
would be "to send out an intelligent English gentleman, without
salary, like one of the almoners of the Society for the Relief of
Distress in London, aided, perhaps, by an intelligent clerk, to
act in concert with the Johanniter in command at each German
corps d'armee." By this means he thinks that the wants of the
sick and wounded would be known from day to day, or even
from hour to hour, while " each English agent could have fre-
quent intercourse with the other English agents and with the
corps d'armee for mutual advice and assistance," and "could
communicate regularly, rapidly, and easily with the London
committee," whereas " correspondence via Arlon is rare, tedious,,
and intermittent." Unless good reason can be shown why there
should be several independent organizations working without
concert, or with only spasmodic concert, for the same enc7, thi&
advice seems to be sound.

L'24 APPENDIX.

Independent action is net conducive to what is familiarly
known in this country as " a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull
all together." We can quite believe that upon the system we are
at present pursuing we are in danger of sending, too late, an
abundance of stores which the Germans do not want, and which
they can obtain cheaper and better than from us, while they will
not receive in time a sufficiency of the things of which they are
in need. It is not only possible but probable that our supplies
will at times reach them in inadequate doles, and at others in
such overpowering profusion that they will be useless.

Again, is it not a mistake to have fixed the head-quarters of
tlie National Society atArlon? Sir T. Sinclair does not stand
alone in maintaining that it would have been better to have
established them at Libramont, where they would have been
within a few hours' journey of Sedan, instead of a journey of
two days. Time and money would have been saved by such an
arrangement, and the great object for which we are labouring
would have been accomplished with far greater ease and affect.
We confess that there is too much reason to doubt whether, in
the desire to act upon an independent plan, we have not, to a
2;reat extent, neutralized the means at our disposal. It is not,
however, too late to correct this error; and we are confident that
a prejudiced adherence to its own views will not, as undoubtedly
it ought not, prevent the Central Committee from adopting a
better ] Ian than its hastily-improvised organization permitted,
if such a plan can be suggested, as we believe it has been in Sir
T. Sinclair's lett> r.

The following letter appeared in the Daily Telegraph : —
Sir, — Independently of Mr. J. Stuart Mill and Mr. Fr>
whose able, bold, and convincing letters against war with Russia
I have read with much satisf .cti >n, I have received letters from
several members of Parlian ent, expressing the samo views; and
I am confident that, if all E g and was polled by universal
suffrage,the immense majority w< u'd be against war on account of
the step which Eusra has ainoun el her indention of now taking.

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 225

It should be observed that Russia can build any number of the
largest men-of-war in the iSea of Azov or the Dnieper without
violating the Treaty of Paris ; or she could, as in the case of the
"Alabama " and the steam rams, build large men-of-war on the
pretext that they were merchantmen, and keep their armament
separate. Again, if she had a fixed intention of conquering
Turkey, she could build a fleet of any size or strength in the
Baltic or in America; and iron-plated men-of-war could force
the Dardanelles more easily than it was done by a British
admiral with wooden vessels many years ago.

I am one of those who totally disapproved of the Crimean war,
and who long to see a Greek Empire established in European
Turkey, or else that Russia will expel the handful of Mussulmans
who so grievously oppress the enormous majority of the popu-
lation, who are Christians. I do not believe that it would neces-
sarily follow that because Russia acquired Turkey she would
annex Egypt, and which, as compartd with Turkey, is well and
wisely governed. In an}r case, however, if the supposed interests
of Englaud are to interfere with progress and the rights of mil-
lions of oppressed Christians, the philanthropist will consider us
selfish and tyrranical oppressors ; and if we should, as is at least
possible, meet with a disastrous defeat, and, like the French,
have to submit to humiliating and ruinous terms, it would be
thought that we deserved our fate. It is most likely that the
Americans, in case of war, would fit out hosts of privateers,
who would hoist American colours when they met our men-of-
war, and the Russian when none wers near, and they would then
burn and destroy our shipping and our maritime towns, the end
of which would, of course, bo a war with the United States.
As to our honour obliging us to fight, I have to observe that, at
the beginning of this century, private duelling was considered,
as obligatory as some pretend that international duelling still is.
If any man did not challenge and kill any individual who called
him a liar or a scoundrel, he was considered a coward, wanting
in all sense of honour ; but now, even for such a heinous and
irreparable injury as the seduction of a wife — as may be observed

226 APPENDIX.

by a recent remarkable trial — no one is expected to challenge
the wrong-doer ; and public opinion, so far from thinking a man
a coward, would strongly disapprove of a duel being fought
even in such a case ; and if the injured man challenged the
seducer and killed him, it would be certainly a crime for which
he would be severely punished.

In the same way I consider international duelling both a folly
and a crime, and that war is only justifiable to defend our shores
or colonies, and not for any verbal offence or repudiation of
unjust or humiliating treaties, or to protect other nations, who
are never grateful to us for officious meddling.

Surely, after allowing the partition of Poland, the annexation
of IS ice and Savoy, and the dismemberment of Denmark, we can-
not dream of going to war on behalf of Turkey. As an English-
man and a member of Parliament I protest against sending
another 20,000 men to the European shambles, to be killed for a
Quixotic idea, and I also strongly deprecate sacrificing another
£70,000,000 of treasure, as in the Crimean war, the interest of
which would give us a free breakfast table, and remove most of
the taxes which fall so oppressively and so unjustly on the poor.

If the editors of those newspapers who, with vicarious
courage, attempt to goad the nation into war, and all bellicose
M.P.'s had to go to the war, as in Prussia — and I would wish
them sent to the very front of the battle — there would be as
many advocates for peace among the ruling class, in proportion,
as amongst the people at large. — Your obedient servant,

J. G. TOLLEMACHE SINCLAIR, M.P.

The following letter in reply to that from the pen of Sir
Tollemache Sinclair, M.P., has appeared in the Times : —

Sir, — My attention has been called to a letter in your journal
of September 30, headed " Sick and Wounded," from Sir
J. G. T. Sinclair, M.P., in which a remark is made that may
mislead the public, and it also implies a want of judgment and

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY AND STAFFORD HOUSE COMMITTEE. 227

management on the part of the chief agent (Captain Bracken-
bury, E.A.) of the Society for the Sick and Wounded. As he is
so far away, will you allow me to state the facts in justice to
him and the society ?

It states that the society's stores ought to have been at Libra-
mont instead of Arlon. Your correspondent is quite right, and
such was the intention ; but no stores were to be had, nor a
small shed to make into a store-room. To erect one was out of
the question ; all the workmen were gone off in the Belgian army,
and no wood was to be had. The stationmaster stated that if
the waggons were sent there he could not receive them, having
more than he could attend to. At this time the railway trucks
containing the stores belonging to the Belgian Government were
being charged for their detention. Arlon has also other advan-
tages even superior to Luxembourg, there being a banker there ;
bread, hams, and sausages cooked, with wine and cigars, at a
moment's notice ; carts can be had there, not Libramont. I can
understand that a superficial observer, without inquiry, would
make this mistake. There was another most important con-
sideration which I afterwards found to be correct ; no forage or
any food for man or beast was to be had on the road from Libra-
mont to Sedan — all was taken by the Belgian and Dutch
ambulances and the prisoners.

Captain Brackenbury, with some difficulty, obtained from tho
Bourgomestre of Arlon the use of the rooms and vaults under
the Palais de Justice. Bad as they were, I think in no other
town in that part of the country could their equal be found for
accommodation at the moment.

I will give your correspondent every credit for his exertions .
He received the first goods into the stores at Arlon while I was
unloading the railway trucks. Not knowing him, I imagined
him to be some person accustomed to the storehouses of Lower
Thames Street, and he most certainly deserves the thanks of the
society for his exertions, independent of the good he did after-
wards. If he had remained in Arlon another twelve hours he
would have found that all his suggestions had been carried out*

228 APPENDIX.

Those of your readers who know what warehousing is will
appreciate those exertions when I mention that there were 1,000
pairs of blankets, 600 cases and bales of linen bandages, cloth-
ing, &c, 40 cases, &c, of provisions, 30 cases of medicine, 20
cases of wines and spirits, and 20 cases, &c, of bottled beer,
barrels of plaster of Paris, and various other cases ; that all the
medicine cases had to be unpacked, sorted, and re-packed, the
same with linen* and extract of meat, and that 16 waggons had
to be loaded with an assortment of these articles, all within
24 hours. To weigh all these goods was an impossibility with
the staff we had; we were obliged to judge their weight, and
some wagons could not hold so much as others, while some had
to travel with three horses instead of one in consequence of the
roads ; hence the difference in weight. If they had been rail-
way trucks instead of country waggons it would have been
different. Although the journey was longer and the cost of
transport greater from Arlon than it would have been from
Libramont, I consider that there was no alternative but to select
Arlon as the de^ 6b.

In reference to his remarks about the Johanniter Patter, or
Protestant Knights of St. John, and also the Johanniter Maltese
Bitter, whom he calls the Catholic Knights of Malta, your
Masonic readers will know that these orders combine both Pro-
testants and Catholics, and being a member of both, and meeting
with a " companion " on leaving Arlon, I affiliated myself with
them, and thus visited all the ambulances in the vicinity of
Sedan up to Bheims, and I have seen the great good done by
the English Society from the stores sent from Arlon ; at the
same time I did more good in my own profession. I never had
occasion to show my passport, being taken for an Alsatian.
Nurs-es are not now required, and what was wanted were women
of the country, not English ladies.

He is quite right in stating that the Germans will not allow
English doctors to interfere ; even those engaged by the
Ambassador in London are only allowed to act as dressers ;
thoy will t:ike anything you like to give them in the way of

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY" AND STAFFORD IIOUSE COMMITTEE. 229

stores. The French are different, but exceedingly jealous of
our interference.

From what I have seen, I consider that next to the Johanniter
the English Society have done the mo&t good, even more so than
the Anglo-American Ambulance, because we have not confined
ourselves to one place, but wherever it was required there we
have been, and Captain Brackenbury and Mr. Furley have
achieved wonders.

I beg to add that I went out as an unpaid servant of the
society, and that as soon as a paid storekeeper arrived I left, and
7nade my way to the seat of war, all of which has been so ably
described by your correspondent.

There now remains plenty of work for the doctors in the shape
o£ typhus, but surgeons must go west of Paris.

I remain, yours, &c,

George Warriner,

Late Storekeeper at Arlon to the Society for the
London, Oct. 3. Kelief of the Sick and "Wounded.

Truth says: — "Lady Strangfofd is moving heaven and earth to get
an audience of the Sultan in order to receive his Majesty's thanks
for her disinterested labours among the Bulgarians. Neither the
lady nor her labours are popular in Turkish society. She has
not pulled well with her nurses, and is now homeward bound
with an exhausted exchequer and no accounts worth mentioning.

" In Bulgaria the chiefs of the two rival relief funds are called
the King and the Queen. The King himself sits arrayed in a
white cravat and silk stockings and pumps, a number of blankets
on one side of him for distribution among the Bulgarians, and a
few bottles of champagne on the other side for the delectation of
himself and his friends. He has an excellent French cook, and,
although the Bulgarians may starve, takes good care himself to
fare sumptuously.

" The outbreak of war has deprived the Bulgarians of fcheii
King and Queen. The latter suddenly discovered that the health

230 APPENDIX.

of the district in which her charities were bestowed was so far
restored that no further need existed for her hospitals. They
were accordingly closed, and her staff of volunteer doctors dis-
banded and left to shift for themselves. Disgusted with the
ingratitude of the Bulgarians, she will make her next appearance
as ministering angel to the wounded soldiers of the Sultan, and,
1 tacked by the Stafford House Fund, will gather a further crop of
laurels from the inexhaustible field of Turkish gratitude.
Bracelets are no longer in vogue, but the Osmanli will form a
brilliant addition to the many orders which adorn the bosom of

this indefatigable little woman He (the King) no

sooner heard of her flight than he prepared to follow, and made a
pompous progress as soon as his friend the Bulgarian bishop could
collect, by hook or by crook, a sufficiently imposing following
through Bajardzik to the railway station. There, in a long-
winded speech, he bade farewell to the impracticable Bulgarians,
whom he had failed to convince that his method of housing them
in crowded barracks, badly built of rough sawn boards, was
superior to their old custom, where each family lived in a separate
house in its own grounds. Both (King and Queen) are greedy of
the glory of distributing public money, and it is generally sup-
posed that their Majesties will run a hard race for the Stafford
House Guineas."

PHOTOGRAPH OF AN il.P., BY DICKENS. 231

PHOTOGRAPH OF AN M.P., BY DICKENS.

The obstructives in the present Parliament, who propose
amendments which they admit to be nonsensical, and who talk by
the hour, or rather by the yard or mile, to a wearied and irritated
audience, whilst the reporters hardly take down a single word,
resemble, and will probably meet with some such reception frum
their constituents as that depicted in the following graphic photo-
graph written by the inimitable Boz : —

" ' Gentlemen,' said Mr. Gregsbury, 'you are welcome. I am
rejoiced to see you.'

" For a gentleman who was rejoiced to see a body of visitors,
Mr. Gregsbury looked as uncomfortable as might be ; but per-
haps this was occasioned by senatorial gravity, and a statesman-
like habit of keeping his feelings under control. He was a tough,
burly, thick-headed gentleman, with a loud voice, a pompous
manner, a tolerable command of sentences with no meaning in
them, and, in short, every requisite for a very good member
indeed.

" ' Now, gentlemen,' said Mr. Gregsbury, tossing a great
bundle of papers into a wicker basket at his feet, and throwing
himself back in his chair with his arms over the elbows, '\\u
are dissatisfied with my conduct, I see by the newspapers.'

" ' Yes, Mr. Gregsbury, we are,' said a plump old gentleman
in a violent heat, bursting out of the throng, and planting himself
in the front.

"'Do my eyes deceive me,' said Mr. Gregsbury, looking
towards the speaker, ' or is that my old friend Pugstyles ? '

232 appenpix.

" ' I arn that man, and no other, sir,' replied the plump old
gentleman.

" Give me your hand, my worthy friend, ' said Mr. Gregsbury.
' Pugstyles, my dear friend, I am very sorry to see you here.'

" ' I am very sorry to be here, sir,' said Mr. Pugstyles ; • but
your conduct, Mr. Gregsbury, has rendered this deputation from
your constituents imperatively necessary.'

" 'My conduct, Pugstyles,' said Mr. Gregsbury, looking round
upon the deputation with gracious magnanimity — 'My conduct
has been, and ever will be, regulated by a sincere regard for the
true and real interests of this groat and happy country. "Whether
I look at home or abroad ; whether I behold the peaceful indus-
trious communities of our island home; her rivers covered with
steamboats, her roads with locomotives, her streets with cabs,
her skies with balloons of a power and magnitude hitherto un-
known in the history of aeronautics in this or any other nation
— I say, whether I look merely at home, or, stretching my eyes
farther, contemplate the boundless prospect of conquest and
possession — achieved b}' British perseverance and British valour
— which is outstretched before me, I clasp my hands, and turning
my eyes to the broad expanse above my head, exclaim, " Thank
heaven, I am a Briton ! " '

" The time had been, when this burst of enthusiasm would
have been cheered to the very echo ; but now, the deputation
received it with chilling coldness. The general impression seemed
to be, that as an explanation of Mr. Gregsbury's political cond\iet;
it did not enter quite enough into detail ; and one gentleman in
the rear did not scruple to remark aloud, that, for his purpose, it
savoured rather too much of a ' gammon ' tendency.

" 'The meaning of that term — gammon,' said Mr. Gregsbury,
' is unknown to me. If it means that I grow a little too fervid,
or perhaps even hyperbolical, in extolling my native land, I admit
the full justice of the remark. I am proud of this free and happy
country. My form dilates, my eye glistens, my breast heaves,
my heart swells, my bosom burns, when I call to mind her great-
ness and her glory.'

PHOTOGRAPH OF AN M.P., BY DICKENS. 233

" ' We wish sir,' remarked Mr. Pugstyles calmly, ' to ask
you a few questions.'

" ' If you please, gentlemen ; my time is yours — and my coun-
try's— and my country's ' — said Mr. Gregsbury.

This permission being conceded, Mr. Pugstyles put on his
spectacles, and referred to a written paper which he drew from
his pocket ; whereupon nearly every other member of the depu-
tation pulled a written paper from his pocket, to check Mr.
Pugstyles off, as he read the questions.

" This done, Mr. Pugstyles proceeded to business.

'.' ' Que&tion number one. — Whether, sir, you did not give a
voluntary pledge previous to your election, that in event of your
being returned, you would immediately put down the practice of
coughing and groaning in the House of Commons ? And
whether you did not submit to be coughed and groaned down in
the very first debate of the session, and have since made no effort
to effect a reform in this respect ? Whether you did not also
pledge yourself to astonish the Government, and make them
shrink in their shoes ? And whether you have astonished them,
and made them shrink in their shoes, or not ? '

"'Go on to the next one, my dear Pugstyles,' said Mr.
Gregsbury.

" ' Have you any explanation to offer with reference to that
question, sir ? ' asked Mr. Pugstyles.

" ' Certainly not,' said Mr. Gregsbury.

" The members of the deputation looked fiercely at each other,
and afterwai'ds at the member. ' Dear Pugstyles ' having taken
a very long stare at Mr. Gregsbury over the tops of his spec-
tacles, resumed his list of inquiries.

" ' Question number two. — Whether, sir, you did not like-
wise give a voluntary pledge that ycu would support your col-
league on every occasion ; and whether you did not, the night
before last, desert him and vote upon the other side, because the
wife of a leader on that other side had invited Mrs. Gregsbury
to an evening party ? '

" ' Go on,? said Mr. Gregsbury.

231 AI'PENDIX.

" 'Nothing to say on that, either, sir ? ' asked the spokesman.

"'Nothing whatever,' replied Mr. Gregsbury.

" The deputation, who had only seen him at canvassing or
election time, were struck dumb by his coolness. He didn't
appear like the same man ; then he was all milk and honey ;
now he was all starch and vinegar. But men are so different at
different times !

" ' Question number three — and last,' said Mr. Pugstyles
emphatically. ' Whether, sir, you did not state upon the hust-
ings, that it was your firm and determined intention to oppose
everything proposed; to divide the House upon every question,
to move for returns on every subject, to place a motion on the
books every day, and, in short, in your own memorable words,
to play the very devil with everything and everybody?' With
this comprehensive inquiry, Mr. Pugstyles folded up his list of
questions, as did all his backers.

" Mr. Gregsbury reflected, blew his nose, threw himself further
back in his chair, came forward again, leaning his elbows on the
table, made a triangle with his two thumbs and his* two fore-
fingers, and tapping his nose with the apex thereof, replied
(smiling as he said it), * I deny everything.'

" At this unexpected answer, a hoarse murmur arose from the
deputation ; and the same gentleman who had expressed an
opinion relative to the gammoning nature of the introductory
speech, again made a monosyllabic demonstration, by growling
out 'Eesign!' Which growl being taken up by his fellows,
swelled into a very earnest and general remonstrance.

" ' I am requested, sir, to express a hope,' said Mr. Pugstyles,
with a distant bow, ' that on receiving a requisition to that effect
from a great majority of your constituents, you will not object at
once to resign your seat in favour of some candidate whom the}'
think they can better trust.'

"To this, Mr. Gregsbury read the following reply, which,
anticipating the request, he had composed in the form of a
letter, whereof copies had been made to eend round to the
newspapers.

photograph of an m.p., by dickens. 235

'"My dear Mr. Pugstyles,

"'Next to the welfare of our beloved island — this great
and free and happy country, whose powers and resources are, I
sincerely believe, illimitable — I value that noble independence
which is an Englishman's proudest boast, and which I fondly
hope to bequeath to my children, untarnished and unsullied.
Actuated by no personal motives, but moved only by high and
great constitutional considerations ; which I will not attempt to
explain, for they are really beneath the comprehension of those
who have not made themselves masters, as I have, of the intri-
cate and arduous study of politics ; I would rather keep my seat,
and intend doing so.

" 'Will you do me the favour to present my compliments to •
the constituent body, and acquaint them with this circum-
stance ?

" ' With great esteem,

" ' My dear Mr. Pugstyles,

" ' &c, &c.'

" ' Then you will not resign, under any circumstances ? ' asked
the spokesman.

"Mr. Gregsbury smiled, and shook his head.

" 'Then, good morning, sir,' said Pugstyles, angrily.

" ' Heaven bless you ! ' said Mr. Gregsbury. And the deputa-
tion, with many growls and scowls, filed off as quickly as
the narrowness of the staircase would allow of their getting
down.

" The last man being gone, Mr. Gregsbury rubbed his hands
and chuckled, as merry fellows will, when they think they have
said or done a more than commonly good thing; he was so
engrossed in this self-congratulation, that he did not observe
that Nicholas had been left behind in the shadow of the window-
curtains, until that young gentleman, fearing he might other-
wise overhear some soliloquy intended to have no listeners
coughed twice or thrice, to attract the member's notice.

" ' What's that? ' said Mr. Gregsbury, in sharp accents.

"Nicholas stepped forward and bowed.

236 APPENDIX.

" ' What do you do hero, sir ? ' asked Mr. Gregsbury ; ' a spy
upon my privacy ! A concealed voter ! You have heard my
answer, frir. Pray follow the deputation.'

" ' I should have done so, if I had belonged to it, but I do not,'
said Nicholas.

" ' Then how came you here, sir? ' was the natural inquiry of
Mr. Gregsbury, M.P. 'And where the devil have you come
from, sir?' was tho question which followed it.

" 'I brought this card from the General Agency Office, sir,'
said Nicholas, ' wishing to offer myself as your secretary, and
understanding that you stood in need of one.'

" ' That's all you have come for, is it ? ' said Mr. Gregsbury.
p}reing him in some doubt.

"Nicholas replied in the affirmative.

" 'You have no connexion with any of those rascally paper?,
have you? ' said Mr. Gregsbury. ' You didn't get into the room
to hear what was going forward, and put it in print, eh ? '

" 'I have no connexion, I am sorry to say, with anything at
present,' rejoined Nicholas, — politely enough, but quite at his ease.

"'Oh!' said Mr. Gregsbury. 'How did you find your way
up here, then? '

"Nicholas related how he had been forced up by the
deputation.

"'That was the way, was it?' said Mr. Gregsbury. 'Sit
si own.'

"Nicholas took a chair, and Mr. Gregsbury stared at him for
a long time, as if to make certain, before he asked any further
questions, that there were no objections to his outward
appearance.

" ' You want to be my secretary, do you ? ' he said at length.

" ' I wish to be employed in that capacity, sir,' replied
Nicholas.

" • Well,' said Mr. Gregsbury ; • now what can you do ? '

" ' I suppose,' replied Nicholas, smiling, ' that I can do what
usually falls to the lot oX other secretaries.'

"'What's that?' inquired Mr. Gregsbury.

PHOTOGRAPH OF AN M.P., BY DICKENS. 237

" ' What is it ? [ replied Nicholas.

" 'Ah ! What is it? ' retorted the member, looking shrewdly
at him, with his head on one side.

" 'A secretary's duties are rather difficult to define, perhaps,'
said Nicholas, considering. ' They include, I presume, corres-
pondence ? '

" 'Good,' interposed Mr. Gregsbury.

" ' The arrangement of papers and documents ? '

" ' Yery good.'

" 'Occasionally, perhaps, the writing from your dictation ; and
possibly, sir,' — said Nicholas, with a half smile, ' the copying
of your speech for some public journal, when you have made one
of more than usual importance.'

" ' Certainly,' rejoined Mr. Gregsbury. ' What else ? '

" 'Really,' said Nicholas, after a moment's reflection, 'I am
not able, at this instant, to recapitulate any other duty of a secre-
tary, beyond the general one of making himself as agreeable and
useful to his employer as he can, consistently with his own
respectability, and without overstepping that Hue of duties which
he undertakes to perform, and which the designation of his
office is usually understood to imply.'

"Mr. Gregsbury looked fixedly at Nicholas for a short time,
and then glancing warily round the room, said in a suppressed
voice —

" ' This is all very well, Mr. what is your name ? '

"'Nickleby.'

" 'This is all very well, Mr. Nickleby, and very proper, so
far as it goes — so far as it goes, but it doesn't go far enough.
There are other duties, Mr. Nickleby, which a secretary to a
parliamentary gentleman must never lose sight of. I should
require to be crammed, sir.'

" 'I beg your pardon,' interposed Nicholas, doubtful whether
he had heard aright.

" ' — To be crammed, srr,' repeated Mr. Gregsbury.

" ' May I beg your pardon again, if I inquire what you mean,
sir ? ' said Nicholas.

R 2

238 api-exdix.

" ' My meaning, sir, is perfectly plain,' replied Mr. Gregsbury,
■with a solemn aspect. ' My secretary would have to make him-
self master of the foreign policy of the world, as it is mirrored
in the newspapers ; to run his eye over all accounts of public
meetings, all leading articles, and accounts of the proceedings of
public bodies ; and to make notes of anything which it appeared
to him might be made a point of, in any little speech upon the
question of some petition lying on the table, or anything of that
kind. Do you understand ? '

" ' I think I do, sir,' replied Nicholas.

" ' Then,' said Mr. Gregsbury, ' it would be necessary for him
to make himself acquainted, from day to day, with newspaper
paragraphs on passing events; such as " Mysterious disappear-
ance, and supposed suicide of a pot-boy," or anything of that
sort, upon -which I might found a question to the Secretary of
State for the Home Department. Then, he would have to copy
the question, and as much as I remembered of the answer
(including a little compliment about independence and good
sense) ; and to send the manuscript in a frank to the local paper,
with perhaps half a dozen lines of leader, to the effect, that I
was always to be found in my place in Parliament, and never
shrunk from the responsible and arduous duties, and so forth.
You see ? '

"Nicholas bowed.

" ' Besides which,' continued Mr. Gregsbury, ' I should expect
him, now and then, to go through a few figures in the printed
tables, and to pick out a few results, so that I might come out
pretty well on timber duty questions, aud finance questions, and
so on ; and I should like him to get up a few little arguments
about the disastrous effects of a return to cash payments and a
metallic currency, with a touch now and then about the exporta-
tion of bullion, and the Emperor of Russia, and bank notes, and
all that kind of thing, which it's only necessary to talk fluently
about, because nobody understands it. Do you take me ? '
" 'I think I understand,' said Nicholas.
"'With regard to such questions as are not political,' cor-

PHOTOGRAPH OF AN M.P., BY DICKENS. 239

tinued Mr. Gregsbury, warming ; ' and which one can't be expected
to care a curse about, beyond the natural care of not allowing
inferior people to be as well off as ourselves — else where are our
privileges ? — I should wish my secretary to get together a few
little flourishing speeches, of a patriotic cast. For instance, if
any preposterous bill were brought forward, for giving poor
grubbing devils of authors a right to their own property, I should
like to say, that I for one would never consent to opposing an
insurmountable bar to the diffusion of literature among the people,
— you understand ? — that the creations of the pocket, being
man's, might belong to one man, or one family; but that the
creations of the brain, being God's, ought as a matter of course
to belong to the people at large — and if I was pleasantly dis-
posed, I should like to make a joke about posterity, and say that
those who wrote for posterity should be content to be rewarded
by the approbation of posterity ; it might take with the house, and
could never do me any harm, because posterity can't be expected
to know anything about me or my jokes either — do you see.

" 'I see that, sir,' replied Nicholas.

" ' You must always bear in mind, in such cases as this, where
our interests are not affected,' said Mr. Gregsbury, ' to put it
very strong about the people, because it comes out very well at
election-time ; and you could be as funny as you Hked about the
authors; because I believe the greater part of them live in
lodgings, and are not voters. This is a hasty outline of the chief
things you'd have to do, except waiting in the lobby every night,
in case I forgot anything, and should want fresh cramming ;
and, now and then, during great debates, sitting in the front
row of the gallery, and saying to the people about — " You see
that gentleman, with his hand to his face, and his arm twisted
round that pillar — that's Mr. Gregsbury — the celebrated Mr.
Gregsbury — " with any other little eulogium that might strike
you at the moment. And for salary,' said Mr. Gregsbury,
winding up with great rapidity ; for he was out of breath — ' And
for salary, I don't mind saying at once in round numbers, to pre-
vent any dissatisfaction — hough it's more than I have been accus-
tomed to give — fifteen shillings a week, and find yourself. There! '

240 APPENDIX.

"With this handsome offer, Mr. Gregsbury once more threw
himself hack in his chair, and looked like a man who had been
most profligately liberal, but is determined not to repent of it
notwithstanding.

" ' Fifteen shillings a week is not much,' said Nicholas
mildly.

" ' Not much ! Fifteen shillings a week not much, young man? ?
cried Mr. Gregsbury. ' Fifteen shillings a '

"'Pray do not suppose that I quarrel with the sum, sir,?
replied Nicholas ; ' for I am not ashamed to confess, that what-
ever it may be in itself, to me it is a great deal. But the
duties and responsibilities make the recompense small, and they
are so very heavy that I fear to undertake them.'

"'Do you decline to undertake them, sir?' inquired Mr.
Gregsbury, with his hand on the bell-rope.

" ' I fear they are too great for my powers, however good my
will may be, sir,' replied Nicholas.

" 'That is as much as to say that you had rather not accept
the place, and that you consider fifteen shillings a week too
little,' said Mr. Gregsbury, ringing. ' Do you decline it, sir ? '

" ' I have no alternative but to do so,' replied Nicholas.

"'Door, Matthews!' said Mr. Gregsbury, as the boy
appeared.

"'lam sorry I have troubled you unnecessarily, sir,' said
Nicholas.

" ' I am sorry you have,' rejoined Mr. Gregsbury, turning his
back upon him. ' Door, Matthews ! '

" ' Good morning, sir,' said Nicholas.

" ' Door, Matthews ! ' cried Mr. Gregsbury.

" The boy beckoned Nicholas, and tumbling lazily down stairs
before him, opened the door, and ushered him into the street.
With a sad and pensive air, he retraced his steps homewards."

THE
GREAT BATTLE OF *KATSH-TARTAR BAZARDJIK.

The Blood and Thunder Gazette has killed so many Russians on
paper in their long and unbroken series of imaginary Turkish
victories that one wonders how a single Cossack is left to fight
on the Muscovite side, unless the Czar can instantaneously raise
soldiers by sowing an unlimited number of dragons' teeth. The
following telegram has this instant been received by the Blood and
TJiunder Gazette, from their veracious correspondent, the well
known Baron Munchausen f : —

FROM THE SPECIAL TWENTY-FOURTH EDITION OF THE " BLOOD
AND THUNDER GAZETTE."

GLORIOUS TURKISH VICTORY !

SEDAN OUTDONE ! ! !

DEFEAT AND CAPTURE OF THE WHOLE

RUSSIAN ARMY BY A TURKISH FORCE OF

LESS THAN ONE-TENTH OF THEIR NUMBER ! ! ! !

234,567 RUSSIANS KILLED, WOUNDED, AND
MISSING!!!!!!

THE TURKISH ARMY MARCHING ON ST.
PETERSBURG!!!!!!!!!

"The Russian army, 502,200 strong, all veterans, with 1,010
Krupp guns, were most advantageously posted at the top of an

* This is a common Turkish word. " Katsh grush" i-°, " Ilowmany piastres?"
t The impartial Baron is Gay — with a dicoratijii.

242 APrENDix.

elevated plateau, with perpendicular mountains behind and on
both sides, and a deep morass in front, whilst the Turks were,
by the necessities of the case, and not from any want of military
skill on the part of their able leaders, most disadvantageous!)'
placed in a low-lying valley, their army consisting of precisely
49,999 men, all recruits, with 101 guns, all smooth bores.

" We all know the saying, ' Scratch the Russian and you will
find the Tartar,' and, by a singular coincidence, the Turks, who
are all born gentlemen, came up with the Russian forces, which
were exclusively composed of serfs, at Katsh-Tartar Bazardjik,
which your readers Avill find incorrectly spelt Tatar Bazardjik, at
the foot of the Balkans.

" The battle took place on the fifteenth Shabun, in the year
1294 of the Hegira, for, having myself embraced the Mahometan
rdigion, I use their chronology.

" On the night previous to the battle the whole Russian army,
including officers and men, were drunk, and they passed the night
in blaspheming, torturing, and killing exactly 11,110 sacred dancing
dervishes, 6,760 women, and 13,330 children, two of them twins,
whom by a base stratagem they had taken prisoners. Of these
31,200 victims we have ascertained that 3,540 were broken on the
wheel, 8,420 had their throats cut, 9,270 were bled to death, 6,310
had all their extremities cut off, and were then decapitated, 2,460
were crucified, 620 were impaled, and the remaining 580 were
compelled to hang each other, the last man hanging himself*

" As the Russians are well known to be all cannibals, the bodies
of the whole of their victims were eaten by them with evident
relish, whilst some of the superior officers kept a few joints of cold
dancing dervish, which has a strong gamy flavour, for breakfast
next morning, and they quenched their thirst with copious
draughts of the blood, drunk out of the skulls of their victims.

" The Turks, on the other hand, spent the eve of the engage-
ment in fasting and prayer, and, after giving a champagne and
pate de foie gras supper to the Russian prisoners whom they had
captured, magnanimously liberated them, giving each a new suit

* This took place on a former occasion, when the Swedes invaded Poland.

THE GREAT BATTLE OF KAT3H-TAUTAR BAZARDJIK. 243

of clothes, a well-filled purse, and as many Turkish bonds as they
could conveniently carry to make into cigarettes, being their
customary use in Turkey.

"The Turkish forces were commanded by the Serdar Ekrem
Backsheesh* Pasha, supported by the following able generals :
Bowstering Pasha, the Muchir Redif Rotoon Biskeet Pasha, f late
Minister of War, Chefket Pasha, the hero of Batak, the Pasha of
Many Tails, $ the Egyptian generals, Bloobeerd and Baztynaydoo
Pashas, with the El Muddee and Souakim corps, sent with the
concurrence of England as a friendly and equitable return for
Russia's promise not to attack Egypt, together with the following
ex-Christian generals, who had abandoned the Ghiaour creed
and had embraced the sublime religion of Mahomet, namely —
Grenouille and Gobemouche Pashas, from France, Saur Kraut
and Donner-und-Blitzen Pashas, from Germany, Buncombe and
Longbow Pashas, from America, and Penitentiary Pasha, from
England, to whom were added Admiral Paul Jones Filibuster
Pasha (who performed such humane and disinterested prodigies of
valour with the Turkish fleet against the overwhelming forces of
the ferocious Cretan traitors); General Sir Hardhold Kannon
Ball, Military Commissioner with the Turkish army, who, in strict
observance of British neutrality, directed all the operations of
the Turkish army ; and also Judas Iscariot and Ananias Effendis,
wliose duty was to invent Turkish victories and Russian atrocities,
and Shylock Effendi, whose mission was to decide whether in any
case mercy should be ever extended to a Christian Ghiaour. |j

" The Russian army was commanded by Prince Ruric Roman-
offsky, under whose orders were the following generals : — Count
Oleg, Baron Vladimir, Alexander Newski, Boris Godonof, Todtle-

* Backsheesh is the Turkish word by whiuh they ask you for a present of
money.

t Supposed to be the Turkish adaptation of the nickname he got for making
a profit by sending rotten biscuits to the Turkish army when he was paid for
sound ones, which caused his removal from the Ministry of War, but did not
prevent his getting a command, like Chefket Pasha.

X A friend of Captaia Marryat's, who wrote the " Pacha of Many Tales."

II Ghiaour means infidel or miscreant.

244 APPENDIX.

ben, Popoff, Jaroslaf, Swiatoslaw, Wsewolod, Rostislaw, DemidofF.

Troubetzkoi, Galitzin, MentschikofT, Ignatieff, Tchneruayeff, Kauff-
man the Hetman PlatofF, and General Mazeppa, commanding the
Cossacks.

"During the night a force of 1,010 men was despatched under
Achmet Aga, of Batak celebrity, which executed a flank move-
ment and took possession of a ledge inaccessible to the Prussians,
on the heights immediately behind the Muscovite army, and beyond
the range of the Russian rifles.

" Before break of day the Ottoman army advanced noiselessly
to a tract of firm ground which is situated in the middle of the
morass already mentioned, and which exactly held the whole
force, and deployed into line one deep, to give the Russians the
idea that their army was double its real number, by which device,
I need hardly say, the credulous Russians were completely deceh ed.

" The Turkish troops, in spite of the enormous disparity of
numbers and of guns, and of the almost impregnable position of
the Russian army, were, as is invariably the case, confident of
victory, and eager to be led against a foe whom they equally
despised and hated.

" The Turkish artillery began the attack by a well-directed fire
from their 101 guns, which were so well served that, at each
discharge, 101 cannon balls entered into a corresponding number
of Russian guns, splitting them up and rendering them entirely use-
less, so that at precisely the tenth volley not one Russian gun re-
mained serviceable. The incredulous reader may, perhaps, inquire
what the Russian artillerymen were doing whilst their cannon were
being destroyed; but this is easily explained. The 1,010 men on the
heights picked off each successive gunner who attempted to load the
1,010 Russian cannon, so that they were unable to fire a single shot.

" On taking up their position in order of battle the Turks, with
that chivalry which distinguishes them above all ether nations,
exclaimed, ' Gentlemen of the Russian army, fire first ! ' on which
exactly 501,999 balls were fired at the Turks, one man having
missed fire, who, being six inches beyond the range of the Russian
rifles, caught as many of the spent balls as they wanted in their

THE GREAT BATTLE OE KATSII-TABTAR BAZARDJIE. 245

hands, and then, loading their own rifles with them, discharged
them with fatal effect at the Russian army.

" The Russian army was drawn up in a line four deep, and
being considerably within the range of the Turkish rifles, which
were fired with unerring accuracy by the Ottomans, who had been
carefully instructed by William Tell Pasha, each ball passed
through the centre of the forehead of the opposing Russian soldier
in the front rank, and thence through the skulls of the three men
behind him, so that at the first round exactly 199,996 Russians-
were killed.

"At this appalling slaughter, which was accomplished in
1 minute 33|- seconds, the Russian army was paralysed with
terror, whilst the Turkish army, with incredible enthusiasm and
shouts of ' Death to the Ghiaour ! Backsheesh to the true believer !*
waded through the morass, their heads and rifles only appearing
above the surface.

" Meantime the Russian army fired wildly at the advancing foe
as soon as they came within range, but as the Turkish skulls are
remarkably thick, most of their bullets glanced off as harmlessly as
from the hide of a rhinoceros, and, as already explained, the
whole of the bodies of the Turks were protected by their being
immersed in the morass.

" On the attacking army emerging on the other side, the per-
pendicular elevation of the Russian position prevented the Mus-
covites from depressing the muzzles of their rifles sufficiently to
bear ujDon the Turks. The ground on which the Russian army
stood being on a concave declivity, the bodies of the slain rolled
over the precipice, forming an inclined plane, over which the
Turkish army advanced to the attack.

" Meantime the 1,010 men behind the Russian position kept up
a continual discharge, whilst they themselves were out of range,
killing each time from 1,010 to 4,040 men, according as that part
of the Russian army against whom they fired were one to four
deep.

" The main Turkish force then scaled the cliffs in front of the
Russian position like greased lightning — a feat in comparison

24G APPENDIX.

with which the ascent of the heights of Spicheren by the German
troops was but child's play.

" Upon this the Russians were suddenly seized with a panic when
they saw their resolute aspect, and they could not conceal from them-
selves the injustice of their cause and the abominable and treasonable
ingratitude of their Christian allies who had rebelled against the
wisest and most benevolent Government which ever existed since
the world began. Not being able to retreat, and being struck
with terror and remorse, the whole Russian army surrendered as
prisoners, and being overpowered by the bravery, humanity, and
magnanimity of the Turks, and convinced by the miraculous de-
struction of their cannon, by a special interposition of Mahomet,
whose spectre was distinctly visible in the air, like that of St. James
at Compostella, of the superiority of the Mussulman religion, they
immediately became Mahometans and subjects of the Sultan. The
Turks, in spite of the cruel massacre of their countrymen on the
preceding evening with every refinement of torture, received
the Russians as brothers, kissing them repeatedly on both cheeks.

" The total loss of the Russians was 234,507, that of the Turks
only 1,234, chiefly drowned in the morass, killed in scaling the
heights, or of the fatigue of slaughtering Russians.

" An ambulance, belonging to the Stafford House Committee,
was with the Ottoman army, under the direction of Lady Gamp
and her friend Mrs. Harris, with Mr. Benjamin Allen and
Mr. Bob Sawyer as surgeons, but the Turks would not avail
themselves of its sendees, as they find that it is cheaper
to bring over voluntary recruits from Asia in handcuffs,* than
to cure their wounded, who are seldom of much use, even when in
spite of the Turkish doctors they recover ; besides, it would be
cruel to retard their arrival at the pavilions of the houris.

" An enormous number of Russian soldiers and officers were
weltering in their blood ; but as they had received strict orders
from the very humane members of the committee not to assist the
Russian vermin under any circumstances, who being, like fish,

* These 1,500 recruits -were driven to Jaffa, manacled together in files of ten
to twenty. — Times, 11/A July.

THE GREAT BATTLE OF KATSH-TARTAR BAZARDJIK. 247

cold-blooded creatures, are insensible to pain, and consider bleeding
to death a luxury, they left them to their fate.

" After Lady Gamp had relieved her ill humour by scolding
the nurses, the officials of the ambulance, having nothing
better to do, sat down to a sumptuous luncheon, prepared by
their French cook, consisting of all the delicacies in or out of
season, and some remarkably choice Chateau Yquem at only
50 francs a bottle, and passed a most agreeable day.

" The Turkish rulers, unlike the superstitious governments of
infidel countries like England and France, do not consider it
necessary or expedient to have a staff of imaums to give their
dying soldiers the last consolations of religion individually, but a
dancing dervish accompanies each army, and dances a species of
tarantella after each battle, from which the Turkish wounded are
said to derive great spiritual benefit, so that death becomes a
positive pleasure. Some Roman Catholic Bosniacs being among
the mortally wounded on the Turkish side, as there were no
Romish priests to give them the last sacrament, and as their
spiritual guides had informed them before leaving home that the
Russo-Greek priests were imps* of Satan, and that the Mahometan
religion much more nearly resembled the Romish faith than that of
the Greek Church, eagerly sought and received the ministrations
of the dancing dervish, who extemporized a new step on the
occasion, which gave the dying men infinite comfort and smoothed
their passage to eternity.

"The 113 armed civilian Turks of Katsh-Tartar Bazardjik, thus
fighting by Bashi Bazouks and other deputies for their hearths and
homes, which they had now rescued from all fear of destruction,
gave a gentle hint to the 1,130 unarmed Christian inhabitants
by bastinadoing them all, and by afterwards politely inviting
them to set fire to their houses and to sign a declaration that they
had done this voluntarily as an expiation of their enormous crimes
in rebelling, neglecting to pay treble taxes, and daring to
prevent the friendly visits of the Bashi Bazouks to their houses,
and their attentions to their wives, daughters, and good-looking

S WS.

248 APPENDIX.

" The Turkish army thus reinforced is in full march for Moscow
and St. Petersburg.

" I myself counted the respective armies, the victims massacred
by the Russians, and the killed, wounded, missing, and prisoners,
and I can, therefore, vouch for the absolute accuracy of my figures.

"In a short time I expect to announce to your re a ders the
capture of Moscow and St. Petersburg, the annexation of Russia
to the Ottoman dominions, and the conversion of the whole
Russian nation from the errors of Christianity to the true religion
of Mahomet.

"P.S. (private) To the Editor. Please say if my telegram
was spicy enough, or whether your readers would relish a little
more 'blood and thunder,' and let me know the profits of the
vspecial edition containing my telegram. You really ought to give
me a percentage.

" It was too bad of the correspondent of the Times to say that
a brother correspondent (evidently alluding to me) had agreed to
sign and transmit any telegrams or letters on the Bubjecl
Russian atrocities which the Turkish officials might invent,
condition that he obtained earlier and more authentic intelligi
of the events of the war than other correspondents, for hawks,
according to the proverb, should not pick out hawks' eyes.
However, I suppose all is fair in love and war, and if I had not
made this bargain you could not have had the astounding and
thrilling information contained in this telegram, which you will
find will appear in no other journal.

" After all, my telegram, I must admit, is very tame indeed in
comparison with some which have already appeared in the Blood
and Thunder Gazette."

IMPOSSIBILITY OF rERSUADING ENGLISHMEN. 249

AN ILLUSTEATION OF THE UTTEE IMPOSSIBILITY
OF PEBSUADING ENGLISHMEN TO BELIEVE ANY-
THING CONTEAEY TO THEIE PEECONCEIYED

NOTIONS.

All English -speaking people but geographers firmly believe that
John O'Groat's House is the most northern point on the mainland
of Great Britain, but the fact is, as every map that has ever been
published of the British Isles clearly shows, that Dunnet
Head is considerably further north; consequently, hundreds
of tourists annually proceed, at considerable expense, to visit
John O'Groat's House, but hardly a single individual ever
visits Dunnet Head, and what renders this more surprising is
that Dunnet Head, besides being easier of access, is a lofty and
noble promontory with cliffs descending almost perpendicular]}-
to the sea, whilst at John O'Groat's House there is nothing
whatever to be seen but low sand-hills, and not a vestige of the
house whichevery one comes to see is 'to be found — indeed, for
my part, I do not believe that any such house ever existed.

Even their Eoyal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of
Wales, and General Grant, the Ex-President of the American
Eepublic, when they did me the honour of visiting me at Thurso
Castle, would not take my advice to visit Dunnet Head instead
of John O'Groat's, and could hardly be persuaded that the
former was further north than the latter ; and probably few Eng-
lishmen would venture to confess that they had visited Dunnet
Head and had omitted John O'Groat's, any more than they
would own that they had visited Egypt without seoing the

250 APPENDIX.

Pyramids ; and as long as the world endures the vulgar error will
last that Great Britain extends from the Land's End to John
0' Groat's, instead of, as is the fact, from the Land's End to the
Land's Beginning (Dunnet Head).

If, in a matter which does not involve "British interests,"
national pride, or any other influence or feeling whatever, we so
absurdly adhere to a palpable and obvious error, no one need be
surprised that Englishmen cling to the equally erroneous and
equally general idea that Turkey has been always the ally of
England, and Eussia has been our constant foe ; for I proved
from historical facts and statements by eminent men the
diametrical opposite in my speech in the House of Commons. As
soon as I sat down, member after member rose up to repeat the
misstatements which I had so clearly and fully refuted, and,
whilst I was listened to with impatience and incredulity, they
were applauded to the echo.

LIST 07 INDIVIDUALS AND AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

251

LIST OF INDIVIDUALS AND AUTHOKITIES QUOTED
IN THE ORDER IN WHICH THEY OCCUR.

1 Comte Seebacli

28 Lord Aberdeen

2 Sir Stafford Northcote, M.P.

29 Herr Von Vincke

3 Lord Beaconsfield

30 Kinglake

4 Talleyrand

31 Napoleon III.

5 The World

32 Count Nesselrode

6 Lord Byron

33 Count Buol

V Lord Sandon, M.P.

34 Lord Grey

8 Mr. Courtney, M.P.

35 The Allgemeine Zeitung

9 Mr. Cross, M.P.

36 Rushdi Pasha, late Grand

10 Mr. Baxter, M.P.

Vizier

11 Sir Kobert Peel, M.P.

37 Midhat Pasha, late Grand

12 Mr. Foster, M.P.

38 Rifaat Bey [Vizier

13 Mr. Bourke, M.P.

39 Abedin Bey

14 Lord Elcho, M.F

40 Sir George Campbell, M.P.

15 Major O'Gorman, M.P.

41 Lady Duff Gordon

16 Dr. Kenealy, M. P.

42 Author of Secret Dispatches

17 Mr. Gladstone, M.P.

of General Ignatieff

IS The Times

43 Mr. Mackenzie Wallace

19 Colonel Vincent

44 Consul Holmes

20 Schuyler

45 Musurus Pasha

21 Maghan

46 Montesquieu

22 Chinese Envoy

47 Count Andrassy

23 Jefferson

48 The Turkish Commissioners

24 Mirabeau's brother

49 The Daily News

25 The Duke of Wellington

50 Mr. Baring

26 Lord John Russell

51 The Berlin Memorandum

27 The Emperor Nicholas

52 Lord Derby

APPENDIX.

53 Prince Milan

91

54 Sir Henry Elliott

55 Prince Gortschakoff

92

56 Safvet Pasha

93

57 The Czar Alexander

94

58 Lord Stratford de Redcliffe

95

59 The Emperor of Germany

96

60 M. Melegari

97

61 Edhem Pasha

98

62 Sultan Hamid

99

63 Count Schouraloff

100

64 Mr. Jocelyn

101

65 Lord A. Loftus

102

66 The Duke of Rutland

103

67 La Rochefoucauld

104

68 The Grajdavine of

St.

105

Petersburg

106

69 SirW. Vernon Harcourt,M.P.

107

70 Mr. Freeman

108

71 Prince Bismarck

109

72 M. Tisza

110

73 Mr. Augustus Sala

111

74 Sydney Smith

112

75 Mr. Sandford, M.P.

113

76 Mr. Forsytb, M.P.

114

77 Ockley's "History of

the

115

Saracens "

116

78 Tacitus

79 Tom Moore

117

80 Mahomet

118

81 Wilkes

119

82 Omar

120

83 Alison

121

84 M. de Tchitchatchef

122

85 Mahomet II.

86 Lady Yerney

123

87 Lord Holland

88 Edmund Burke

[ton)

124

89 Mr.Hobhouse(LordBi*ough-

125

90 Sir James Mackintosh

126

Mr. Peel (afterwards Sir
Robert)

Lord Raglan

The Duke of Newcastle

Mr. Denton

Colonel Baker

The Duke of Argyll

Lord Hartington

The Earl of Dudley

The Marquis of Bath

Mr. Evans [M.P.

Lord Edmund Fitzmaurice,

Mr. Holms, M.P.

Yice-Consul Dupuis

Mr. Cobden

Mehemet Kuprisli Past a

Captain Ward

Mr. Barkley, C.E.

Achmed Veofic Effondi

Mr. Senior

Vice-Consul Blunt

Consul Monson

M. Ristich

Consul Reade

Consul Brophy

Consul Calvert

General Sir Fenwick Wil-
liams, of Kars

Colonel Horvatovitch

Mr. Cooper

Lady Mary Wortley Mon-

Fuad Pasha [tagu<

Mr. Layard

Sir Henry Bulwer (Lor.
Dalling)

Prince Nicholas of Mon
tenegro

Colonel TLommel

Mrs. Thistlethwayte

Comte de Maietre

LIST OF INDIVIDUALS AND AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

25;;

127 Loid Brougham

166 M. Theodore Juste

128 Admiral Griffin

167 Lesur

129 Mr. Luttrell

168 Gaillardet

130 Macaulay

169 Chevalier d'Eon

131 Mr. Parnell, M.P.

170 Peter the Great

132 Mr. O'Neill Daunt

171 Mr. Lowe, M.P.

133 Dr. Leland

172 Carlyle

134 Carter

173 Heine

135 Lord Clarendon

174 De Tocqueville

136 Charles II.

175 The Czar Alexander I.

137 William III.

176 Lempriere's " Classical

138 Lord Gosford

Dictionary "

139 L>rdMoira

177 The Figaro

140 Smollett

178 M. F. Martens

141 The Saturday Bevicv:

179 Mr. H >rsman

142 Thackeray

180 Casimir V. of Poland

143 Mr. LVquhart, M.P.

181 Madame de Motteville

144 Voltaire

182 Baron de Worms

145 Lord Chatham

183 M. Thiers

146 Mr. Pitt

184 Odysseus

147 Fox

185 Mr. Scarlett (afterwards

148 Lord North

Lord Abinger)

]49 Lord Aberdeen

186 The New York Times

150 Lord Paluierston (late)

187 Adolphus Slade

151 Lord Carnarvon (late)

188 Thornton's " Turkey "

152 Mr. Dnnlop

189 Mathieu's " La Turquie "

153 Sir Alexander Burnes

190 Eton's "Turkey"

154 Mr. Kaye

191 Mr. MacfarlaneV'Kisinet"

155 Sir Herbert Edwardes

192 M. Cousiniery (Voyags

156 Mr. Bright

dans le Macedonia)

157 Hadji Pasha

193 Colonel Mansfield

158 Mr. Douglas Freshfield

194 General Comte Kotzebue

159 Adam Oleasius

195 Count Valerian Krasinski

160 Klaprotb

196 The Tablet

161 Laurence Oliphant

197 Sir James Stephen

162 Lieutenant Royer

198 Mr. Laing, M.P.

163 Harper's Illustrated Journal

199 Lord Hardinge

(New Tork)

200 General Scott

16 i Dr. Rieger

201 Mr. Baillie

165 Lord Salisbury

1 202 Truth

254

APPENDIX.

203 Dr. Birdwood

204 Professor Monier Williams

205 Mr. Ashbury, M.P.

206 The Attorney- General

207 " Statesman'sTear Book "

208 Lord Carnarvon

209 Mr. G. J. Holyoake

210 The Scotsman

211 Ost Preussiche Zeitung

212 Daily Revieio

213 Cologne Gazette
21-1 Londoner Zeitung

215 Kreuz Zeitung

216 Mrs. Garrett Fawcett

217 Lord Granville

218 Le Nord

219 La Gazette de Moscou

220 Morning Advertiser

221 Daily Telegraph

222 La Revue des Deux Mondes

223 M. Leroy Beaulieu

224 M. de Latacaz

225 Punch

226 Nord Deutsche Zeiiuny

227 Annual Register.

228 " Statesman'sTear Book "

229 Hansard's " Parliamentary

Debates "

230 Mr. Auberon Herbert

231 Lamartine

232 Mr. Stephens

233 Eliot Warburton

234 Mr. Walsh

235 Mr. Spencer

236 Mr. Crowe

237 Bayle St. John
23S M. Blanqui

239 Earl of Carlisle

240 Rev. H. Southgate

241 Dr. Acton

242 Mis3 Mirtineau

243 Mr. Layard

244 Consul Saundres

245 Consul Baratti

246 Consul Neale

247 Dr. Sandwich

248 Rev. C. Hawkins

249 Miss Irby

250 Captain Burton

251 Mr. Barkley

252 Mr. Evans

253 Sir G. Campbell

254 Swiderski

255 Gibbon

256 Almanac de Gotha

257 Mr. G. Warrint-r

258 Mr. Goschen

259 Lord R. Montagu

260 Captain Marryat

261 The Bible

262 The Mishna

263 Maimonides

264 Bortenova

265 Mr. Innes

266 Tacitus

267 Charles Dickens
26S Moniteur Roumain

269 M. G.ueseo

270 M. Boeresco

271 Vice-Consul St. John

272 Consul- General Green

273 M. Cogalniceano

274 Adolphe Vaiinberg

275 Israelitish notables of Jassy

276 M. Manuel

277 M. Bratiano

278 M. Mititsch

279 Kladderadatsch

280 G. Augustus Sala

281 Sir John Cowell Stepney

:.:

INDEX TO PART II.

Americans, their dislike of the Jews, 133

Beaconsfield, Earl of, Count Seebach's
"open letter" to, 42. Letter to the
Chancellor of the Exchequer on Count
Seebach's charges, 50

Blood and Thunder Gazette, its descrip-
tion of the "great battle of Katsch-
Tartar Bazardjik," 241

Bright, Mr., on the Eastern Question, 24

Bulgaria, Truth on the "king" and
" queen" of, 229

Bulgarian atrocities, Mr. Gladstone's
pamphlet on the, 84

Daily News, on the Russian and Turkish
atrocities, 75, 85. Its correspondents
at the seat of war, 88. On the
position of the Jews in the East, 131

Daily Telegraph and the alleged Rus-
sian atrocities, 71, 72, 74

Debate on the Eastern Question, curious
and comic incidents of the, 1 . " Catch-
ing the Speaker's eye," 2, 3. Speeches
of Mr. Courtney, 3 ; Dr. Kenealy, 4,
7; Mr. Cross, 4 ; Lord Sandon, 5; Mr.
Baxter, 5; Sir Robert Peel, 5; Mr.
Bourke, 6; Lord Elcho, 6; Major
O' Gorman, 7; and Mr. Gladstone, 8
Diary of my Ride to Khiva," extracts
from Punch, 66

♦ickens, Charles, his photograph of an
M.P., 231

astern Question, the debate on the, 1 .

Mr. Gladstone's speech in the debate,

8. Mr. Bright on the, 24. Professor

Martens on the, 176 J

Lgland's policy hi the East, the Jew's

notion of, 113

England's policy in the East," by

[Baron Henry de Worms, some re-

marks on, 98. Description of its con-
tents, 99. Its ridiculous errors and
exaggerations, 100, 102. Its abuse of
the Russians, 103. Inaccuracy of its
statistics, 104. Opinions of the press
on, 105

Forbes, Mr. Archibald, his dispatch
on the crossing of the Danube, 88

" Foreign Policy and the Eastern
Question," by Lord R. Montagu,
-criticism of, 108, 111

Franco - German War, correspondence
of Sir J. G. T. Sinclair on the mis-
management of the English aid to
the sick and wounded, 192, 202, 210,
220. The Morning Advertiser on Sir
G. T. Sinclair's correspondence, 221 ;
and reply of Mr. George Warriner to
his criticisms and suggestions in the
Times, 226

Freeman, Mr., extracts from Iris " Otto-
man power in Europe," 36

Gladstone, Mr., part of his speech in
the debate on the Eastern Question, 8.
Remarks on Russian deeds in Turkis-
tan, 13

Individuals, and authoritcs quoted in
this work, list of, 249

Interview between an Englishman and
a Turkish Pasha, sketch by Kinglake,
57

Jews, the, and the newspaper press,
112, Mr. Worms' computation of their
numbers in the Russian Empire, 113.
Sketch of their national career, 114,
129. Present number of, in the
United Kingdom, 129. Ties which
unite the Jews and Turks, 291. In-
cluded in the Rusian conscription, 129.

256

INDEX TO PART II.

Our foreign loans brought out by,
130. Mock auctions and lock-
nuts, 130. Charles Dickens's Fagin,
130. Contempt of Spinosa and
Heine for Judaism, 131. Daily
Navs, on their position in the
East, 131. A most undesirable ele-
ment in the population, 132. The
Talmudists and the congregation of
British Jews, 133. Dislike of the
Americans to, 133. Their banishment
from England. 13-5. The Jewish
money-lender, 135. Their disregard
of the Mosaic law, 136. Not allowed
to sit in Parliament till 1860, 136.
Tacitus on their character, 137. Their
alleged ill-treatment in Jtoumania
and Servia, 137, 153. Their filthy
habits, 142. Their barbarous con-
dition in Eoumania, 117. Letter of
M. Manuel on their persecution by
the Mahometans, 148. M. Matitsch
on the Jews in Servia, 149. M.
Boeresco on the sale of spirituous
liquors by the Jews, 151
Jews, sketch of their career from the
earliest period to the present time,
114, 129. Incidents in their history
from the book of Genesis, 114, 115.
The exodus from Egypt, 115. Their
disregard of the ceremonial law 116,

117. Their wars of extermination.

118. Their barbarities to their own
countrymen, 118. ThcLevite and his
concubine, 118. The massacre of the
Benjamites by the Israelites, 119.
Their idolatry, 120. Jephthah's
vow, 120. Jael's treachery, 120.
David and Uriah, 120. Solomon's pro-
verbs, 120, and doubtful wisdom, 120.
Solomon's opinion of the Jews, 121,
vote. Abijah's slaughter of the
Israelites, 121. Their conduct to our
Saviour, 121. The trial of Jesus a
mockery of justice, 123. The cruci-
fixion, 124. Gibbon on the Jews of
the middle ages, 125, 127 ; and their
horrible massacres in Cyprus and
Cyrcne, 127. Their savage ferocity
in modern times, 128. Themurder of
the Patriarch Gregory, 128. Their
defeat of the Greeks at Xavacta. 128

their alleged ill-treatment in Eou-
mania and Servia, Government blue-
book on, 1 37. Dispatches of Vice-Con-
sul St. John, 137, 139, 1 ID, 152 : of M.
eano, 142. Letterof the Pre-
sident of the Israelitish community at
Bucharest, 145. Address of the

Israelite notables of Jassy, 146. Ex-
tract from the Moniteur Roumain, 150

Kaeapapaks, the. 79

Kemball, Sir Arnold, his disgraceful and
insulting treatment by the Turks, 87

Kinglake, sketch of an interview be-
tween an imglishman and a Turkish
Pasha, 57

Manners in* the East, sketch by

Thackeray, 62
Martens, Professor, on the Eastern

Question, 176
Montagu, Lord E., his " Foreign Poblcy

and the Eastern Question," criticism

of, 108—111
Montenegrins, their treatment of Turki -h

prisoners, 84
M.P., photograph of an, by Charles

Dickens, 231
Murder, punishment of, in Turkey. 75

Xatioxal Society for the Aid of the
Wounded in "War, the, 181. Letter of
Mr. Auberon Herbert to the /
the conduct of the Committee. 181.
L'nequal distribution of its supplies.
184. Deputation to, 185. Reply of
Colonel Loyd-Lindsay to the deputa-
tion, 185. The purchase of stores,
187. How to prevent the mis;
priation of stores, 188. Willingness
of Eussia to receive its aid, 191. The
author's experience of its working
during the Franco-German War. 188
^—192

Xational Society for the Aid of the
Wounded in War and the Stafford
House Committee. 181

Xorthcote, Sir Stafford, letter on Lord
Beaconsfield and Count Seebach, 5 I

Opinions on Turkey by travellers of
various nationalities: — M. de Lamar-
tine, 155. Mr. J. L. Stephens, thr .
rican traveller. 153. Mr. Eliot Warbur-
ton. 156. Mr. Walsh, 15 !. Mr. Th
ray, 156. Lord Stratford de Red

156. M.Guiz it, 156. M. de Tocqueville,

157. Mr. Spencer, 157, 159. Mr.
Crowe. 157. 160, 163. Mr. Bavle St.
John, 158. M. Blanqui, 158.
Earl of Carlisle, 159. The Eev.
Horatio Southgate, 160. The author
of "Eothen," 161. Dr. Aiton, 161.
Miss Martineau, 162. Mr. Layard,
162, 163. Mr. MeCulloch. 164. Colonel
Saunders, Ml. Vice-Consul Baratti,
161. Consul Xeale. 164. Consul
Saunders, 164. The author of " Ex-

IXDEX TO TART II.

257

periences of an English Sister of
Mercy," 165. Dr. Sandwith, 165, 166.
Letter to the Rev. Ernest Hawkins,
168—170. Miss Irby, 171. Captain
"Warren, 171. Captain Burton, 172.
Mr. Henry C. Barkley, 173. Mr.
Evans, 174. Sir George Campbell, 174

Photogeaph of an M.P., by Charles
Dickens, 231

Punch, Mr. Bumand's "Diary of my
Bide to Ehiva," 66. On alleged Rus"-
sian atrocities, 68

Russian atrocities, the alleged, a few
remarks on, 71. In Turkistan, 13.
Punch on, 68. Aarifi Pasha's statis-
tics, 71. The Daily Telegraph'* sen-
sational reports, 71, 74. Points which
should be established, 73. Statements
of twenty representatives of the Press,
73. The Parliamentarv paper on, 74.
Extracts from the Times, 76—80, 86,
89; the Daily News, 75, 85; Le Temps,
80 ; the Stamboul, 78 ; the Cologne
Gazette, 79; and the XlXme Siccle, 90.
Mr. Layard and Safket Pasha, incon-
sistencies in their reports, 81, 82. Ex-
tracts from Mr. Gladstone's pamphlet,
84.

Russian deeds in Turkistan, Mr. Glad-
stone on, 13

Russian navy, heroism of the, 77

Russians, their care of the wounded, 185

Russo-Turkish war. Turkish soldiers
distrusted by their generals, 76.
Turkish treachery, 76, 90. Humane
treatment of Turkish prisoners by the
Russians, 77, 83, 85, 92. Discipline
of the Russian troops, 79, 85. Bar-
barous treatment of Russian prisoners
by the Turks, 81, 92. Incapacity and
laziness of Turkish generals, 83. Ame-
nities of newspaper correspondents,
88, 89. Letter to the Da ih/ Telegraph,
by Sir J. G. T. Sinclair,' on English
intervention, 225

Seebach, Couot, and the Earl of
Beaconsfield, letters to the Nord, 42,
54 ; to the Daily News, 47, 50, and 51,
to the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, 50. Article from the World, 55

Seebach, Count, translation of his "open
letter" to Lord Beaconsfield, 42.
Translation of his rejoinder to Lord
Beaconsfield's reply, 54

Shipka Pass, abandonment of positions
by the Turks, 73. Treachery of the
Turks, 76. Turkish atrocities on the
Russian wounded, 89

Sick and Wounded Russian and Monte-
negrin Soldiers' Relief Fund, 188

Sinclair, Sir J. G. Tollemache, Bart.,
M.P., letters to the Daily News on
Count Seebach's charges against Lord
Beaconsfield, 47, 51. His correspon-
dence on the working of the National
Society in Aid of the Wounded during
the Franco-German war, in the Time':
191, 210, 220; in the Morning Adver-
tiser, 202 ; in the Daily Telegraph, 224.
On English intervention in the Russo-
Turkish war, 224. Article in the
Morning Advertiser on his letters
during the Franco-German war, 221.
Opinions of the Cologne Gazette on his
correspondence, 210. Reply of Mr.
George Warriner, 226

Stafford House Fund, the committee
open to censure for confining their
operations to the Turks, 184. Truth
on Lady Strangford and the, 229

Stamboul, suspension of the, for exposing
a fabricated report of alleged Russian
cruelties, 78

Thackeray, sketch of manners in the
East, 62

"The Buckinghamshire Buffoon" (Lord
Beaconsfield), political s.quib from the
Pall Mall Gazette, 178 '

" The great battle of Katsch-Tartar Ba-
zardjik," description of, in the Blood
and Thunder Gazette, 241

" The Jews the implacable foes of the
Christians," 112

Times, the, on Russian and Turkish
atrocities, 76, 77. 78, 86, 90, 92. In-
terception and alteration of its corres-
pondent's telegrams, 93, 95.

Turcos, cruelty of, in the Franco-Ger-
m:in war, 72

Turkish army, recruiting for the, how
managed, 97

Turkish atrocities, description of, by the
Times, 76, 92 : by General Tchemayeff,
SI ; by the Cologne Gazette, 97

Turkistan, Mr. Gladstone on Russian
deeds in, 13

Turks,theirtreatmentofthewounded,185

■• Vesta," the, her combat with an iron-
clad, 78

Wallace's " Russia," extract from. 31
World, the, on Count Seebach's charges

against Lord Beaconsfield, 55
Worms, Baron Henry de, some remarks

on his book, "England's Policy in the

East," 98

POSTSCEIPT.

THE AUTHOR'S FAREWELL.

The wounded soldier, as long as it is physically possible, rushes
forward in the excitement of the battle, reckless or unconscious of
the hurts he may have received, and though I have fought out un-
moved this contest on behalf of Russia and the Christians against
the Turcophiles till now, exposed to an incessant fire of artillery
and musketry from the Press, including all the weapons at
their disposal, such as abuse, ridicule, and slander, the time has
now come when, in a temporary pause in the hostilities of which
I have been the object, I have had time to examine my wounds,
and I feel tempted to exclaim, " Que diable avais-je a faire dans
cette gale-re1?" for I have received hardly any thanks from those I
have attempted to serve, and volleys of red-hot shot from those
who are opposed to me ; in fact, an Irish paper says that I am the
best abused man in England, and that my critics have treated me
with more severity than fairness.

Mr. "Punch's" short, pithy, and sagacious advice to those about
to marry is, perhaps, even more applicable to those about to publish
— " Don't." At any rate, I have little reason to be gratified with
this first and last literary venture, for I have found that, besides
an enormous expense, made up of what the French call comptes
tfapofliecaire, I have received hardly anything but the most frantic
abuse from my opponents, whilst I have been almost wholly
ignored by those who are supposed to agree with me in the main.
Even in Biblical times it was said, " Of making of books there is
no end," and if that could be said in those days, how much more
true is it now, when tens of thousands of volumes appear every
year, and even successful authors put the extinguisher on their
own works by the amazing celerity with winch they produce

11 POSTSCRIPT.

others, whilst not even the almost unparalleled success of "Uncle
Tom's Cabin " of recent years has rescued it from oblivion.

If literary production, except the necessary ephemeral works,
such as newspapers, entirely ceased, there are infinitely more
works of value in the Avorld, on almost every conceivable topic,
past, present, and future, than the greatest hettuo librorvm could
possibly read, working twenty hours a day for a hundred years ;
and one almost feels that writing a new book is penance and a
species of impertinence and of treason against those admirable
writers whose works fill the mind with enthusiasm in youth,
stimulate it to exertion in middle life, and afford the best possible
solace in old age.

One is apt to wonder that any literary market can exist, for
instance, for the thousands of volumes of milk-and-water novels,
travels, poems, &c, that appear every year, while the matchless
works of Byron, Dickens, Thackeray, and others are to the present
generation comparatively unknown, for, excepting that since the
time of these writers we have railways and telegraphs everywhere,
their books might have been written yesterday ; and an ounce of
their charming productions is worth tons of ordinary literature,
besides what is unknown, though it may be old, is as new to you
as that which is published to-day.

"Who can think over the intense and rapt enjoyment that one
has derived from " Childe Harold " or from the " Christmas
Carol " without preferring a second, a third, or a tenth perusal
of these matchless works, to a first reading of a modern novel or
poem ] And if one was fairly to estimate, by the number and
intensity of the beatings of one's pulse when one has read them,
the debt of gratitude which one owes to these great writers,
which of us would not feel that, measured by a fail- pecuniary
standard, all that we possess would not repay our obligations to
them, and that if we attempted to pay twenty shillings in the
pound we should be hopelessly bankrupt ?

That charming writer, Jeffrey, thus beautifully expresses similar
thoughts to these : — " The works of the best models are continually
before the eyes, and their accumulated glory in the remembrance;

postscript. in

the very variety of the sorts of excellence which are constantly ob-
truded on the notice renders excellence itself cheap and vulgar in
the estimation. One is disheartened, too, by the extreme insig-
nificance of anything we can expect to contribute, when compared
with the great store which is already in possession of the public.
It is knowledge which distracts by its variety, and satiates by its
abundance, and generates by its communication that cold and
dark spirit of depreciation and derision which revenges on those
whom it possesses the pangs which it inflicts upon those on whom it is
exerted."

It does seem to me unjust and un-English that, when a writer
who has been, in a literary point of view, almost silent for the
greater portion of his life, reluctantly sits down to compose a
work on the burning question of the day, as no one else is able
and willing to champion the cause which he honestly thinks
right, adverse critics should endeavour to scarify him, or, rather,
skin him alive, and that they should even insult him, as the Bir-
mingham Gazette has done, by calling him an idiot, knowing
well that this is a wilful falsehood. As idiot is even a more
opprobrious term than fool, I would advise the courteous writer
of this Billingsgate Brummagem journal to remember the text
'•' Whoso calleth his brother, thou fool, shall be in danger of hell
fire," and his insolence certainly deserves that the critical furnace
should be made " seven times hotter than it is wont to be heated."

The Saturday Reviler, which becomes waste paper every Monday,
however, carries off the palm for ignoring or nipping in the bud
any new and earnest writer whose views are opposed to their
own ; and I suppose that no other journal in any age or country
has, so to speak, tomahawked so many authors, or could show as
many literary scalps. I have neither written to glorify myself,
nor with the least expectation or desire to make money ; but
some of my critics have treated me worse than a Bashi-Bazouk would
behave to a Bulgarian ; whilst, had I written in favour of the
fiendish Turks, I should have received from them the most in-
discriminating applause, or had Baron de Worms written in
favour of the Russians and Christians, he would have been abuser

IV POSTSCRIPT.

like a pickpocket. All, they say, is barren and worthless in my
work, from Dan to Beersheba, and no good can come out of such
a Nazareth. Some of these critics are utterly incapable of writing
an original work ; their business is to carp, to cavil, and to find
fault, and if they literally kill an occasional Keats, or even any
smaller game — for, like French sportsmen, they do not disdain to
bag a linnet or a tom-tit — they have no more compunction than
if they had trodden on a worm. However, I have set some
traps for them, and have already caught one or two napping.
Let a new author make a single mistake in a quotation, an argu-
ment, or a figure, though in ninety-nine cases he may be right,
this hundredth instance in which he is really or supposedly wrong,
even though it may be corrected in the errata, is eagerly fastened
upon, and the author is held up to scorn, hatred, or ridicule
for a matter perhaps of little or no importance, and one who can-
not be easily put down by fair argument is suffocated in the
wet blanket of pretended critical contempt.

It is quixotic and useless for any one to struggle against wind
and tide. If my countrymen will not even believe that Dunnet
Heal is, as is the fact, much farther north than John O'Groat's
house, neither will they be persuaded by any amount of facts,
figures, and arguments that the cause of Russia and the Christians
is just, " although one rose from the dead,'' and those who are
determined not even to hear the Eussian and Christian side of
the question act I suppose on the saying, " "When ignorance is
bliss, 'tis folly to be wise." I will, however, mention yet another
fact in favour of Russia, namely, that Russian Armenia has always
been exempted from the conscription ; but two regiments of
Armenian volunteers serve with the Russian army. Some of my
critics crow over me for my favourable anticipations for the
Russian cause, in consequence of their temporary want of success,
but the capture of Erzeroum and the approaching fall of Plevna
and Kars are a triumphant answer.

As a contrast to the admirable conduct of the Russians, I quote
the following from the Times correspondent, dated Bogot, October
30th :—

POSTSCRIPT. V

" Dr. Douglas and Dr. Vachell (taken prisoners at Telis) are
treated with the greatest courtesy. They have capital quarters,
and dine and breakfast with the Grand Duke Nicholas, who shows
them marked attention.

"I visited the field hospitals here in their company this afternoon.
Dr. Douglas authorises me to state that he saw the Russian dead
horribly mutilated after their first repulse at Telis. Many were
headless, all were stripped naked, and he saw one body of a man who
had received a comparatively slight wound from the Turkish fire,
and had then been shot five times in a circle through the breast
by a revolver, held so close that the powder had burnt the flesh.
He is positive that the man was murdered, as his first wound was
too slight to cause death. Both these English doctors have travelled
from Constantinople to Plevna, and have only seen or heard of three
Russian prisoners in the Turkish lines. The Turkish authorities, they
state, declare that they do not want English doctors, but English soldiers .•
that the wounded are of no use, as they cannot fight any more, and are
only a useless burden to the State." *

" Englishmen who could not endure to see the Turks gouging
out the eyes and cutting off the extremities, and then severing the
heads of the Russian wounded, and English ladies who would
faint if they saw the most inhuman murderer hung, strangely
enough can not only listen unmoved to accounts of the massacre
with refinements of cruelty far outdoing the practice of Red Indian
or other savages, but applaud and sympathise with these Turkish
devils in human form."

Here is yet another photograph of Turkish atrocities from the
Times' correspondent at Bogot, November 4th : —

" Late in the afternoon several hundreds of Turkish wounded
came through this village en route to the Russian hospitals in the
rear. This train presented a strong contrast to the fate of the
Russian wounded at the first attack on Telis, not one of whom was
received in the hospitals in the Turkish lines. All those on the field
were murdered by the Turks. The barbarity of the Turks is not
confined to the treatment of the Russian wounded ; they do not
behave much better to their own. ... I am informed by

•Vi POSTSCRIPT.

the English surgeons captured at Telis that the wounds (of the
4,500 Turks) were full of maggots, and the men covered with
vermin. Some of them had been lying wounded for weeks before
being sent to Orchanie without bandages ; yet when the English
ambulance proposed to enter Plevna with a large quantity of
bandages and other hospital stores, Osman Pasha refused them
admission to send on the supplies. ... In consequence of
the refusal of Osman Pasha, the English surgeons were compelled
to establish their ambulance at Orchanie, two days' ride from
Plevna."

It thus appears on the clearest evidence of Englishmen whose
sympathies were with the Turks, that no more barbarous, in-
human, and fiendish scoundrels than the Ottomans ever disgraced
humanity, and that they wilfully withhold from their own
wounded all medical or other relief, and thus wilfully and inten-
tionally inflict on them a certain and horrible death, merely to
save expense.

As to Russian literature, I extract the following sentences from
the Westminster Bevkw for October: — "After the Crimean war,
in which it must be candidly confessed the country (Russia) ex-
hibited to the rest of Europe a figure by no means contemptible,
scholars began to pay some attention to this neglected language.
. . . The Russian ballads certainly cannot be said to rival in
beauty the Servian, but they possess very great merit, and one
cannot help being struck by the great abundance of them . . .
The Slavonic races may justly be proud of their ballads. Since
Poushkin's attempt, the historical drama, based entirely upon the
English, has been very successfully cultivated . . . With the
Russians, the English novel of the realistic type is the favourite;
model. In this branch of literature French influences have hardly
been felt at all. . . . No more pathetic tale than the ' Gentle-
man's Seat ' (' Doorianskov Guesdo ') can be shown in the literature
of any country. The branches of literature which the Russians
have cultivated with the most success are lyric poetry, the drama,
the novel, and history, especially that of their own country and
kindred Slavonic nations. Nor must we deny them considerable

POSTSCRIPT. Vll

merit as philologists, both in the Slavonic languages and in those
of the East generally. . . . We may hope that, together with
their noble language, their literature may become more and more
developed."

For myself, I have had more than enough of an ungrateful
task, and now I have only as an author to bid my readers a
final adieu.

NOTE RESPECTING LORD BEACONSFIELD.

Mr. D'Israeli's first speech in the House of Commons was, as
is well known, a complete failure, and he sat down utterly dis-
comfited, saying, " The day will come when the House will hang
upon my words." The coldness and superciliousness of the
House has, however, permanently silenced many other men —
and, amongst others, the celebrated Mr. Single-Speech Hamilton,
whose sole and only oration was a miracle of talent — especially
those who have a vein of pathos and sentiment in their
natures, or what dull, cold, phlegmatic, and matter-of-fact
people who have no soul, and who, so to speak, prefer moral
tripe and heavy wet to champagne and turtle, term con-
temptuously humanitarian gush, especially if accompanied by
that gesticulation which is so natural and appropriate, and by
that forcible and varied elocution which the House considers thea-
trical. Hardly anyone in the House of Commons, except Mr. Glad-
stone and Mr. Bright, ever ventures to attempt to touch the
feelings, and they do so rarely and in homoeopathic doses with great
brevity and restraint, yet more than half the charm and a large
portion of the effect of true oratory is produced by that " touch of
nature which makes the whole world kin," and whoever does not
appreciate and feel that influence lacks one of the greatest enjoy-
ments which it is possible even to imagine, and is devoid of that
emotional intuition which is sometimes a better guide than dry 1< >gic
and pure reason. Though Mr. DTsraeli soon accpiired a very high
reputation as a speaker, his oratorical fireworks, to me, are often
laboured and ineffective, and seldom impromptu ; and on the
occasion of the death of the Duke of Wellington, he plagiarised

Vlll POSTSCRIPT.

in the coolest and most unblushing manner from the funeral
oration which Thiers pronounced on Marshal St. Cyr, pretending
that he had forgotten that he had read it, just as he affects to for-
get that in the midst of the Crimean War he sent a message
through Count Seebach to the Emperor of Russia to say that he
expected to regain power immediately, and that he would then
" establish an agreement (with Eussia) by adopting principles
diametrically opposed to those of Lord Palmerston, which would
hasten, if necessary, in spite of France, the conclusion of peace."
On the occasion of the funeral oration when he forgot the
difference between the literary meum and tuwn, a well-known wit
wrote the following lines : —

" In sounding great Wellington's praise,
Dizzy's grief and his truth both appear,
For he shed an abundance of Thiers,
"Which was certainly meant for St. Cyr.'

NOTE IN ANSWEE TO THE CHALLENGE OF THE
"JEWISH WORLD."

The editor of the Jewish World having accused me of maligning
the heroes of the Old Testament and the Mosaic law, I subjoin a
few more random notes on these subjects.

" Benjamin shall ravin as a wolf in the morning, he shall devour
the prey, and at night he shall divide the spoil."

Moses deserted his wife, Zipporah, and two sons, but Jethro,
his father-in-law, brought them back to him.

" If a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die
under his hand, he shall be surely punished. Notwithstanding,
if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is
his money." In other words, you may brutally murder your
male or female slave, provided you do it so that he or she lives one
or two days.

" Thou shalt not revile the gods."

" Neither shalt thou countenance a poor man in his cause."

The Israelites seem to have been at no pains to preserve the two
tab^ of testimony " written with the finger of God," for though

POSTSCRIPT. IX

Moses sacrilegiously broke them, the fragments were worth pre-
serving.

" Ye shall kindle no fire throughout your habitations upon the
Sabbath Day."

" It shall be a perpetual statute throughout all your dwellings
that ye eat neither fat nor blood."

" Thou shaft not suffer a witch to live," so that the Mosaic law
recognised the existence of witches, which no sane man or woman
now believes to be the case. " Moreover, of the children of the
strangers that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy .
they shall be your "bondmen for ever," so that slavery and slave-
dealing are not only permitted but enjoined by the Mosaic dis-
pensation.

In Numbers v. it is commanded "that when a woman has
committed adultery, or when her husband wrongfully suspects that
she has committed it, he shall bring her before the priest, and
after she has drunk some bitter water, if she is guilty her thigh
shall rot and her belly shall swell." One is curious to know
whether this practice is still in force among the Jews and whether
these consequences universally ensue.

In Numbers viii. 4 we are told that Moses made a candlestick
" according unto the pattern which the Lord had showed Moses."
Is this candlestick still extant 1

Moses seems to have married two Midianitish wives, contrary to
his own law, namely, Zipporah, daughter of Jethro, and a daughter
of Eaguel, and he also married an Ethiopian woman (Numbers
xii. 1), and a daughter of a Kenite (Judges i. 16).

In Numbers xi. 10 we are told that the Israelites were so
tired of manna that " Moses heard the people weep throughout
their families, every man in the door of his tent." A couple of
millions of people blubbering in this way like spoilt children,
because they did not like the food which G-od gave them, must
have been an extraordinary sight ; however, their complaints
had the effect of inducing Grod to give them quails, and Ave aro
told, verse 32, that the quails were " two cubits high upon the
face of the earth," and that " the people stood up all that day and

X POSTSCRIPT.

all that night and all the next day " (say 48 hours, without sleep or
food), and that some of them only gathered 10 homers, whilst
with such an abundance they should have gathered many cart-
loads, and far more than they could eat before the quails putrefied.

In Numbers xiv. 1 we are told that after Caleb and Joshua had
returned from spying out the promised land, and had seen the
giants and other marvels, " all the congregation lifted up their
voice and cried, and the people wept that night " — a practice which
appears to be confined, as regards men, to the "peculiar people."

What has become of the " book of the wars of the Lord,''
mentioned in Numbers xxi. 14?

In Deuteronomy vii. 14, 15, it is stated, as to the Israelites,
" There shall not be a male or a female barren among you, or among
your cattle. And the Lord will put away from thee all sickness."
Is this so now 1 In that case the Jews need have no doctors or
chemists.

Deuteronomy xxi. 18 — 21 commands the Israelites to stone to
death rebellious and stubborn children. Do they still enforce this law 1

This command, it will be observed, is not permissive, but obli-
gatory, so that the Jews are absolutely bound to stone to death
any son or daughter who, for instance, marries in defiance of
their authority, or who even goes to the theatre, or refuses to go
to the synagogue when ordered to do so by their parents.

Of course, any Jew who carried out this law would be hung,
but a Jew is bound to submit to this trifling inconvenience, for
he ought to obey God rather than man.

When Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego were ordered to fall
down and worship the image which Nebuchadnezzar set up,
they preferred going into a burning fiery furnace, which is an
infinitely more painful death than being hung ; and so Jews
should observe the whole Mosaic law without regard to conse-
quences.

Chapter xxii. ordains that if a man accuses his bride of not
being a maid, and physical proofs cannot be produced by her, she
is to be stoned to death ; but medical men are agreed that such
proofs cannot always be supplied.

POSTSCRIPT. XI

Chapter xxv. commands the Israelitish women to marry their
deceased husband's brother (do they still adhere to this command-
ment 1), whereas with us marriage with a deceased wife's sister,
which is precisely the same relationship, is illegal.

Chapter xxviii., verse 68, says, " Ye shall be sold unto your
enemies for bondmen and bondwomen, and no man shall buy
you " ; but it is difficult to understand how they could be sold if
there were no buyers.

Rahab, the Gentile harlot, was one of the progenitors of David.

From Joshua xv. 63 it appears that " as for the Jebusites, the
inhabitants of Jerusalem, the children of Judah, could not drive
them out, but the Jebusites dwell with the children of Judah at
Jerusalem unto this day," so that a large portion of the inhabit-
ants of Jerusalem were Gentile Jebusites, and perhaps many of
the Jews are of Jebusite origin.

Still, chapter xxi., verse 43, says, "And the Lord gave unto
Israel all the land which He sware to give unto their fathers, and
they possessed it, and dwelt therein," but they could not have
possessed the land which was occupied by these Jebusites, and
by the Canaanites who continued to dwell in Ephraim and among
the other tribes.

It is curious that Judges i. 21 states that it was the children of
Benjamin, and not the children of Judah, who dwelt at Jerusalem
to this day along with the Jebusites, and that the people of Judah
could not drive out the people of the valley, because they had
chariots of iron .

Judges vi. 1 informs us that the Lord delivered the Israelites
into the hand of Midian seven years. This seems rather incon-
sistent with Numbers xxxi., which narrates the antecedent
destruction of all the Midianites but the virgins. Judges viii. 27
states that " Gideon made an ephod thereof (of gold), and put it
in his city, even in Ophrah, and all Israel went thither a whoring
after it, which thing became a snare unto Gideon and to his
house," yet the country was in quietness forty years under
Gideon, and he is said to have died in a good (?) old age.
Jephthah the judge, who murdered his daughter, was the son of an

XU POSTSCRIPT.

harlot. Samson, again, took a wife from among the Philistines,
the enemies and oppressors of the Israelites, contrary to the
Mosaic law. It appears from Samuel i. 7, that because Hannah
had no children " she wept and did not eat," and in Genesis xxxi. 1
Rachel says to Jacob, "Give me children or else I die." I am
not aware that any woman of any other race but the Israelites
was so anxious to have children, that she wished to die if she
did not have, not only one child, but children. However, Rachel,
as will be seen by verse 15, sold Jacob's matrimonial endearments
to Leah for her son's mandrakes, and Jacob agreed to the bargain.

The Israelites must have had very large appetites, for according
to 1 Samuel xiv. 34, " All the people brought every man his ox
with him that night, and slew them there." There are certainly
no other people but Israelites who would eat a whole ox, which
seems a most wasteful proceeding. 1 Samuel xv. tells us, verse 2
and 3, that Amalek is to be exterminated, because 400 years
before that nation " laid wait for him (Israel) in the way wh< n he
came out of Egypt."

King Saul, though wicked, still could prophesy. David, according
to 1 Samuel xxix., was quite willing to fight with the Philistines
against his own countrymen, but the Philistines would not allow
him to do so. 2 Samuel i. refers to the slaughter of the Amalek-
ites by David after the death of Saul, but by 1 Samuel xv. it
appears that all the Amalekites were exterminated by Saul. Were
they then restored to life to be slaughtered a second time 1

I subjoin a couple of quotations which were too late for their
proper places : —

' Let ' British interests ' live, let tortured Christians die,
But spare, oh spare, our Turks' integrity."

lord John Manners poun, adapted to the Eastern Qwstion.

" Perche Constantinopoli e del mondo
La miglior parte occupa il Turco immondo

Cuccial d'Europa."

Ariuslo, " Orlando Furioso," xvii. 75 — 77.

i

OPINIONS ON SIR TOLLEMACHE SINCLAIR'S
PUBLICATIONS.

FROM THE "DAILY REVIEW.

The member for Caithness has been to the war, looking at it
from a political point of view, seeing matters for himself, and has
come home with a bundle of opinions about it so extremely
emphatic that it is highly interesting to examine them in detail.
There is a quality about Sir J. T. Sinclair's letter which is not
to be found everywhere among either official or non-official
documents about the war, the quality of rude, hard-hitting
common sense. Sir John is a violent partisan, and yet he makes
a terribly good case for his friends the Germans. He rather
out-Bismarcks Bismarck in one or two points. A " neutral par-
tisan," to use an Irishism, is generally more strong in his state-
ment of affairs than either of the belligerent parties. Count
Bismarck wishes to leave open some loophole for peace ; Sir
John Sinclair states the German case so very emphatically and
so very inexorably that we doubt whether any peace could be
got, short of actual ruin to France, were he Prime Minister of
Germany.

Gambetta means well, but he is deceiving both himself and
the people at present. Sir John Sinclair's letter, though in
places exaggerated, is far nearer the truth than Gambetta's pro-
clamations ; yet if this letter was translated into French, the
French would probably vote it to be " the letter of an English
citizen in a state of distraction." They would, had they the
power, probably hang Sir John Sinclair first, and examine his
letter afterwards. For our part, we were rather glad that this
very plain-spoken gentleman got through the debateable ground
on the border in safety to Luxembourg. He was in great
danger ; and had there been a precedent for shooting a member
of Parliament of an allied nation, Sir John Sinclair would have
been the man. Scarcely a man has a better right to speak than

OPINIONS ON SIR TOLLEMACHE SINCLAIR'S PUBLICATIONS.

he, and we only regret that such a very ahle letter should show
in places a little more bias than we care to see from a man in
his position.

The French have made a hideous mistake, a mistake which,
were the Prussians expelled from France in three months from
now, could not be put right in the lifetime of the present gene-
ration. We think that Sir John Sinclair, knowing as he does
that the letter he has written will be sooner or later sent to each
of the French journals, has been too hard on the French. It
may be said that he can prove his accusation against them. We
do not doubt that, but there is a time for mercy as there is a
time for judgment.

It seems to us that Sir John Sinclair's friends should very
much moderate their terms if they mean to have a peace without
exhausting and paralyzing themselves as much as they do their
enemies. A fortnight will either add to German demands, or
will reduce them by one-half. In the meantime we can most
heartily thank Sir John Sinclair for his deeply interesting though
one-sided letter.

TRANSLATED FROM " KREUZ ZEITUNG."

The opinion of the English newspapers of the conduct of the
war is shown by the appearance in the Times of an article by
Sir Tollemache Sinclair, who, after a considerable stay with the
German army, has just returned to England. Although we can-
not give the article (which, from the originality of its ideas, and
the evident effort to be impartial, may be interesting in Germany),
we shall extract some of the most important passages, as well
as some others, which demand more than a word of observation.
After Sir Tollemache Sinclair has strikingly pourtrayed the
moderation shown by the Germans, as contrasted with the inso-
lence of the French with regard to the conditions of peace, as
hitherto debated, he goes on to say that after the taking of Paris
public opinion in Germany will make higher demands than
before of the conquered.

With praiseworthy (decision) Sir Tollemache Sinclair turns, in
the following paragraph, upon the' English, showing their leaning
towards France and against Germany. He cannot conceal his
astonishment that there are persons who do not understand that
in France all parties eagerly desired war with England. The
sum of his conclusion on this point he puts in the significant
sentence — "That every killed or wounded German has saved an
Englishman from a similar fate, and that in this war Germany
fights as much for England as for herself.

OPINIONS ON SIR TOLLEMACHE SINCLAIR'S PUBLICATIONS.

As he goes on with great sharpness to criticize the conduct of
the war by the French (those " Greeks of the West "), Sir Tolle-
mache Sinclair's friendly feeling towards Germany makes itself
constantly apparent.

We add, finally, as most significant, the following very sensible
proposals : — The writer wishes that, to encourage France in the
cession of the forfeited German territory, England should, on
her part, set her a good example, by giving up, in the same
way as she freely resigned the Ionian Islands to Greece — the
Island of Heligoland — useless to her, and a gift which would be
gladly accepted by Germany, and thus efface all dissatisfaction
at England's attitude towards her. Now, we are sure that our
Englishman deceives himself as little here as in his opinion of
our army, and it is only to be desired that on the other side of
the Channel there were more men like him.

FROM THE " OST PREITSSICHE ZEITUNO.

Among these writers of communicated letters, one of the most
zealous champions for Germany — her rights and her claims — is
the member of Parliament Sir Tollemache Sinclair. He is
acquainted with Germany — travelled through it before the war
— and since it commenced visited the fields of battle and ambu-
lances after the battle of Sedan, and upon these he has written
valuable, because unexaggerated, reports. His repeated and
detailed letters to the Times, Morning Advertiser, and other news-
papers, have appeared on the side of Germany, against her
English opponents and their charges, and has especially main-
tained her right to the re-acquisition of Alsace and German-
Lorraine. In one of his most recent letters he acutely answers
the objections made to the annexation of a pretendedly unwilling
people, by referring to the proceedings of nearly every other
Power.

FROM THE " KOLUISCHE ZEITUNG."

An English M.P., Sir Tollemache Sinclair, of Thurso Castle,
who has several times visited the seat of war, has sent two com-
prehensive articles to the Times, which combine the most praise-
worthy impartiality with the justest apprehension of the position
of affairs, and prove in the most gratifying way that the
thoughtful and well-informed Englishmen consider the cause of
Germany to be the right one throughout.

Sir Tollemache Sinclair depicts in a singularly clear and

OPINIONS ON SIR TOLLEMACHE SINCLAIR'S PUBLICATIONS.

thoroughly truthful manner the disgraceful and false bearing
of the French and the manly and upright behaviour of the
Germans, on whose side he agrees throughout, so that it is easy
to see that he visited the seat of war as an attentive observer.

"We have entered somewhat fully on this article, because it
must make a very good impression in England, when experienced
men — members of Parliament — declare themselves so openly on
the side of Germany. Such articles do honour to the English
nation, and enable us to hope that the English Government
itself will take the right course.

Thiers, and still more the military writers, will tell you how
many thousands the Emperor had in hospital at the end of every
campaign, and how much his garrisons were weakened even in
time of peace. In the battles to be wounded at all severely was
to die. Toe surgeons were not over skilful; they were even less
remarkable for humanity. Officers of rank were well attended
to, but the spirit of benevolence was not yet sufficiently active
for the soldier to be cared for as a man and a brother — as some-
thing more than a pawn on the chessboard of war. Among the
civil population there was little or no interest in the work of
the hospital. The people were gratified by victory ; they had a
vague pity for their soldiers under disaster ; but it needs educa-
tion and moral refinement to make people feel acutely even the
sufferings they witness. Erckmann-Chatrian tells us how little
pity the peasants used to show for the wounded soldiers, their
own countrymen. The same phenomenon is noticed in the pre-
sent war. Sir Toilemache Sinclair described yesterday the
indifference with which the French bystanders and even their
unwounded comrades witnessed the sufferings of the wounded,
and it would seem that the imagination and sentiment which
education gives are necessary for a quick sympathy with suffer-
ing. In the old wars the soldier, looked upon by Prince, by
General, and by society as a kind of public gladiator, who must
be killed, or die sooner or later, went to his fate with reckless-
ness, and whole levies of conscripts disappeared, to be succeeded
by others as a matter of course. — Times.

TRANSLATED IROil 'LONDONER ZEITUNG.

Sir J. G. Tollemache Sinclair, one of the best informed per-
sons on Continental matters in this country, writes to the Times
as follows: — "Had I gone to the theatre of war as an ardent

OPINIONS ON SIK TOLLEMACHE SINCLAIR'S PUBLICATIONS.

admirer of France, I must have returned an enthusiastic par-
tizan of Germany, after having had an opportunity of comparing
the noble bearing of this brave nation with the despicable
deeds of the French." It is very agreeable to find in this
country, where so few persons understand Continental politics,
some highly-cultivated individuals who with great insight
defend the rights of Germany.

From Prince Bismarck.

Versailles, 1st Jitly, 1871.
Sir, — Your esteemed letter, which I have read with lively interest, unfortu-
nately came to hand at a moment when the state of my health forbade me any
but indispensable labour, so that for a period of six weeks I was obliged to
abstain from the most urgent business.

On Work on Franco-German War.
Now that I have been able to read your publication, I have learnt with
lively satisfaction that you, in England, are spreading the ideas which the
German people consider to be just and right. If I have not earlier thanked
you for this, I beg you to believe that the delay has only arisen from circum-
stances which were beyond my control.

Accept, sir, the assurances of my highest consideration.

Signed, V. Bismarck.

On Work on the House of Commons.
The London correspondent of the Birmingham Weekly Post (Mr. George
Holyoake) says : — " Good books upon the House of Commons are rare. One
of the Palgraves a short time ago published a clever lecture, in its way, upon
the ' History and Manners of Parliament,' but Sir Tollemache Sinclair has
very much surpassed this latter production in a very clever ' Glance at the
House of Commons,' which he took in a lecture probably delivered to his
constituents in Caithness. There is an air of clever and amusing candour
about it — there is a calculating recklessness in the style which is quite re-
freshing. The speaker appears to dash off his ideas, but when the phrases
have entertained the reader there is found to be good sound judgment in them.
He describes the architecture of the House, the outside and the in, the entrances
and lobbies, the division lobbies, the order of business, the incidents and oratory
of the House, and one section is devoted to Sir Tollemache's own speeches — and
it is very rarely that one meets with a passage of more original and creditable
egotism. Sir Tollemache has the rare gift which an illustrious countryman
of his so much desired, that of seeing himself as others see him ; but he is
worth seeing and hearing for his own sake, and the account he gives of him-
self is as amusing as it is modest. He thinks it likely his lecture may not be
read ; but if the nature and contents of it were known, I venture to say that
a very large edition would be bought of a small pamphlet which gives more
information of the manners, customs, and oratory of the House of Commons
than anybody el'se has given within the same compass. The lecturer had an
ancestor, Sir George Sinclair, of Clyth, who represented Caithness in several
Parliaments. Sir Tollemache's father was himself successful in Parliament.

OPINIONS ON SIE TOLLEMACHE SINCLAIR'S PUBLICATIONS.

He often told his son that, if he had to begin life again, no consideration would
induce him to represent a constituency. It is fortunate his son has not
grown up of the same opinion, or the public would never have had the
charming little glance at the House to which I have referred."

On Publications on the Eastern Question.
From the "Nord" Newspaper.

"The two remarkable letters of Sir Tollemache Sinclair, member of the
English Parliament — letters which appeared at first in the Scotsman, and
which we reproduced last week — have caused in Russia an impression so much
the more lively since one is so little accustomed to meet in the English press
opinions so impartial on the politics of Russia in the East. • How can one
explain to oneself,' inquires the Moscow Gazette, on this occasion, ' that a
person who is known should choose a provincial newspaper in which to
publish his opinions ? Must one really admit that even a member of Parlia-
ment cannot obtain insertion in an influential journal of anything favourable
to Russia ? That is, however, the case. We know from an unimpeachable
source (adds the Moscow Gazette) that the London journals persistently refuse
the publication of communications the tenor of which diverges from the ideas
and the views which dominate in Governmental spheres. There is more than
this. The speeches pronounced in Pailiament, if they are in sympathy with
Russia and with the Eastern Christians, find no place in the newspapers.
They are abridged to such an extent as to lose all their vigour, and often even
their meaning."*

" Perhaps our colleague of Moscow goes a little too far when he reproaches
the London journal for not accepting communications at variance with the
ideas and the views which predominate in Ministerial regions. The Times
and the Daily News have sometimes published letters respecting which they
must have been more annoyed than satisfied in Governmental circles. But it
is consequently only the more surprising that these journals have shut their
columns to the two letters of Sir J. Tollemache Sinclair, which, by the in-
teresting historical views which they furnish, and the ability with which all the
various elements of the Eastern problem are therein found condensed, largely
merited being welcomed there, even leaving out of account the position
occupied by their author, and the generous hospitality accorded by the Times
to preceding communications due to the same pen. It is that this honourable
member of Parliament has stretched out a sacrilegious hand against a prejudice
which the Times and its brethren of London will not tolerate doubtless to be
touched ; he has shown by historical facts that the pretended ardent desire
of Russia to establish itself at Constantinople is a pure fable ; he has recalled
the fact that the Russians occupied Constantinople in 1833, and that it
only depended on them to remain there. Before such palpable material proof,
how could any one sustain the theory which is in such honour in the English
press, and in almost the whole Continental press ? It is much easier not to
publish these facts, in order to be able to continue to descant at your ease on
phantasms which they destroy. This is evidently what the Times has thought,
and it is therefore, doubtless, why it refused to publish the letters of Sir T.
Sinclair."

* Such as that of Colonel Mure, who had promised the Christians to represent theii
grievances, and could not get the House to listen or the newspapers to report him.

OPINIONS ON SIR TOLLEMACHE SINCLAIR'S PUBLICATIONS.

From the " Nord Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung," of Berlin,
August 28, 1877.

Sir T. Sinclair is known since 1870 to the German press through his
unceasing efforts during the war to influence his countrymen in favour of the
German cause. By speech and writing Sir T. Sinclair stood up for the justice
of the Germans in warding off the French attacks, and for the fairness of the
German offers of peace. He has not only displayed a veiy stirring activity on
the subject of the care of the wounded, but found leisure to bring in numerous
articles from the leading English and foreign papers in favour of Germany
against the attacks and falsehoods of that portion of the press who were hostile
to us. His activity was recognized by letters of thanks from Prince Bismarck,
from Versailles, and in the following year he received a letter from Field-
Marshal Count Moltke. Sir T. Sinclair is now occupied on a book, and in a
few days we shall hear his views in favour of a reconstruction of the Greek
Empire. Sir T. Sinclair here tells his countrymen something hardly agreeable
to them. Had they only to choose between a Russian and a Greek Medi-
terranean fleet, they would choose the latter as the lesser evil ; but in thereby
quieting this Power they would certainly displease every other maritime Power
which comes near the English on the way between Gibraltai and Suez. And
with the growth of Greece there would be also a growth of its naval power,
its maritime importance, and also an increase of Greek commerce and Greek
influence on the east coast of the Mediterranean. We do not know if it would
be possible for the English to satisfy themselves with these ideas.

When Sir J. G. T. Sinclair began, he not only had a claim to the considera-
tion of the Germans, who remember with pleasure their debt of gratitude to
him, without at the same time endorsing in their full extent his political
opinions in regard to Greece, but he can also recall, in opposition to the
opinions of his countrymen, the Iron Duke, the Duke of Wellington, who fifty
years ago had another Greece in view than that which had too nobly struggled
again to be subdued, but which was finally deemed too small to form a power-
ful active State with a mission as bearer of civilization into the East.

So far, no one could treat the subject with more warmth and eloquence than
Sir T. Sinclair. The many political and unpolitical heads in Europe, whom
the present war alarms, because they fear the very improbable aggrandise-
ment of Russia, will find in the conclusions of the Scotch baronet the most
fitting way for their own tranquillity, and therefore they will probably be
strongly supported.

OPINIONS OF EMINENT MEN ON RUSSIA,
TURKEY, AND ENGLAND.

" I am altogether a Russ." — Lord Chatham, 1773.

" I thought it ■would enlighten the world to drive those
brutes, the Turks, out of Europe." — Napoleon I.

" It would be absurd to think of bolstering up the Turkish
power in Europe. It is gone, in fact. We must reconstruct
the Greek Empire. There is no doubt it would have been
better for the world if the Treaty of Adrianople had not
been signed, if the Russians had entered Constantinople, and
if the Turkish Empire had been dissolved." — The Duke of
Wellington, in 1829.

" The protection of the Christians of Turkey by Russia was,
no doubt, prescribed by duty, and sanctioned by treaty." —
Lord John Russell's Dispatch to Sir Hamilton Seymour, 1853.

" The newspaper outcry against Russia is no more re-
spectable to me than the bowlings of Bedlam, proceeding as
it does from the deepest ignorance, egoism, and paltry
national jealousy." — Carlyle.

" I believe the people of Russia to be as capable of noble
sentiments as any people in Europe." — Gladstone.

" It was but bare justice to Russia to say that her dealings
with the Ottoman Power had been characterised by as great
forbearance as the conduct of that power (Turkey) by con-
tinued insolence and incorrigible obstinacy." — Sir J.
Mackintosh.

" Russia, too, was our ancient ally. . . . In 1770 our allies,
the Russians, sent a great fleet into the Mediterranean for
the purpose of overpowering the Turks. What was the
policy of this country ? To assist the Russian navy. In
1798 Russia is called in the treaty our old and natural ally."
— Lord Holland.

" I heartily wish her (Russia) success. In that war (1828-9),

my opinion is that the Turks were the aggressors

1833. If we have quietly beheld the temporary occupation of
the Turkish capital by the forces of Russia, it is because we
have full confidence in the honour and good faith of Russia."
— Lord Palmerston.

" Was it in the nature of man that the Russians should
remain calm spectators of the destruction, he had almost

OPINIONS OF EMINENT MEN— Omtimed.
said the annihilation, of the Greeks? I feel rather surprised
at their long forbearance." — Lord Carnarvon, 1S27.

" His Imperial Majesty (the Czar) at once divested himself
of the character of a belligerent in the Mediterranean, and
no one would deny that the sincerity and generosity the
Emperor of Russia had displayed in doing this were entitled
to the highest praise." — Lord Aberdeen, July 16, 1828.

" The policy of depriving England of India could hardly
have been initiated by Peter the Great, because he died
in 1725, and the Empire of British India was not established
till 1757." — Lord Salisbury.

" Russia, which had for a long period, out of deference to
their feelings, foregone the fair object of all her ambition —
which, with an attention to the general policy of Europe
and a magnanimity unparalleled, had long resisted the
strongest temptations, had attended only to the representa-
tions of this country and her allies, and had waited faith-
fully to the last moment before she had taken an}r open
measures to oppose the insults of Turkey — had resisted the
disposition of her people to go to war. Russia had now e n-
gaged in war, which upon all principles of policy and public
law she had a right to wage, nay, was called on by her
duty to wage . . . " — Lord Holland, 1828.

" I have great doubts that any intention to partition that
empire (Turkey) at all entered into the policy of the Russian
Government. Besides, I very much doubt also whether the
Russian nation, properly so called, would be prepared to see
that transference of power, of residence, and of authority to
the southern provinces which would be the necessary conse-
quence of the conquest by Russia of Constantinople." — Lord
Palmerston, 1833.

" They (the Russians) have adopted a very defective
system of conduct towards the people of these mountains
(the Circassians) ; they employ gentleness and humanity —
means which fail, because they regard them as marks of
weakness and fear." — Elaproth.

*' If we must have war sooner or later, I would rather have
it later than sooner." — Canning.

" Russia does not aim at great conquests ... As long as
we stand upon this place, you will never succeed in making
a rent in our friendship for Russia — a friendship which has
lasted for centuries, and is based upon history." — Prince
Bismarck, 1876.

OPINIONS ON SIR TOLLEMACHE SINCLAIR'S
PUBLICATIONS.

From Prince Bismarck.

"Now that I have been able to read your publication, I have
learnt with lively satisfaction that you, in England, are spreading
the ideas which the German people consider to be just and
right." — On WorJc on Franco-German War.

On Work on House of Commons.

" There is an air of clever and amusing candour about it — there
is a calculating recklessness in the style which is quite refresh-
ing. The speaker appears to dash off his ideas, but when the
phrases have entertained the reader there is found to be good
sound judgment in them. He describes the architecture of the
House, the outside and the in, the entrances and lobbies, the
division lobbies, the order of business, the incidents and oratory
of the House, and one section is devoted to Sir Tollemache' s
own speeches — and it is very rarely that one meets with a pas-
sage of more original and creditable egotism. Sir Tollemache
has the rare gift which an illustrious countryman of his so much
desired, that of seeing himself as others see him ; but he is worth
seeing and hearing for his own sake, and the account he gives
of himself is as amusing as it is modest." — G. J. Holyoalce.

On Publications on the Eastern Question.

" The two remarkable letters of Sir Tollemache Sinclair,
member of the English Parliament — letters which appeared at
first in the Scotsman, and which we reproduced last week — have
caused in Russia an impression so much the more lively sine*
one is so little accustomed to meet in the English Press opinions
so impartial on the politics of Russia in the East." — Nbrd of
Brussels.

" When Sir J. G. T. Sinclair began he ... had a
claim to the consideration of the Germans, who remember with
pleasure their debt of gratitude to him, without at the same time
endorsing in their full extent his political opinions in regard to
Greece. ... So far no one could treat the subject with
more warmth and eloquence than Sir Tollemache Sinclair." — From
Ike Nord Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitungof Berlin, August 28th, 1877.

Also, by the same Author, price Sixpence,

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ON HEROES AND HERO
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PAST AND PRESENT.

CRITICAL AND MISCELLA-
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LATTER-DAY PAMPHLETS
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FREDERICK THE GREAT.

vols.

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The remainder of Dickens s Works were not originally printed in Demy Sr-o.

BOOKS PUBLISHED BY

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LIBRARY EDITION.
In Post Svo. With the Original Illustrations, jo vols., fit th, £/i

PICKWICK PAPERS 43 Illustrns.. 2 vols.

NICHOLAS NICKLEBV

MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT

OLD CURIOSITY SHOP and REPRINTED PIECES 36
BARNABY RUDGE and HARD TIMES..

BLEAK HOUSE

LITTLE DORRIT

DOMBEY AND SON

DAVID COPPERFIELD

OUR MUTUAL FRIEND

SKETCHES BY "BOZ"

OLIVER TWIST

CHRISTMAS BOOKS

A TALE OF TWO CITIES j(

GREAT EXPECTATIONS

PICTURES FROM ITALY and AMERICAN NOTES

UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER

CHILD'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND

EDWIN DROOD and MISCELLANIES

CHRISTMAS STORIES from "Household Words." &c.

THE "CHARLES DICKENS" EDITION.
In Crown 8vo. In 21 vols., cloth, 701 'th Illustrations, £j qs. bd.

39

2 vols.

40 ,

2 \ ols.

36

2 Vols.

36

, 2 Vols.

4°

2 Vols.

4°

2 Vols.

38

, 2 Vols.

38

, 2 Vols.

40

, 2 Vols.

39

, i vol.

24

, i vol.

17 ,

i vol.

16

, 1 vol.

8

, 1 vol.

8

1 vol.

8

, 1 vol.

8

1 vol.

12 ,

, 1 vol.

16

, I vol.

PICKWICK PAPERS

MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT

DOMBEY AND SON

NICHOLAS NICKLEBV E

DAVID COPPERFIELD 8

BLEAK HOUSE S

LITTLE DORRIT S

OUR MUTUAL FRIEND 8

BARNABY RUDGE 8

OLD CURIOSITY SHOP 8

A CHILD'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND 4

EDWIN DROOD and OTHER STORIES .. .. 8

CHRISTMAS STORIES, from -'Household Words" .. 8

TALE OF TWO CITIES S

SKETCHES BY "BOZ" 8

AMERICAN NOTES and REPRINTED PIECES .. 8

CHRISTMAS BOOKS S

OLIVER TWIST 8

GREAT EXPECTATIONS 8

HARD TIMES and PICTURES FROM ITALY .. 8

UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER 4

8 Illustrations

S

8

/

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DICKENS'S (CHARLES) WORKS -Continued.

THE ILLUSTRATED LIBRARY EDITION.

Complete in jo Volumes. Demy Svo, 10s. each; or set, £/j-

This Edition is printed on a finer paper and in a larger type than has been
employed in any previous edition. The type has been cast especially for it, and
the page is of a size to admit of the introduction of all the original illustrations.

No such attractive issue has been made of the writings of Mr. Dickens,
which, various as have been the forms of publication adapted to the demands
of an ever widely-increasing popularity, have never yet been worthily presented
in a really handsome library form.

The collection comprises all the minor writings it was Mr. Dickens's wish
to preserve.

SKETCHES BY " BOZ." With 40 Illustrations by George Cruikshank.

PICKWICK PAPERS. 2 vols. With 42 Illustrations by Phiz.

OLIVER TWIST. With 24 Illustrations by Cruikshank.

NICHOLAS NICKLEBY. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz.

OLD CURIOSITY SHOP and REPRINTED PIECES. 2 vols. With Illustrations by-
Cattermole, &c.

BARNABY RUDGE and HARD TIMES. 2 vols. With Illustrations by Cattermole, &c.

MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz.

AMERICAN NOTES and PICTURES FROM ITALY. 1 vol. With 8 Illustrations.

DOMBEY AND SON. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz.

DAVID COPPERFIELD. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz,

BLEAK HOUSE. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz.

LITTLE DORRIT. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz.

A TALE OF TWO CITIES. With 16 Illustrations by Phiz.

THE UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER. With 8 Illustrations by Marcus Stone.

GREAT EXPECTATIONS. With S Illustrations by Marcus Stone.

OUR MUTUAL FRIEND. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Marcus Stone.

CHRISTMAS BOOKS. With 17 Illustrations by Sir Edwin Landseer, R.A., Maclise,
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HISTORY OF ENGLAND. With 8 Illustrations by Marcus Stone.

CHRISTMAS STORIES. (From " Household Words " and "All the Year Round.") With,
14 Illustrations.

EDWIN DROOD AND OTHER STORIES. With 12 Illustrations by S. L. Fildos.

BOOK'S PUBLISHED BY

DICKENS'S (CHARLES) WORKS -Continued.

HOUSEHOLD EDITION.

In Crown ftovols. Now Publishing in Weekly Penny Numbers and Sixpenny
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15 Volumes completed.

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NICHOLAS NICKLEBV, with 59 Illustrations by F. Barnard, cloth, 4s. ; pap

GREAT EXPECTATIONS, with 20 Illustrations by F. A. Frazer, cloth, 2s. 6d. ; paper,
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OLD CURIOSITY SHOP, with 39 Illustrations by Charles Green, cloth, 4s. ; paper, 3s.

SKETCHES BY " BOZ," with 36 Illustrations by F. Barnard, cloth, 2s. 6d. ; paper.

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DOMBEY AND SON, with 61 Illustrations by F. Barnard, cloth, 4«. ; paper, 3s.

Messrs. Chapman & Hall trust that by this Edition they will be enabled
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The next Volume will be UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER and
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MR. DICKENS'S READINGS.
Fcap. Svo, xewed.

•CHRISTMAS CAROL IN PROSE, is. STORY OF LITTLE DOMBEY. is.

-_,„„_„ „N- .,.„,, xri-.Tj-r-r POOR TRAVELLER. BOOTS AT THE

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CHIMES : A GOBLIN STORY, is. CAMP. is.

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CHAPMAN &° HALL, 193, PICCADILLY.

THE LIBRARY

OF

CONTEMPORARY SCIENCE.

Some degree of truth has been admitted in the charge not unfrequently
brought against the English, that they are assiduous rather than solid readers.
They give themselves too much to the lighter forms of literature. Technical
Science is almost exclusively restricted to its professed votaries, and, but for
some of the Quarterlies and Monthlies, very little solid matter would come
within the reach of the general public.

But the circulation enjoyed by many of these very periodicals, and the
increase of the scientific journals, may be taken for sufficient proof that a taste
for more serious subjects of study is now growing. Indeed there is good reason
to believe that if strictly scientific subjects are not more universally cultivated,
is mainly because they are not rendered more accessible to the people. Such
themes are treated either too elaborately, or in too forbidding a style, or else
brought out in too costly a form to be easily available to all classes.

With the view of remedying this manifold and increasing inconvenience,
we are glad to be able to take advantage of a comprehensive project recently
set on foot in France, emphatically the land of Popular Science. The well-
known publishers MM. Reinwald and Co., have made satisfactory arrange-
ments with some of the leading savants of that country to supply an exhaustive
series of works on each and all of the sciences of the day, treated in a style at
once lucid, popular, and strictly methodic.

The names of MM. P. Broca, Secretary of the Societe d' Anthropologic ;.
Ch. Martins, Montpellier University ; C. Vogt, University of Geneva ; G. de
Mortillet, Museum of Saint Germain ; A. Guillemin, author of " Ciel " and
" Phenomenes de la Physique ;" A. Ilovelaccjue, editor of the "Revue de
Linguistique ; " Dr. Dally, Dr. Letourneau, and many others, whose co-
operation has already been secured, are a guarantee that their respective
subjects will receive thorough treatment, and will in all cases be written up to
the very latest discoveries, and kept in every respect fully abreast of the times.

We have, on our part, been fortunate in making such further arrangements

with some of the best writers and recognised authorities here, as will enable us

to present the 'series in a thoroughly English dress to the reading public of this

country. In so doing we feel convinced that we are taking the best means of

supplying a want that has long been deeply felt.

[over.

24

BOCA'S PUBLISHED BY

LIBRARY OF CONTEMPORARY SCIENCE— Continued.

The volumes in actual course of execution, or contemplated, will embrace
such subjects as :

ANTHROPOLOGY.
BIOLOGY.

SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY.
ASTRONOMY.

PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY.
ETHNOGRAPHY.
GEOLOGY.
HYGIENE.

POLITICAL ECONOMY.
PHYSICAL AND COMMERCIAL
GEOGRAPHY.

PHILOSOPHY.

ARCHITECTURE.

CHEMISTRY.

EDUCATION.

GENERAL ANATOMY.

ZOOLOGY.

BOTANY.

METEOROLOGY.

HISTORY.

FINANCE.

MECHANICS.

STATISTICS, &c. &c.

All the volumes, while complete and so far independent in themselves, will
be of uniform appearance, slightly varying, according to the nature of the
subject, in bulk and in price.

When finished they will form a Complete Collection of Standard Works of
Reference on all the physical and mental sciences, thus fully justifying the
general title chosen for the series — "Library of Contemporary Science."

LEVER'S (CHARLES) WORKS.

THE ORIGINAL EDITION with THE ILLUSTRATIONS.

In 17 vols. Demy Srv. Cloth, bs. each.

CHEAP EDITION.
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CHARLES O'MALLEY.

TOM BURKK.

'THE KNIGHT OF GWYNNE.

MARTINS OF CROMARTIN.

THE DALTONS.

ROLAND CASH EL.

DAVENPORT DUNN.

DODD FAMILY.

SIR BROOKE FOSBROOKE.

BRAMLEIGHSoi T.ISHOP'S FOLLY.

LORD KILGOBBIN.

Fancy boards, is.

LUTTRELL OF ARRAN.

RENT IN THE CLOUD and ST.

PATRICK'S EVE.
CON CREGAN.
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THAT BOY OF NORCOTTS.
CORNELIUS ODOWD.
SIR JASPER CAREW.

THE O'DONOGHUE.
FORTUNES OF GLENCORE.
HARRY LORREQUER.
ONE OF THEM.
A DAYS RIDE.
JACK HINTON.
P.AR KINGTON.
TONY BUTLER.
MAURICE TIERNAY.

Also in sets, 27 vols. Cloth, for £4 4s,

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CHAPMAN

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25

TROLLOPE'S (ANTHONY) WORKS.

CHEAP EDITION.

Boards, is. 6d., clolh,

6d.

PHINEAS FINN.

ORLEY FARM.

CAN YOU FORGIVE HER?

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HE KNEW HE WAS RIGHT

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McDERMGT OF BALLYCLORAN.
CASTLE RICHMOND.
BELTON ESTATE.
MISS MACKENSIE.
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VICAR OF BULLHAMPTON.

Boards, 2s., cloth,

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TALES OF ALL COUNTRIES.

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LA VENDEE.

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WHYTE-MELVILLE'S WORKS.

CHEAP EDITION.
Crown Zvo, fancy bocurds, zs. each, or 2s. bd. in cloth.

UNCLE JOHN. A Novel.

THE WHITE ROSE.

CERISE. A Tale of the Last Century.

BROOKES OF BRIDLEMERE.

'•'BONES AND I;" or, The Skeleton at Home.

"M., OR N." Similia Similibus Curantur.

CONTRABAND; or, A Losing Hazard.

MARKET HARBOROUGH ; or, How Mr. Sawyer went to

the Shires.

SARCHEDON. A Legend of the Great Queen.

SONGS AND VERSES.

SATANELLA. A Story of Punchestown.

THE TRUE CROSS. A Legend of the Church.

KATERFELTO. A Story of Exmoor.

SISTER LOUISE ; or, A Story of a Woman's Repentance.

26 BOOKS PUBLISHED BY

CHAPMAN & HALL'S

List of Books, Drawing Examples, Diagrams, Models,
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INCH DISC.

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MANUAL OF THE SCIENCE OF COLOUR. Coloured

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.Small folio, sewed, 5s. ; mounted, 18s.

INTRODUCTION TO DITTO. Feap. 8vo, 6d.
FOSTER (FERE)—

DRAWING-BOOKS :

{a) Forty Numbers, at id. each.

(/>) Fifty-two Numbers, at 3d. each. The set b includes the subjects in a.

HEN SLOW (PROFESSOR)—

ILLUSTRATIONS TO BE EMPLOYED IN THE

PRACTICAL LESSONS ON BOTANY. Prepared for South Kensington.
Museum. Post 8vo, sewed, 6d.

HULME {P. E.)—

SIXTY OUTLINE EXAMPLES OF FREEHAND

ORNAMENT. Royal Svo, mounted, 10s. 6d.
JEW ITT—

HANDBOOK OF PRACTICAL PERSPECTIVE. iSmo,

cloth, is. 6d.
KENNED Y (JOH.Y)—

FIRST GRADE PRACTICAL GEOMETRY. 121110, 6d.
•FREEHAND DRAWING-BOOK. • 161110, cloth, is. 6d.

LLVDLEY (JOHN)--

SYMMETRY OF VEGETATION : Principles to be

observed in the delineation of Plants, i.'rao, sewed, is.
.]/■. 1 A' SHALL —

HUMAN BODY. Text" and Plates reduced from the large

Diagrams. 2 vols., cloth, £1 is.

NEWTON (E. TULLEY, F.G.S.)

THE TYPICAL PARTS IN THE SKELETONS OF A

CAT, DUCK, AND CODFISH, being a Catalogue with Comparative Des-
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OLIVER (PROFESSOR)—

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE VEGETABLE KINGDOM.

109 Plates. Oblong Svo, cloth. Plain, 16s. ; coloured, £i 6s.
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SCIOGRAPHY, OR RADIAL PROTECTION OF

SHAl >OWS. Crown Svo, clot!,

R EDGE A VE—

MANUAL AND CATECHISM ON COLOUR. Fifth

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RODSON (GEORGE)—

ELEMENTARY BUILDING CONSTRUCTION. Oblong

folio, sewed, 8s.

WILLIS (GEORGE)

DRAWING-BOOK. Oblong, sewed, 3s. 6d. ; mounted, 8s.
WORNUM \R. X.)

THE CHARACTERISTICS OF STYLES: An Intro-

duction to the Study of the History of Ornamental Art. Royal 8vo eloth, 8».

28 BOOKS rU BUSH ED BY

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DRAWING IN SCHOOLS AND AMONG WORKMEN. Published at the

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DRAWING FOR YOUNG CHILDREN. Containing 150

Copies. i6mo, cloth, 3s. 6d.

EDUCATIONAL DIVISION OF SOUTH KENSINGTON

MUSEUM: CLASSIFIED CATALOGUE OF. Ninth Edition. 8vo, 7s.

ELEMENTARY DRAWING COPY-BOOKS, for the use of

Children from four years old and upwards, in Schools and Families. Compiled by
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Seven Books in 4to, sewed:

Book I. Letters, 8d. I Book IV. Objects, 8d.

., II. Ditto, 8d. „ V. Leaves, 8d.

,, III. Geometrical and Ornamental ,, VI. I'.irds, Animals, &c, 8d.

Forms, 8d. | ,, VII. Leaves, Flowers, and Sprays, Sd.

Or in Sets of S< I ; --. 6d.

ENGINEER AND MACHINIST DRAWING-BOOK, 16 Parts,

71 Plates. Folio, ,£1 12s. ; mounted, £3 4s.

EXAMINATION PAPERS FOR SCIENCE SCHOOLS AND

CLASSES. Published Annually. (Postage, 2d.)

PRINCIPLES OF DECORATIVE ART. Folio, sewed, is.
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ART DIRECTORY. 121110, sewed, is. (Postage, 3d.)
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LETTERS A. O. S., Three Sheets, mounted, 3s.

DE LA RUE'S OUTLINES OF ANIMALS, ts.

DVCE'S ELEMENTARY OUTLINES OF ORNAMENT, 50 Selected Plates,
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WEITBRICHT'S OUTLINES OF ORNAMENT, reproduced by Herman, 12

Plates, mounted back and front. Ss. 6d.; unmounted, 2s.

MORGHEN'S OUTLINES OF THE HUMAN FIGURE, reproduced by Herman,
20 Plates, mounted back and front, 15s.; unmounted, 3s. 4d.

ONE SET OF FOUR PLATES, Outlines v~ Tarsia, from Gruner, mounted, 3s. 6d.;
unmounted, 76.

VLBERTOLLI'S FOLIAGE, one set of Four Plates, mouri ; unmounted, sd-

OUTLINE OF TRAJAN FRIEZE, mounted, is.

WAI.LIS' DRAWING-BOOK, mounted, Ss.; unmounted, 3s. 6d.

OUTLINE DRAWINGS OF FLOWERS, Eight Sheets, mounted, 3s. 6d.; un-
mounted, 8d.
HULME, F. E., Sixty Examples of Freehand Ornament, mounted, 10s. 6d.

COPIES FOR SHADED DRAWING :

COURSE OF DESIGN. By Ch. BARGUE (French), 20 Selected Sheets, 11 at =s., and
9 at 3s. each. £1 9s.

RENAISSANCE ROSETTE, unmounted, 3d.; mounted, gd.

I'M ORNAMENT, unmounted, 4d.; mounted, is. 2d.

CHAPMAN &* HALL, 193, PICCADILLY.

29

COPIES FOR .SHADED DRAWING Continued -

ORNAMENT FROM A GREEK FRIEZE, mounted, gd.; unmounted, 3d.
PART OF A PILASTER FROM THE ALTAR OF ST. BIAGIO AT PISA,

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EARLY ENGLISH CAPITAL, mounted, is.
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MOULDING OF SCULPTURED FOLIAGE, decorated, unmounted, 6d.;

mounted, is. .jd.
ARCHITECTURAL STUDIES. By J. I!. Tripon. 20 Plates, £2.
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TWELVE HEADS after Holbein, selected from his drawings in Her Majesty's

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TWO PLATES OF ELEMENTARY DESIGN, unmounted, is.; mounted, 3s. gd.

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GROUP OF CAMELLIAS, 12s.

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PYXES LANDSCAPES IN CHROMO-LITHOI ;RAPHY (6), each, mounted,
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4012. BUNCH OF FRUIT, PEARS, &c, 4s. 6d.

4013. „ „ APPLES, 4s. 6d.

4014.
4015.
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BLACK GRAPES AND PEACHES, 4s. 6d.
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4017. BOUQUET OF FLOWERS, LARGE ROSES, &c, ^. 6d.

401 8.
40ig.
4020.

4°39-
4040.

4°77-

40S3.
4ogo

4094
4180.
4190

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SMALL CAMELLIAS, 3s. 6d.
POPPIES, S:c., 3s. 6d.
CHRYSANTHEMUMS, 4s. 6d.
LARGE CAMELLIAS, .;-. 6d.
LILAC AND GERANIUM, js. 6d.
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LARGE ROSES AND HE ARTSEASE, 45.
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EMILIAS AND FUCHSIAS, I . 6d

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\ Stand with a universal joint, to show the solid models, fa., £i 18s.
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hexagonal prism. £2 ?s.
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iS-inch Skeleton cube in wood, 12s.
Three objects of/oriu in Pottery :

Indian Jar, \

Celadon Jar, !- 18s. 6d.

Bottle, )

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Davidson's Smaller Solid Models, in Box, £2.
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liinn's Models for illustrating the elementary principles of orthographic projection as

applied to mechanical drawing, in box, .£1 10s.
Vulcanite set square, 5s.
Large compasses with chalk-holder, 5s.
Slip, two set squares and T square, 5s.

Parkes' case of instruments, containing 6-inch compasses with pen and pencil leg, =;-.
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pen and scale, 18s.
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Small compass in case, is.

Models, &c, entered as sets, cannot be supplied singly.

LARGE DIAGRAMS.

ASTRONOMICAL :

TWELVE SHEETS. Prepared for the Committee of Council on Education !
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BOTANICAL :

NINE SHEETS. Illustrating a Practical Method of Teaching Botany. By Professor
Henslow, F.L.S. £2.; on canvas and rollers, and varnished, ,63 3s.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE PRINCIPAL NATURAL ORDERS OF THE
VEGETABLE KINGDOM. By Professor Oliver, F.R.S., F.L.S. 70 Imperial
sheets, containing examples of dried Plants, representing the different Orders.
£5 5s. the set.

Catalogue and Index to Oliver's Diagrams, is.

BUILDING CONSTRUCTION :

TEN SHEETS. By William J. Glennv, Professor of Drawing. King's College.

In sets, ,£1 is.
LAXTON'S EXAMPLES OF BUILDING CONSTRUCTION IN" TWO
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First Division, containing 16 Imperial Plates, 10s.

Second Division, containing 16 Imperial Plate--. 1 5.
BUSBRIDGE'S DRAWINGS OF BUILDING CONSTRUCTION. 11 Sheets.

Mounted, 5s. 6d.; unmounted, 2s. gd.

( I E( iLOGICAL :

DIAGRAM OF BRITISH STRATA. By H. W. Bristow, F.R.S.. F.I
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CHAPMAN & HALL, 193, PLCCADLLLY.

MECHANICAL :

DIAGRAMS OF THE MECHANICAL POWERS, AND THEIR APPLI-
CATIONS IN MACHINERY AND THE ARTS GENERALLY. By

Uk. John Anderson.
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6 inches by 2 feet 6 inches, price £1 per set ; mounted on common rollers, £2.

DIAGRAMS OF THE STEAM-ENGINE. By Professor Goodeve and Professor
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These Diagrams are on stout paper, 40 inches by 27 inches, highly coloured.
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EXAMPLES OF MACHINE DETAILS. A Series of 16 Coloured Diagrams.
By Professor Unwin. £2 2s.

SELECTED EXAMPLES OF MACHINES, OF IRON AND WOOD (French).
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BUSBRIDGE'S DRAWINGS OF MACHINE CONSTRUCTION (22). Mounted,
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PHYSIOLOGICAL :

ELEVEN SHEETS. Illustrating Human Physiology, Life size and Coloured from
Nature. Prepared under the direction of John Marshall, F.R.S., F.R.C.S., &c.
Each Sheet, 12s. 6d. On canvas and rollers, varnished, £1 is.

1. THE SKELETON AND LIGAMENTS.

2. THE MUSCLES, JOINTS. AND ANIMAL MECHANICS.

3. THE VISCERA IN POSITION. - THE STRUCTURE OF THE LUNGS

4. THE ORGANS OF CIRCULATION.

5. THE LYMPHATICS OR ABSORBENTS.

6. THE ORGANS OF DIGESTION.

7. THE BRAIN AND NERVES.— THE ORGANS OF THE VOICE.

8. THE ORGANS OF THE SENSES. Plate 1.

9. THE ORGANS OF THE SENSES, Plate 2.

10. THE MICROSCOPIC STRUCTURE OF THE TEXTURES AND

ORGANS, Plate 1.

11. THE MICROSCOPIC- STRUCTURE OF THE TEXTURES AND

ORGANS, Plate 2.

HUMAN BODY, LIFE SIZE. By John Marshall, F.R.S., F.R.C.S.

5. THE SKELETON, Side View.

6. THE MUSCLES, Side View.

7. THE FEMALE SKELETON.

Front View.

1. THE SKELETON, Front View.

2. THE MUSCLES, Front View.
. THE SKELETON, Back View.

4. THE MUSCLES, Back View.

Each Sheet, 12s. 6d. ; on canvas and rollers, varnished, £1 is.
Explanatory Key, is.

ZOOLOGICAL :

/

TEN SHEETS. Illustrating the Classification of Animals. By ROBERT Pati
£2.; on canvas and rollers, varnished, £3 10s.

The same, reduced in size, on Royal paper, in 9 Sheets, uncoloured, 12s.

ClIAPMAX

HALL, 193, PICCADILLY,

THE FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW.

Edited by JOHN MORLEY.

n^HE FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW is published on the ist of
every month (the issue on the 15th being suspended), and a Volume is
completed every Six Months.

The following are among the Contributors :-

SIR RUTHERFORD ALCOCK.
PROFESSOR BAIX.
PROFESSOR EEESLY.
DR. BRIDGES.

HON. GEORGE C. BRODRICK.
SIR GEORGE CAMPBELL, M.P.
J. CHAMBERLAIN, M.P.
PROFESSOR CLIFFORD, F.R.S.
PROFESSOR SIDNEY COLVIN.
MONTAGUE COOKSON, Q.C.
L. H. COURTNEY, M.P.
G. H. DARWIN.
F. W. FARRAR.
PROFESSOR FAWCETT, M.P.
EDWARD A. FREEMAN.
MRS. GARRET-ANDERSON.
M. E. GRANT-DUFF, M.P.
THOMAS HARE.
F. HARRISON.
LORD HOUGHTON.
PROFESSOR HUXLEY.
PROFESSOR JEVONS.
I-1MILE DE LAYELEYE.
T. E. CLIFFE LESLIE.
GEORGE HENRY LEWES.
RIGHT HON. R. LOWE, M.P.

&c. &c.

The Fortnightly Review

SIR JOHN LUBBOCK, M.P.
LORD LYTTON.
SIR H. S. MAINE.
DR. MAUDSLEY.
PROFESSOR MAX MULLKK.
PROFESSOR HENRY MORLEY.
G OSBORNE MORGAN, Q.C., M.P.
WILLIAM MORRIS.
F. W. NEWMAN.
W. G. PALGRAVE.
WALTER H. PATER.
RT. HON. LYON PLAYI'AIR. M.P.
DANTE GABRIEL ROSSETTI.
HERBERT SPENCER.
HON. E. L. STANLEY.
SIR J. FITZJAMES STEPHEN, Q.C.
LESLIE STEPHEN.
J. HUTCHISON STIRLING.
A. C. SWINBURNE.
DR. VON SYBEL.
J. A. SYMONDS.
W. T. THORNTON.
HON. LIONEL A. TOLLEMACHE.
ANTHONY TROLLOPE.
PROFESSOR TYNDALL.
THE EDITOR.
&c.

is published at 2s. 6d.

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